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Abstract

It is a relatively uncommon event that children find themselves in a situation with a parent who undergoes a transition from one sex to another. Unlike situations of divorce or a parent with a medical or major psychiatric disorder, it is unlikely that the children will know of other children who encounter similar situations. There is very little literature that describes the adjustment of these children and the nature of their relationships with their parents and peers. Such information would be beneficial for clinicians assisting children and families in this situation. To better delineate the adjustment of these children, we interviewed 27 parents of 55 children. The interview took place on average 6 years after the gender transition. The measures obtained included the parent and child relationships at present and also at the time of the transition. We also inquired about academic function, peer relationships and social stigma. The results found that children who were younger at the time of the parent's transition tended to have better relationships and less adjustment difficulties. In addition, parental conflict that continues after the transition period tends to reflect greater family conflict between the transitioned parent and their child.
Adjustment in Children
Word Count
Title [ 8 ]
Abstract [ 177 ]
Body [ 3154 ]
References [ 565 ]
1 Table and 2 Figures
Adaptation and Adjustment in Children of
Transsexual Parents
1,2 Tonya White, M.D.
3 Randi Ettner, Ph.D.
1 Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
2 Center for Neurobehavioral Development
University of Minnesota
3 New Health Foundation
Evanston, Illinois
Abbreviated Title: Adjustment in Children
Corresponding Author__________________________________________
Tonya White, M.D.
Assistant Professor
Department of Psychiatry
University of Minnesota School of Medicine
2450 Riverside Ave F256/2B
Minneapolis, MN 55454
Tel. 612.273.9762
Fax. 612.273.9779
E-mail twhite@umn.edu
___________________________________________
Randi Ettner, Ph.D.
Director, New Health Foundation
1214 Lake St.
Evanston, IL 60201
(847) 328-3433
rettner@aol.com
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Adjustment in Children
Abstract
It is a relatively uncommon event that children find themselves in a situation with
a parent who undergoes a transition from one sex to another. Unlike situations of
divorce or a parent with a medical or major psychiatric disorder, it is unlikely that
the children will know of other children who encounter similar situations. There is
very little literature that describes the adjustment of these children and the nature
of their relationships with their parents and peers. Such information would be
beneficial for clinicians assisting children and families in this situation. To better
delineate the adjustment of these children, we interviewed 27 parents of 55
children. The intervew took place on average six years after the gender transition.
The measures obtained included the parent and child relationships at present and
also at the time of the transition. We also inquired about academic function, peer
relationships and social stigma. The results found that children who were younger
at the time of the parent’s transition tended to have better relationships and less
adjustment difficulties. In addition, parental conflict that continues after the
transition period tends to reflect greater family conflict between the transitioned
parent and their child.
Key words: Children, Adolescents, Transsexual, Gender Identity Disorder,
Adjustment, Resilience
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Adjustment in Children
Introduction
The process of physical and emotional development of children through
adolescence and adulthood is not always a smooth process. Events such as
divorce, encountered in upwards of 50% of families [12, 23], or a parent with a
medical or psychiatric disorder add additional challenges to a child’s typical
development. Numerous studies have evaluated the adjustment of children to
divorce [7, 8, 12] or parental illnesses [2, 6, 14, 24] and specific risk and
resiliency factors have been identified. There is some evidence to support that
these risk and protective factors generalize, applying also to the adjustment of
children with a parent who transitions from one sex to the other [25].
There is a qualitative difference for children who experience a parent
gender transition compared to parents who divorce or have physical or mental
illnesses. Not only is such a transition relatively uncommon, but it may also be
associated with considerable social stigma. The life events experienced by these
children during the period of time that a parent undergoes such changes may
include separation or divorce of their parents, considerable familial conflict, and
factors associated with such a dramatic change in one of their parents [21]. This is
a considerable series of life events in which the majority of children do not
discuss with their peers.
There is very little research on the adjustment of children whose parents
undergo a gender transition. Green et al. [11] reported that 37 children raised by
parents who were either homosexual or transsexual did not differ appreciably
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Adjustment in Children
from those raised in more traditional settings. The majority of those raised with a
transsexual parent had witnessed the transition. The focus of Green’s work was
directed toward psychosexual development and identity formation, in contrast to
overall adaptation of the children. He found no difficulties in psychosexual or
identity development in these children.
We recently published a study in which we surveyed experienced
therapists who work with transgender patients and their families [25]. We
obtained information regarding the therapist’s experience with children’s
reactions to a parent who made a gender transition. The therapists identified a
number of factors that served as risk and protective factors for these children. In
addition, we found that there was an overall consensus that younger children
adjusted much better to the transition compared to adolescents and young adults.
Adolescents had the greatest difficulties adjusting, as did young adults, this was
especially true when considerable family conflict was present.
The current study is an extension of the question of the adaptation of
children who are found in a situation of a parent who undergoes a transition
between genders. We were interested in further testing the hypothesis that
children who are younger at the time of the transition tend to have less difficulties
with adjustment. Thus, the study is developmental in nature, assessing and
comparing the children within different developmental stages. We also studied the
role of parent/parent and parent/child relationships on the adjustment of the
children. Finally, we were interested in studying the role of social stigma
encountered by the child.
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Adjustment in Children
Methods
Subjects
Information was obtained from 27 parents with a history of TS who have
undergone a transition to the opposite biological sex. In most cases, the
information was acquired through a semi-structured interview with the
participant, however in 2 cases, the participants completed a questionnaire with
the same information. From these 27 parents, information was obtained on 55
offspring between the ages of 8 and 35 years. The interview systematically
covered a number of questions relating to the nature of the relationships around
the time of the transition. In addition, questions addressing the current
relationship with each parent, the child’s fear of being stigmatized by the
transition, social losses experienced by the child, academic performance, and
whether the child was willing to discuss the transition with their peers. Finally,
measures of temperament were collected for each family member. The participant
was given the opportunity to provide open-ended comments as to what they have
found either helpful or harmful in their child’s adjustment.
Statistical Analyses
Chi-square analyses were performed to assess the categorical data. Either
two-tailed T-tests or Pierson correlation coefficients were used to assess the
relationship between clinical measures. Finally, a backward stepwise linear
regression was utilized to determine which factors predicted a positive adjustment
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Adjustment in Children
in the children of TS parents. All statistical analyses were performed using the
SAS statistical software package (Version 9.1, SAS Institute, Inc. Cary, NC,
USA).
Results
Characteristics of the Parents
The age of the 27 parents at the time of their participation ranged from 41
to 63 years (mean 50.0, SD 5.8 years). All but two of these parents underwent a
transition from male-to-female. The age at the time of transition ranged from 33
to 61 years (mean 43.6, SD 7.0). One participant was African American and the
remainder (97%) were Caucasian. The group tended to be highly educated, with
57% having a Masters or doctoral degree, 25% being college graduates, and 18%
with a high school or technical degree.
During the time of the transition, 7 families remained together, 12
divorced at or around the time of transition, and 8 were already divorced at the
time of the transition. At the time of the study, 6 of the families had remained
together, whereas 21 were divorced or separated. The average age at the time of
divorce was 40.7 (SD 7.6) years; with a range spanning from 20 to 50 years of
age.
Of the 27 parents, 23 have undergone sex reassignment surgery. The four
who have not had surgery have both hormonally and socially transitioned, and
were planning to have sex reassignment surgery. The average age at the time of
surgery was 44.9 years (SD 6.5). Thus, the information collected during this
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Adjustment in Children
survey occurred on average six years following the transition and five years post-
surgery.
Characteristics of the Children
There were 55 offspring from the TS parents, 24 males and 31 females.
The age at interview of these children ranged from 8 to 35 (mean age 18.7, SD 6.3
years). Forty of the children (73%) were still attending school, with a mean
academic level of 10th grade (SD 4.5) and a range from 2nd grade to doctoral level
studies.
There was a wide range for the child’s age at the time of transition,
spanning from 1 to 25 years (mean age 12.9, SD 6.7 years). For parents who
separated or divorced, the average age of the children at the time of this event was
11.1 (SD 7.6) years. The majority of the children’s parents separated or divorced
within a year of the parent’s transition.
Elements of Disclosure
The average age that the TS parent disclosed their condition to their
spouse was 34.1 years (SD 9.3 years). Thus, there was an average duration of 9.5
years between the time of disclosure to the spouse and the transition. A longer
interval between disclosure and the transition did not improve the familial
relationships at the time of the transition. However, the level of conflict between
child and the transitioned parent was higher when there was a longer interval
between disclosure to the spouse and the transition (t = 2.44, DF 53, p < 0.02).
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Adjustment in Children
The mean age that the child learned of their parents plan to transition was
11.9 (SD 6.4) years. There was a mean duration of 1.1 years between disclosure to
the child and the transition (range of 9 years before and 6 years following the
transition). There was not a significant relationship between the period of time
that the child was aware of the parent’s plans and the parent-child interaction.
Over half of the children (58%) did not reveal or discuss their parent’s
transition with their peers. Of those who did, the average age that they discussed
this with their peers was 13.9 (SD 4.4) years. There were no statistically
significant differences in peer disclosure between males (39% who disclosed) and
females (52% who disclosed). Seventeen percent of the children were felt to
suffer socially as a result of the transition. Those children who were embarrassed
by the transition were the same children who suffered socially as a result of the
transition (t = 3.31, DF = 45, p < 0.002).
Adjustment of the Children
Forty children (73%) did not exhibit any decline in academic performance
at the time of the parent’s transition. Thirteen children (23%) experienced a mild
to moderate decline in cognitive performance, and 2 children (4%) demonstrated a
severe decline in academic performance. In the case of severe decline, one parent
noted that it was difficult to tease apart the effects of the divorce from the gender
transition, since this child experienced significant parental conflict between the
transitioning and non-transitioning parent. There was not a significant correlation
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Adjustment in Children
between the decline in academic performance and the parent/parent and
parent/child relationships.
For children attending school, there was not a relationship between age or
grade and academic decline. The children who demonstrated a decline in
academic performance were also the same children who perceived greater social
stigma as a result of the transition (t = -2.24, DF 39, p = 0.03).
Approximately one-third of the children continued to use the pre-transition
parental title in public settings (i.e., “dad” in a male-to-female transitioned
woman). One third of the children used their parent’s first name in public, and the
remainder either used a nickname (20%), aunt or uncle (2%), or a post-transition
congruent parental title (5%). Approximately 10% had no contact at all with their
child.
Psychopathology in the Children
Nineteen children (35%) were reported to have a psychiatric disorder. Of
these children, the disorder started prior to the parent’s transition in 12 children,
during the transition in one child, and post-transition in 6 children (See Table 1).
The sample tended to have a greater number of internalizing versus externalizing
disorders. Seven (13%) of the offspring had a history of depression, 3 (5%) an
eating disorder, 4 (7%) ADHD, and 2 (4%) a substance abuse disorder. In
addition, one child had learning disabilities, and another was mentally
handicapped. None of the children in the group were reported to have Gender
Identity Disorder.
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Adjustment in Children
Factors Associated with Relationship between Child and Transitioned Parent
At the time of the transition, approximately 20% of the families
experienced high or extreme levels of conflict between parents, or alternatively,
no contact at all between the TS parent and child. This percentage of high conflict
relationships had dropped to approximately 15% after an average post-transition
interval of 6 years. This latter percentage is contrasted to 10% of the non-
transitioned parent and child having high or extreme levels of conflict.
Approximately 5% of the children (n=3) had no contact with their TS parent
during the transition, which increased to 10% (n=5) after six years post-transition.
There were several factors that predicted a positive relationship between
the transitioned parent and the child at the time of the interview. These included
less conflict at the time of the transition (F=12.07, p= 0.001) and less post-
transition conflict between the transitioned parent and the non-transitioned parent
(F=8.99, p<0.005). Interestingly, the level of conflict between the parents at the
time of the transition was not predictive of later relationship difficulties between
the children and the transitioned parent.
Children who were younger at both disclosure (t=4.15, DF 52, p=0.001)
and transition (t=3.76, DF 53, p=0.004) had significantly less conflict with the TS
parent at the time of the transition (Figure 1). This relationship for younger age of
the child at disclosure (t=2.47, DF 52, p<0.02) and age at transition (t=2.14, DF
53, p<0.04) also held true for the post-transition relationship between child and
TS parent. At the time of the transition, but not at the time of the study, children
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Adjustment in Children
who were more embarrassed about the transition had higher levels of conflict with
the TS parent (t=4.44, DF 55, p<0.001). Finally, there tended to be a gradual
overall improvement in the relationship between the child and the TS parent over
time (Figure 2).
Factors Associated with Relationship between Child and Non-Transitioned
Parent
Approximately 10% of the families had high or extreme levels of conflict
between the child and the non-transitioning parent. There were several factors that
predicted a positive relationship between the non-transitioned parent and the child
at the time of the interview. These included less post-transition conflict between
the parents (F=11.55, p= 0.001) and less conflict currently between the
transitioned parent and the child (F=7.32, p<0.01). Individuals who transitioned
at a younger age had a better relationship with the non-transitioned spouse. Also,
children who were younger at the time of the transition were reported to have a
better post-transition relationship with the non-TS parent (t=3.47, DF 53,
p=0.001).
Factors Associated with Sex of the Child
There was a significant difference between the sex of the child and their
age at the time of transition (t=3.46, DF 53, p=0.001). The mean age of the girls at
the time of transition was 15.4, compared to 9.6 for the boys. Boys were informed
of the transition younger than girls (t=3.56, DF 52, p<0.001), and boys also had
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Adjustment in Children
younger TS parents than girls at the time of the transition (t=3.46, DF 53,
p=0.001). There were no sex differences in level of conflict, academic decline,
embarrassment about the transition, or social stigma.
Discussion
There were two primary factors that predicted a healthier, or less
conflicted relationship between the child and the transitioning and non-
transitioning parent. These factors included a younger age of the child at the time
of the transition (Figure 1) and a positive relationship between the two parents. As
is true in children of divorce, children who experience considerable parental
conflict tend to have greater difficulties in adjustment [12, 23]. In addition, a 10-
year follow up of children of divorce showed that children who were younger at
the time of the divorce fared better than older children [22]. Since the current
study did not have a comparison group of children of divorce, it is not possible to
tease apart the effects of the transition versus the effects of the divorce.
For the transitioning parent, the nature of the relationship at the time of the
transition was highly predictive of a better longer term relationship. Comparing
the relationship between the child and transitioned parent during the transition and
at the time of the interview, there was a tendency toward an overall improvement
in the relationship. However, what is most striking is the stability of the
parent/child relationship over time (Figure 2). Only three children went from the
most extreme levels of conflict during the transition to minimal or no conflict at
the time of the study, whereas a swing in the opposite direction did not occur.
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Adjustment in Children
A higher level of conflict between the parents at the time of the transition
did not predict longer term parent/child conflict. Thus an initial reaction with high
conflict between parents does not necessarily negate a longer term positive
relationship between the child and the transitioned parent. It is possible that the
parents are able to protect their children from the parental conflict at the time of
the transition. The time of the transition is often very stressful for the parents, and
thus the key appears to be not that there is considerable conflict during this
stressful period, but rather the evolution of the relationship over time. Those
parents who are able to build healthier relationships between themselves, are also
able to develop healthier relationships with their children.
One measure of childhood adjustment that is common to all children is
academic performance. Children and adolescents who experience greater stress
tend to have greater difficulties in academic performance [9, 20]. Whereas in
divorce there is a relationship between decline in academic performance and level
of family conflict [10], such a relationship was not found for this population. The
majority of children did not have a decline in academic performance during the
transition. Although time spent with each parent was not measured in this study,
few children had no contact with the transitioned parent. It’s possible that both
parents spending time with their child offered some protection from a decline in
academic performance of the children [3].
Rather than the extent of family conflict impairing academic performance,
social stigma served as a factor more related to those children who demonstrated a
decline in academic performance. The adverse consequences of stigma have been
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Adjustment in Children
a source of recent research [16] and since stigma is most felt for children within
the school setting, this may account for this relationship. One decision that
families face is what name to use for the parent post-transition, and one third of
the children continue to use the pre-transition gender specific identifier (i.e.,
‘mom’ for a female-to-male transsexual). Interestingly, those children who use the
pre-transition parent identifier, or those who have no contact with their parent, are
those who are most embarrassed by the transition. Children who are not
embarrassed by the transition adopt either their parent’s first name, a neutral
nickname, or a post-transition gender congruent title (i.e., mom or dad). The small
number of parents who were referred to as either aunt or uncle (2%) may reflect a
desire to not alter the nature of the parental relationship.
Although there was a high rate of psychopathology in the children (35%),
the rates did not greatly exceed rates found in the general population. Rates of
depression in adolescence have been found to be as high as 33% in a community
study [15]. The rates of ADHD vary by studies, but the current study is in
agreement with a population based incidence of 7% [1]. This study does have a
higher rate of individuals with eating disorders compared with population based
studies [13]. Three of the four children with eating disorders were female,
whereas one male had a disorder of increased intake and was obese. Since factors
associated with gender role have been shown to be related to eating disorders [4,
18], the higher rate of eating disorders in this population may reflect the child’s
adaptation to the transition.
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Adjustment in Children
There are a number of limitations to this study. The major limitation of the
study was that the children were evaluated through the report of the transitioned
parent, rather than through an actual interview with the child or through a report
of the non-transitioned parent. In general, parents are reasonable informants on
adjustment or clinical symptoms in children, although parents are better at
reporting externalizing disorders than internalizing disorders, especially in
adolescents [5, 17, 19]. The study would be significantly strengthened by
obtaining collateral information to augment the parental reports. These include
reports from teachers and other family members (i.e., grandparents, aunts and
uncles). Obtaining information from sources such as peers may be challenging,
however, the information would be very helpful, especially in the adolescent age
range. In addition, evaluations such as teacher reports, report cards, and school,
medical, and/or therapists records would also be beneficial to complement the
parents report. Finally, following children during the period that encompasses pre-
and post-transition would assist in better delineating the longitudinal adaptation of
children of a transitioning parent.
In summary, children whose parents transition between genders are placed
in a unique situation. Those children who experience greater conflict during the
transition tend to have greater conflict years later. As was demonstrated in our
earlier study [25], children who are younger at the time of the transition tend to
adapt better and maintain healthier relationships with both parents over time.
Finally, although there may be considerable conflict between the parents at the
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Adjustment in Children
time of the transition, this does not negatively impact the child, unless the conflict
persists over time.
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Adjustment in Children
Table 1 – Psychiatric Disorders in the Children of Transitioned Parents
Onset of the Disorder Internalizing Disorders Externalizing Disorders
Pre-Transition Depression (n=3)
Obsessive Compulsive D/O (n=1)
Anxiety D/O (n=1)
Post-Traumatic Stress D/O (n=1)
Binge Eating Disorder (n=1)
ADHD (n=3)
Substance Abuse (n=2)
Gambling Addiction (n=1)
During the Transition Eating Disorder (n=1)
Post-Transition Depression (n=4)
Eating Disorder (n=1)
Bipolar Affective Disorder (n=1)
ADHD (n=1)
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Adjustment in Children
Figure 1 – Age of the Child at the Time of Transition Versus the Level of
Conflict with the Transitioned Parent. Measurements include both Relationship at
the time of the Transition and the Time of the Study (1 = no conflict, 5 = Extreme
level of conflict).
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
Young Child
School Age
Young Adolescent
Older Adolescent
Young Adult
Transition
Current
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Adjustment in Children
Figure 2 – Change in the Level of Conflict Between the TS Parent and the Child
(y-axis) Versus the Time Since the Transition (x-axis). There is a general change
toward less conflict over time.
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Adjustment in Children
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... Unfounded concerns related to child development in families with a transgender relative may also explain why transgender parents are not living with their children. Studies (Green, 1998;Hines, 2006;White & Ettner, 2007) have found no evidence that having a transgender parent affects a child's gender identity or sexual orientation. For instance, in Green's (1998) study of 17 children from families with transgender parents, none of the children gave indications of gender dysphoria. ...
... Thus, many transgender parents preemptively prepared themselves, their children, and their families for the possibility of experiencing social stigma (Haines et al., 2014). White and Ettner (2007) studied the risk and protective factors for children with transgender parents as well as the mental health outcomes of these children. It was observed that during a parent's transition, some children had increased conflict with their transgender parents while some children had no contact with their transgender parents during this time. ...
... Another series of case studies found transgender parents felt their children were a source of support for them, and open dialogue with their children about their transition helped them to preserve a close parentchild relationship (Hines, 2006). The present study supports evidence from these previous observations (Haines et al., 2014;Hines, 2006;Stotzer et al., 2014;Taber, 2019;White & Ettner, 2007;Zadeh et al., 2019), including the majority of the participants reporting that their children supported their transgender identity (81.8%). ...
Article
Full-text available
Objective: Describe general characteristics of transgender parents, highlight aspects of their relationship with their children and explore experiences with discrimination, while comparing to transgender adults who were not parents. Background: Few studies have investigated families headed by transgender individuals. Even less in contexts where there are no specific policies for family planning in this group, as is the case in Brazil. Methods: A hospital and web-based cross-sectional survey recruited transgender individuals from two Brazilian states, during July–October 2014 and January–March 2015. The survey was designed based on a cross-cultural adaptation of the TransPULSE project. Results: From 670 participants, 44 reported being parents, were older, stated more years of education and were more likely to be in a relationship, than the transgender adults who were not parents. Controlling for age, transgender parents reported suffering more discrimination than those who have no children. Among them, most became parents through biological means, 17.06% reported having lost or having the custody reduced for being transgender and 48.07% suspected or were told that their ability to see their children less was due to their gender identity. Implications: The findings of this study are relevant to guide the practice of individual, couple, and family therapists working with transgender clients.
... Pour tous les enfants du groupe Trans-DSI, y compris ces enfants, les scores totaux CBCL évalués la mère se situaient dans la zone normale. Ces résultats contrastent avec ceux de l'étude de White et Ettner[174] sur les enfants né·e·s avant la transition de leurs parents, car ils avaient constaté que 34% des enfants avaient des troubles psychiques dans une population étudiée de 55 enfants, même si ces chiffres n'étaient pas significativement supérieurs aux taux retrouvés en population générale. Dans l'étude de Freedman, 6% des enfants étaient déprimés ou exprimaient une souffrance[173].Dans les recherches précédentes étudiant la psychopathologie des enfants ayant un parent transgenre, les auteurs n'ont pas attribué les troubles trouvés dans les études précédentes au fait que ces enfants ont un parent transgenre. ...
... Il est probable qu'un mélange de facteurs de risques soit intervenu, comme des facteurs bio-environnementaux, la propre expérience de l'enfant de la transition de ses parents ou la stigmatisation sociale de la transition en ce qui concerne l'environnement de l'enfant (par exemple, l'école et les médias sociaux). En ce qui concerne les facteurs bioenvironnementaux, il faut noter que dans l'étude de White et Ettner, des troubles psychologiques préexistaient à la transition parentale chez 63% des enfants concerné·e·s[174]. En contraste avec les études précédentes, notre échantillon diffère des études précédentes car il s'agit d'un échantillon non clinique composé exclusivement d'enfants de père transgenre qui ont entrepris leur transition avant que les enfants ne soient conçu·e·s par IAD. ...
... Les échantillons des études précédentes sont très différents. Il s'agissait principalement d'enfants, dont l'un des parents était une femme transgenre qui avait fait sa transition après la naissance des enfants[171][172][173][174]. Ils incluaient également un biais de recrutement important: échantillon référé pour avis d'expert par le tribunal dans l'étude de Freedman[173] (en outre, cet échantillon n'a pas été comparé à un échantillon non clinique d'enfants mais à un échantillon clinique d'enfants et d'adolescent•e•s référés pour des questions de genre ); seulement des entretiens parentaux sur leurs enfants dans l'étude de White et Ettner[174]; principalement des enfants de parents séparés en conflit dans les études de Green, Freedman et White[171][172][173][174].La qualité de vie n'a été évaluée que chez un petit nombre d'enfants en raison du jeune âge de notre cohorte, mais ces résultats descriptifs ne montrent aucun signal alarmant. ...
Thesis
Aujourd'hui, les progrès dans les biotechnologies et dans le champ de la médecine défient les lois de la biologie pour permettre à des hommes et des femmes transgenres d'advenir en tant que sujet et d'accéder à la parentalité. Ces avancées soulèvent dans de nombreux pays de vifs débats sociétaux, mais aussi de vraies questions éthiques l'enjeu majeur in fine étant pour la plupart des auteurs le bien-être des enfants à naître. Nous avons ainsi cherché à comparer le développement cognitif, la santé mentale, l'identité de genre, la qualité de vie et la dynamique familiale à l'aide d'instruments standardisés et de protocoles expérimentaux chez 32 enfants conçu·e·s par IAD en France dont le père est un homme transgenre et la mère une femme cisgenre (identifiée au genre féminin qui lui a été assigné à la naissance), la transition féminin vers masculin du père ayant eu lieu avant la conception. Nous avons constitué deux groupes témoins appariés pour l'âge, le sexe et la situation familiale : le premier composé d’enfants né·e·s de parents cisgenres hétérosexuels ayant eu recours à l’IAD pour concevoir, le second composé d’enfants conçu·e·s par rapport sexuel de parents hétérosexuels cisgenres.Nous n'avons trouvé aucune différence significative entre les groupes en ce qui concerne le développement cognitif, la santé mentale et l'identité de genre, ce qui signifie que ni la paternité transgenre ni l'utilisation des IAD n'ont eu d'impact sur ces caractéristiques. Les résultats de l'analyse descriptive ont montré un développement psycho-affectif positif. De plus, lorsque nous avons demandé à des groupe d’évaluateur·trice·s de différencier les dessins de famille du groupe d'enfants de pères trans’ de celleux qui étaient conçu·e·s par rapport sexuel de parents cisgenres, aucun n'a pu différencier ces groupes au-dessus des niveaux du hasard, ce qui signifie que ce que les enfants ont exprimé à travers le dessin de famille n'indiquait pas d’indices liés à la paternité transgenre. Cependant, lorsque nous avons étudié les émotions exprimées par les mères et les pères à partir d’un extrait de discours de 5 minutes (Five Minute Speech Sample), nous avons constaté que les émotions exprimées par les pères transgenres étaient plus intenses que celles des pères cisgenres qui ont conçu par rapport sexuel ou par IAD.Nous concluons que ces premières données empiriques sur le développement de l'enfant dans le contexte de la trans-parentalité sont rassurantes. Nous pensons que cette recherche améliorera également les soins aux couples transgenres et ceux de leurs enfants dans une société où les projections sociétales comme l'accès aux soins restent difficiles pour cette population. Cependant, des recherches transdisciplinaires complémentaires sont nécessaires, en particulier avec les adolescents, les jeunes adultes et en périnatalité.
... Although we adjusted according to child age and sex assigned at birth, we explored each variable's role, as they are associated with gender expression in normed samples 11 (Golombok and Rust, 1993;Golombok et al., 2008). We also explored parent SES and timing of parent gender transition relative to child age; the latter has been associated with psychological outcomes among children with transgender parents (White and Ettner, 2007). ...
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Little is known about gender expression among children with transgender parents. In the United States, we surveyed 64 nonbinary or binary transgender parents of children aged 18 to 71 months. Most parents reported a marginalized sexual identity and a White racial identity. Many declined to label their child’s gender identity, and this was particularly true among those with younger children. Scores indicated that, on average, children’s play was conventionally gendered. However, scores indicated significantly more gender-expansive play in the present sample than in normed samples, particularly among children assigned male at birth. Findings support transfamily theory (McGuire et al., 2016) and illustrate differences among families with nonbinary and binary transgender parents.
... In terms of LGBTQ+ family contexts, the substantial amount of research on children of sexual minority parents, and the few studies exploring children of transgender parents have found that children of these parents have just as good, if not better, outcomes on academic, emotional, and psychosocial measures than children of heterosexual parents, or that there are no signifi cant diff erences in outcomes ( Biblarz & Stacey, 2010 ;Fedewa et al., 2015 ;Wainright et al., 2004 ;White & Ettner, 2007 ). It is important to note that many of these studies have been conducted with primarily White, well-educated, lesbian mothers living in progressive urban settings ( Fedewa et al., 2015 ), so it is hard to say if this may be true of LGBTQ+ parents who are marginalized in other areas of their life (for example, with regards to race or ability). ...
Article
Parents are key stakeholders in their children’s sex education, but previous research has predominantly focused on heterosexual parents’ experiences discussing sex and sexuality with their children, resulting in a lack of information on LGBTQ+ parents and their children. This project examined open-ended responses to an online survey from 45 LGBTQ+ parents discussing their experiences talking with their children about sex and sexuality. LGBTQ+ parents focused on open and honest discussions, normalizing sexuality for their children, and emphasizing consent. Parents also discussed who initiated conversations, the impact of their own sex education experiences, and preparing for these conversations in a variety of ways.
... Here one should combat more the narrow-mindedness of society rather than the trans persons' desire to have children. White and Ettner (2007) have recently confirmed Green's findings and observed that children can deal very well with the transsexualism of one of their parents (particularly when they are still young), while they suffer very much under the parents' separation or divorce. ...
Article
Social work in the US has failed to respond to the largest legislative attack on the rights of transgender and non-binary people in the history of the country. Hundreds of laws have been proposed over the past several years, aiming to ban transgender and non-binary people from public life, as well as criminalising gender-affirming healthcare and attempting to remove transgender youth from supportive families for forced detransition. Beginning with the Trump administration, these bills have exponentially increased in number, now being proposed in more than 60 per cent of the US. This article critically reviews the ways in which national social work organisations have failed to address both the systemic erasure of transgender people in their pedagogy and the behaviours of specific actors within the social work profession who are actively helping to draft anti-trans legislation and advocate for conversion therapy, contravening both the evidence base and code of ethics.
Chapter
In recent years, many lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) adults have become parents. LGBTQ parenthood does, however, remain a controversial topic across the United States and around the world. Several questions have been raised. For instance, to what extent do LGBTQ adults make capable parents? Do children who have LGBTQ parents grow up in healthy ways? What factors contribute to positive family functioning in families with LGBTQ parents? A growing body of social science research has addressed these questions, and the findings suggest both that LGBTQ adults are successful in their roles as parents and that their children develop in positive ways. Overall, the findings to date suggest that parental sexual orientation and gender identity do not in themselves determine success in parenting or child development; indeed, sexual and gender minority parents and their children have shown remarkable resilience, even in the face of many challenges. Contextual issues, as well as implications of research findings for law and policy around the world are discussed.
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This study investigated how transgender parents negotiate "coming out" and pursuit of gender affirmation (GA) with their children and co-parents. Sixty-six open-ended survey responses and 38 one-on-one interviews conducted with Australian trans parents, aged 24-67 years, were analyzed using thematic analysis. The main themes were: (i) Anticipating their Response: "Coming Out" to co-parents and children; (ii) "Having that talk"-Negotiating disclosure of trans identity with co-parents and children; and (iii) Negotiating Gender Affirmation alongside Parenting. "Coming out" was experienced as both vital and a point of vulnerability, with GA necessitating communication and negotiation alongside parenting. Many participants reported significant anxiety before "coming out" to co-parents and children. Children's age was an influential factor in reaction to changes in parental gender identity, with younger and adult children reportedly being the most receptive. Results are discussed in terms of the reported benefits of pursuing GA for trans parents.
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The correspondence between child- and parent-reports of the child's depression was evaluated in a group of 60 children (ages 8–17 years) referred for psychiatric evaluation of depression. Children completed two self-report measures of depression, the Children's Depression Scale and the Children's Depression Inventory. In a separate interview parents completed a self-report scale evaluating depression in their child. Results indicated that children who met DSM-III criteria for major depression reported significantly more severe depressive symptoms than children who received other psychiatric diagnoses. In contrast, parent-reports of depression in their children failed to discriminate between children receiving different psychiatric diagnoses. While parents' ratings of depression in themselves was not related to their child's self-reports of depression, parents' ratings of their own depression correlated significantly with their perceptions of depression in their children. Results suggest that children and adolescents are capable of providing valid self-reports of depressive symptoms. Factors which may influence parent-reports are discussed.
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