Use of pornography in traditional media and on the Internet in Norway

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to describe the use of pornography in Norway. How many people have used pornographic magazines and films, or watched pornography on the Internet? To what extent do those who watch pornography on the Internet also use it as an arena for erotic chatting? The data stem from a survey on sexual behavior among a random sample of 10,000 Norwegians between the age of 18 and 49. The response rate was 34%. A total of 82% reported to have read pornographic magazines, while 84% had seen pornographic films, and 34% had examined pornography on the Internet. Statistically, there were significantly more men than women who reported use of pornography. There was a 20% difference between men and women in the use of magazines and films. Among those exposed to pornography on the Internet during the past year, 14% had participated in erotic chatting on the Internet. Gay/bisexual men and lesbian/bisexual women reported higher use of pornography than straight men and women. Gender was the most significant variable for the prediction of pornography use. Level of education predicted exposure to pornography on the Internet, in magazines and in films. Younger individuals were more likely to utilize the Internet both for viewing pornographic material and to chat.

Full text

In contemporary Western societies, pornography is
becoming part of fashion, art, advertisements, music
videos, and youth culture. Pornography is easily available
on the internet or in ordinary kiosks. At the same time,
Norwegian legislation about pornography is very strict.
For instance, pornographic pictures must black out all con-
tact between mucous membranes and genitals. As
described by Rolness (2003), the public debate is domi-
nated by a view of pornography as something immoral and
harmful to people. The fear is that one (bad) thing will lead
to another. However, the attitude toward use of pornogra-
phy in Norway may be changing in a more positive direc-
tion (Træen, Spitznogle, & Beverfjord, 2004). Norwegian
activists oppose the view of pornography as something
“evil” and are working to change the legislation so pictures
and films are allowed without blackouts. The Court of
Appeal is currently adjudicating one lawsuit challenging
the pornography laws. In this climate of change, it is of
interest to gain scientific information about the use of
pornography in various subgroups of the population.
Another issue to consider is that pornography is likely to
determine the perception of what is normal and natural
sexual behavior, particularly among young people. It
therefore important to study how widespread the use is.
The definition of pornography has varied over time, and
it varies between different social and cultural contexts
(Haavio-Mannila & Kontula, 2003; Kutchinsky, 1988). The
term pornography is often negatively loaded, and associated
with the socially unacceptable, the deviant, the censured, or
the shameful (Beggan & Allison, 2003; Haavio-Mannila &
Kontula; Træen et al., 2004). It is difficult to give a univer-
sal definition of pornography (Gossett & Byrne, 2002). The
perception of what is pornography is connected to individ-
ual preferences and opinions (Kutchinsky). The most promi-
nent characteristic of pornography is the description of, or
pictures of, naked or nearly naked bodies in genital contact.
Pornography functions as means of entertainment, sexual
arousal and stimulation, and as an information source about
sexuality, particularly for young people (Trostle, 2003;
Zillmann & Bryant, 1982).
Western societies have been sexually liberated over the
past three decades, resulting in a dramatic change of the
availability of pornography to larger segments of the popu-
lation (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula, 2003). Public opinion
regarding what is considered to be pornography has also
changed significantly over the past 30 years (Haavio-
Mannila & Kontula; Lewin, 1997a). The availability of
pornography in mass media (newspapers, magazines, films,
television, internet) has increased at the same rate as the
technological development has made production and distri-
bution of pornography simpler (Lewin, 1997a). Books and
magazines were the most common media prior to 1970, and
the 8-mm film was the medium of the 1970s. Pornographic
films became more available in the 1980s as the VCR
became more common in private homes. Also cable and
satellite TV have brought pornography into people’s living
rooms. According Lewin (1997a), the internet was the medi-
um of the 1990s, and this tendency seems to continue.
Previous Research
In a 2002 survey, 90% of Norwegians older than 15 years of
age reported exposure to pornography at some point in their
life. Among those exposed, 76% reported that they had read
pornographic magazines and 67% reported having seen
pornographic films (Træen et al., 2004). In Sweden and
Finland, attitudes toward pornography have become more
positive over the past three decades, and the consumption of
pornography has increased (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula,
The Journal of Sex Research Volume 43, Number 3, August 2006: pp. 0–0 1
Use of Pornography in Traditional Media and on the Internet in Norway
Bente Træen and Toril Sørheim Nilsen
University of Tromsø and Hein Stigum, National Institute of Public Health, Oslo, Norway
We described the use of pornography in Norway, including how many people have used pornographic magazines, films,
and internet sites and to what extent those who watch pornography on the internet also use it as an arena for erotic chat-
ting. The data stem from a survey on sexual behavior among a random sample of 10,000 Norwegians between 18 and 49
years. The response rate was 34%. A total of 82% reported having read pornographic magazines, 84% had seen porno-
graphic films, and 34% had examined pornography on the internet. Statistically significantly more men than women report-
ed use of pornography. There was a 20% difference between men and women in use of magazines and films. Among those
exposed to pornography on the internet during the past year, 14% had participated in erotic chatting. Gay/bisexual men and
lesbian/bisexual women reported higher use of pornography than straight men and women. Gender was the most significant
variable for the prediction of use of pornography. Level of education predicted exposure to pornography on the internet, in
magazines, and in films. Younger individuals were more likely to utilize the internet both for viewing pornographic materi-
al and for chatting.
Address correspondence to Professor Bente Træen, Department of
Psychology, University of Tromsø, 9037 Tromsø, Norway; e-mail:
bentet@psyk.uit.no.

2 Use of Pornography in Norway
2003; Lewin, 1997a). From 1967 to 1996, the use of porno-
graphic magazines was reduced in Sweden, while the use of
porn films increased (Lewin, 1997a). Haavio-Mannila and
Kontula found that the use of pornography in Finland
decreased from 1971 to 1992 and then increased from 1992
to 1999. In all three studies, use of pornography varied with
gender, age, and level of education.
Lewin (1997a) found that nearly 20% of Swedish
women had seen a pornographic film during the past 12
months, and the majority of them had seen the film in the
company of others. About 50% of the men said they had
seen the film alone. Use of pornography also varied
according to age, social class, and marital status. Younger
persons, men in the lower social classes, and single men
reported the highest consumption (Lewin, 1997a). Single
women, on the other hand, had the lowest consumption of
pornography. The results from the Finnish study showed
that married persons, and single women, used less pornog-
raphy than single men (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula, 2003).
This indicates that the woman’s partner is essential for her
use of pornography (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula; Lewin,
1997a). In the Swedish survey, there was a positive rela-
tionship between number of sex partners during the past
year and number of pornographic films seen in the same
period (Lewin, 1997a). Use of pornography seemed to be
an activity for highly sexually active individuals in Finland
(Haavio-Mannila & Kontula).
The percentage of Norwegians who use the internet
daily has increased from 7% in 1997 to 42% in 2003, and
the most frequent users are young men and people with
high education (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2003). The
internet has increased the availability of sexually explicit
material dramatically (Brown, 2002; Griffin-Shelley,
2003). Neither the Swedish survey from 1996 nor the
Finnish survey from 1999 measured use of pornography
on the internet. About 24% of Norwegians 15 years or
older reported having watched pornography on the internet
(Træen et al., 2004). Cooper, Månsson, Danebeck,
Tikkanen, & Ross (2003) carried out a study on sexual
activity on the internet in a Swedish sample recruited from
a website. The results showed that 69% of the men and
20% of the women reported exposure to pornography on
the internet. A higher percentage of younger women used
the internet to watch erotica than older women. The per-
centage of men who reported using the internet to find a
partner increased with age. Similarly, Goodson,
McCormick, and Evans (2001) found that 44% of
American students had watched pornography on the inter-
net, and there were significant gender differences in use.
On the internet it is possible to find sexual material for
every preference (Leiblum, 2001). The three most impor-
tant motives for exploring sex on the internet are to
become sexually aroused, curiosity, and to improve the sex
life with a partner in the real life (Goodson et al., 2001).
Sexual activity on the internet comprise activities related
to finding partners, watching erotica (Cooper et al., 2003),
participating in erotic chatting, buying sex toys, seeking
help for sexual problems, or having cybersex (Cooper &
Griffin-Shelley, 2002). The internet is an arena where peo-
ple can explore their own sexuality without physical inter-
action and can act out fantasies in a secure context. Sexual
meetings on the internet may thus function as an interme-
diate station between fantasy and realization of fantasies.
Furthermore, the person may choose identity and experi-
ment with playing different roles and personalities in a
manner not possible elsewhere (Ferree, 2003; Leiblum,
2001; McKenna & Bargh, 2000).
Research has indicated that people tend to be more hon-
est and personal with people they meet anonymously on the
internet (e.g., Bargh & McKenna, 2004). This implies that
in these types of relationships, intimacy may be developed
more quickly that in real-life relationships (Ferree, 2003;
McKenna & Bargh, 2000). According to Bargh and
McKenna the evidence suggest that the internet facilitates
the formation of new intimate relationships between people
within a relatively safe social setting. This may also be why
an increasing number of people present their sexual prefer-
ences on the internet. As a consequence, a transformation of
sexual practise and culture may occur (Cooper, 2002;
Cooper & Griffin-Shelley, 2002; Gossett & Byrne, 2002).
Ferree (2003) separated two categories of sexual activ-
ity on the internet: individual (watching porn, reading erot-
ic texts) and interactive activity (e-mail exchange, erotic
chat channels, cybersex). It seems the majority of women
who use the internet as a sexual arena prefer interactive
forms of sexual activity. Men seem to prefer watching
pornography alone (Cooper et al, 2003; Ferree, 2003). In
Goodson et al.’s (2001) study among students, a higher
number of persons said they had been silent observers
(26%) than active participants (13%) in erotic chat rooms.
Throughout history, gay/bisexual men and lesbian/bisex-
ual women have created their own meeting places, also to
increase the pool of possible partners (Luria, Friedman, &
Rose, 1987; Tikkanen & Ross, 2003). Most of these arenas
have been situated in larger cities. There are indications that
the internet has gained influence as a meeting place for
gay/bi men, lesbian/bi women, and transsexuals (Heinz,
Gu, Inuzuka, & Zender, 2002; Tikkanen & Ross, 2003). To
some extent, the internet seems to have replaced gay bars
as the primary dating arena (Benotsch, Kalichman, & Cage,
2002). The pool of potential partners is larger on the inter-
net than on most other social arenas (Benotsch et al, 2002;
Tikkanen & Ross, 2003), and gay/bi men and lesbian/bi
women may also find information about where they can
meet potential partners near to their homes (Munt, Bassett,
& O’Riordan, 2002).
There are few studies of lesbian women’s internet
behavior. On the other hand, we have more knowledge
about gay/bi men’s user habits. It is assumed that gay men
use the internet more than other groups (Braun-Harvey,
2003). Nearly 50% of a sample of gay Swedish men report-
ed using the internet to look for a sex partner or for sexual
stimulation (Tikkanen & Ross, 2000). It seems common for
gay/bisexual men to arrange sexual meetings with persons

Træen and Nilsen 3
met on the internet (Benotsch et al., 2002; Lau, Kim, Lau,
& Tsui, 2003; Tikkanen & Ross, 2000, 2003).
Purpose
The aim of present study is to describe the use of pornog-
raphy in traditional (magazines, films) and newer (inter-
net) mass media in various subgroups of the Norwegian
population. Secondly, the relationship between social
background factors and use of pornography is examined.
The last purpose of this paper was to determine to what
extent Norwegians use the internet as an arena for erotic
chatting.
M
ETHOD
In 2002, a random sample of 10,000 Norwegians between
18 and 49 years of age were drawn from the population
register by the Central Bureau of Statistics to participate in
a sexual behavior survey. The data collection was carried
out by means of anonymous, mailed, self-administered
questionnaires sent via regular mail. This survey was the
forth in a series of studies with five-year intervals con-
ducted by the National Institute of Public Health in
Norway. The 2002 survey included many of the same
questions used in the previous studies (e.g., Stigum, 1997).
The questionnaire covered topics such as sociodemo-
graphic background, age at first sexual intercourse, num-
ber of partners, use of contraception, abortion, and experi-
ence of group sex. Scales measuring self-esteem, locus of
control, and attitudes were also included.
One reminder was sent to all individuals in the study
two weeks after the first contact. A total of 3,387 persons
returned the questionnaires; 148 questionnaires were
returned unopened due to unknown address and no avail-
able forwarding address. Extracting these persons from the
overall sample, this gives a net sample of 9,852 persons.
On this basis, the overall response rate was 34.4%.
The sample was comprised of 59% women. The mean
age of the respondents was 33.7 years. Seven percent of
the sample reported having 9 years or less education, 29%
reported 10-12 years of education, 25% had 13-14 years,
and 38% reported 15 years or more of education. A total of
93% of the sample described themselves as heterosexual
and 7% as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (no gender differ-
ences).
Measures
In the questionnaire, the concept “pornographic material”
was defined as material containing explicit sexual descrip-
tions.
Use of pornographic magazines. We measured use of
porn magazines with the question, Have you ever read a
pornographic magazine? The question was supplemented
as follows: If yes, when did this happen last? and If you
have read a pornographic magazine during the past 12
months, the last time this happened was it…: The response
categories are shown in Table 1.
Use of pornographic films. We measured use of porn
films with the question, Have you ever seen a pornograph-
ic film? The follow-up questions were: If yes, when did
this happen last? and If you have seen a pornographic film
during the past 12 months, the last time this happened
were you… The response categories are shown in Table 1.
Use of pornography on the internet. We measured used
of internet porn with the question, Have you ever watched
pornography on the internet? Follow-up questions were: If
yes, when did this happen last? The response categories
are shown in Table 1.
Erotic chatting. We measured erotic chatting with the
question, If you have watched pornography on the internet
during the past 12 months, did you participated in erotic
chat channels?
Sexual orientation. We measured sexual orientation
with the question, What do you consider to be your sexual
orientation? The response alternatives were heterosexual,
lesbian /homosexual, bisexual, heterosexual with some les-
bian /homosexual tendencies, homosexual with certain
heterosexual tendencies, and I am uncertain about my sex-
ual orientation. The variable was recoded into a dichoto-
mous variable: 1 = straight men and women and 2 = gay/bi
men and lesbian/bi women.
Additionally, age, education, age at first sexual inter-
course, number of sex partners, and group sex experience
(no, yes) questions were included.
Generalization of Results
The low response rate of this survey may make it difficult
to generalize when applying the results to the adult
Norwegian population. The response rate to previous sex-
ual behavior studies in Norway was 63% in 1987, 48% in
1992, and 38% in 1997. In all surveys including this, the
response rate was higher among women than men, higher
among younger than older persons, and higher among
individuals with a higher level of education than among
those with a low educational level. Since 1997, a response
rate of 48%-35% is also found in other Norwegian sexual
behavior surveys based on population samples (Træen,
1998; Træen, Sørensen, & Olsen, 2005). A drop in
response rate seems to be a trend in questionnaire surveys
also on topics other than sexuality (Hellevik, 1999).
However, despite low response rates, there may be no
selection bias in a sample (Søgaard, Selmer, Bjertness, &
Thelle, 2004). In connection with the Norwegian sexual
behavior survey of 1992, a supplementary study was car-
ried out to find whether respondents and non-respondents
had different patterns of sexual behavior. The results
showed that non-response was not associated with differ-
ences in sexual behavior (Stigum, 1997). This finding is
supported by the findings from other Nordic surveys,
which have shown that non-response is fairly random with
respect to sexual behavior (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula,
2003; Kontula & Haavio-Mannila, 1995; Lewin, 1997b;
Stigum, 1997). In sum, it is likely that our sample is not
severely biased and that the results may be generalized to
the Norwegian adult population. It should also be noted

4 Use of Pornography in Norway
Table 1. Use of Pornography in the Norwegian Population, by Gender, Sexual Orientation and
Age Groups (percentages)
Sexual orientation
Age groups
Gender
Men
Women
Men
Women
Lesbian
All Men Women Sign. Straight Gay/Bi Sign. Straight /bi
Sign. 18-29 30-39 40-49 Sign. 18-29 30-39 40-49 Sign.
Ever read a pornographic magazine
82.5 96.5 72.9 *** 97.0 95.0 Ns 72.5 83.5 **
94.1 99.1 96.3 *** 71.7 73.5 73.1 Ns
N =
3380 1384 1989
1259 101 1843 121
443 457 484
749 669 571
Time since having read a
pornographic magazine
>12months
59.9 49.8 69.2 *** 51.1 32.3 *** 71.0 45.5
*** 37.6 49.8 60.9 *** 60.6 71.0 78.1 ***
≤ 12 months
40.1 50.2 30.8
48.9 67.7 29.0 54.5 62.4 50.2 39.1 39.4
29.0 21.9
N =
2787 1335 1448
1221 96 1334 101 418 452 465 538
490 420
How the most recent magazine
was obtained
Bought it myself
35.7 49.9 17.5 *** 49.6 56.2 Ns 15.8 31.1 **
46.0 53.1 51.4 Ns 14.5 20.5 18.6 Ns
Others bought it
34.3 22.6 49.3
22.5 23.3 49.0 54.1 26.7 18.6 22.2
50.6 48
.7 47.9
Accidental
29.9 27.4 33.2
27.9 20.5 35.1 14.8 27.4 28.3 26.4
34.9 30.8 33.6
N =
1346 755 590
670 73 524 61
285 258 212
255 195 140
Ever seen a pornographic film
84.1 95.7 76.1 *** 96.2 94.1 Ns 75.7 85.1
* 96,2 97,2 94,0 * 79,7 73,8 73,9 *
N =
3375 1383 1985
1259 101 1842 121
443 457 483
750 668 567
When seen a film most recently
>12months 49.7
37.7 60.5
***
39.4 17.9
*** 62.1
38.2 ***
27,1 36
,0 49,4 *** 50,3 61,8 73,8 ***
≤ 12 months
50.3 62.3 39.5
60.6 82.1 37.9 61.8 72,9 64,0 50,6 49,7
38,2 26,2
N =
2823 1320 1497
1207 95 1382 102
425 444 451
595 490 412
The most recent film was seen…
Alone
45.1 59.7 27.0 *** 59.6 62.0 Ns 26.9 26.9 Ns 57,7
60,8 61,1 *** 23,9 32,8 25,2 ***
With partner
43.5 28.8 61.6
29.3 22.8 62.3 55.2 25,1 29,7 32,4
59,0 59,9 7
0,2
With friends
11.4 11.5 11.4
11.1 15.2 10.8 17.9 17,2 9,5 6,5
17,1 7,3 4,6
N =
1627 899 722
805 79 650 67
331 306 262
339 232 151
Ever watched porn on the internet
33.9 63.1 13.6 *** 63.2 73.3 * 12.0 39.7 ***
77.9 68.1 44.8 *** 20.5 12.3 6.0 ***
N =
3377 1384 1986
1258 101 1840 121
443 457 484
750 669 567
When watched porn on the internet most recently
>12months
28.6 24.1 43.2 *** 24.6 14.9 Ns 43.2 41.7 Ns
25.5 19.2 29.0 * 42.6 45
.1 41.2 Ns
≤ 12 months
71.4 75.9 56.8
75.4 85.1 56.8 58.3 74.5 80.8 71.0
57.4 54.9 58.8
N=
1148 875 271
797 74 222 48 345 313 217
155 82 34
Erotic chat during the past 12 months
13.8 11.6 23.4 *** 8.3 43.5 *** 18.3 46.4
*** 13.6 10.3 10.5 ns 23.6 24.4 20.0 Ns
N =
818 662 154
600 62 126 28
257 252 153
89 45 20
Note. Tested for statistically significant group differences by means of Chi-square test.
* p < 0.05 **
p < 0.01 ***
p < 0.001

Træen and Nilsen 5
that to adjust for possible sample bias, gender, age, and
level of education were included in all multivariable analy-
sis as covariates.
Statistical Methods
All analyses of the data were carried out using SPSS 13.0
for Windows. The relationship between the dependent vari-
able(s), and a selected set of predictor variables were stud-
ied using multivariable logistic regression analysis. All con-
tinous variables were initially categorized to decide if the
variable could be entered as continuous in the model.
Plotting the estimated regression coefficients of the cate-
gorised variable against the category midpoints did this. As
a result age, number of partners, and age at first intercourse
were entered as continuous covariates in the logistic model.
The adjusted effects are expressed in odds ratios (OR).
An OR of less than 1 indicates reduced likelihood for hav-
ing used pornography, and an OR higher than 1 indicates
an increased likelihood. Since the outcomes studied are
common, the odds ratios may be much larger than their
corresponding relative risks, and some care must be taken
in the interpretation. The estimates are presented with 95%
confidence intervals (CI). To adjust for possible confound-
ing, gender, age, and level of education were included in
all multivariable analysis as covariates.
R
ESULTS
Table 1 shows the percentage of the respondents who
reported exposure to pornographic magazines, films, and
pornography on the internet and erotic chatting during the
past 12 months.
A total of 83% of the participants reported they had read
a pornographic magazine at some point of their life. A high-
er percentage of men than women reported exposure to
pornographic magazines. More men than women reported
they had bought the magazine themselves, and twice as
many women as men claimed others had bought the maga-
zine. More gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women than straight
men and women reported exposure to pornographic maga-
zines and reported having read one during the past 12
months. It was more common for lesbian/bi women than
straight women to have bought the magazine themselves.
Furthermore, a higher percentage of younger men and
women than older men and women reported that they had
read a pornographic magazine during the past 12 months.
A total of 84% reported having seen a pornographic
film. More men than women reported exposure to films,
and a higher percentage of men reported exposure during
the past 12 months. More men than women reported that
they had seen the most recent film alone, and more women
than men said they saw the film in the company of their
partner. There were statistically significant differences
between straight men and women and gay/bi men and les-
bian/bi women in the reporting of exposure to porno-
graphic films. More gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women
than straight respondents reported having seen a porno-
graphic film. In men, the percentage reporting exposure to
films was highest in the age groups 30 to 39 years (97%).
Among women the exposure was highest in the group of
18-to-29 year-olds (80%). Among both men and women,
the percentage that reported having seen a pornographic
film during the past 12 months was highest in the youngest
age group. A higher percentage of the older respondents
reported that they had seen the most recent film in the
company of a partner than did younger respondents.
As shown in Table 1, 32% of the respondents reported
having watched pornography on the internet. More men
than women reported that they had watched pornography
on the internet. More gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women
than straight persons reported that they had watched
pornography on the internet. There were also differences
in the reporting between respondents of the various age
groups. The percentage that reported exposure to porn on
the internet was highest in the group of 18- to 29-year-
olds, both for males and females.
Among respondents who watched pornography on the
internet in the last 12 months, 14% indicated having also
engaged in erotic online chatting. More women than men
claimed they had been chatting. Also, more gay/bi men
than straight men said they had participated in erotic chat-
ting. A similar difference was found when comparing les-
bian/bi women with straight women. There were no statis-
tically significant differences between men and women in
the different the age groups. A total of 28% of those who
reported that they had participated in erotic chatting on the
internet during the past 12 months claimed they met their
most recent sex partner via the internet.
Table 2 shows the results from four multivariable logis-
tic regression analyses of exposure to pornography. The
following covariates were included in the model: gender,
age and level of education, sexual orientation, age of first
sexual intercourse, number of sex-partners, and group sex
experience. Participants with experience with group sex
had used magazines twice as much (OR=2.4, CI=1.3-4.3).
Exposure to magazines increased with a factor of 1.05 for
every unit’s increase in number of sex partners, meaning,
for instance, that at person with 10 partners would have
about 60% more magazine use than a person with one part-
ner. The likelihood of having read a pornographic maga-
zine decreased with a factor of 0.9 for every units increase
in level of education and with a factor of 0.9 for every
unit’s increase in age at coital debut.
Exposure to pornographic films was considerably high-
er for men compared to women (OR = 10.6) and for those
who had had group sex compared to those who did not
(OR = 4.5). Exposure to pornographic films increased with
a factor of 1.1 for every unit’s increase in number of sex
partners. The likelihood of having seen a pornographic
film decreased with a factor of 0.8 for every unit’s increase
in level of education, with a factor of 0.9 for every unit’s
increase in age at coital debut, and with a factor of 0.98 for
every year’s increase in age.
Exposure to pornography on the internet was consider-
ably higher for men compared to women (OR = 17.4), and

6 Use of Pornography in Norway
nearly twice as high for those who had had group sex com-
pared to those did not (OR = 2.1), and about twice as high
for gay/lesbian/bi persons compared to straight men and
women (OR = 2.4). Exposure to porn on the internet
increased with a factor of 1.02 for every unit’s increase in
number of sex partners and with a factor of 1.4 for every
unit’s increase in level of education. The likelihood of hav-
ing viewed porn on the internet decreased with a factor of
0.9 for every year’s increase in age.
Chatting on the internet decreased by a factor of 0.6 in
men compared to women, increased with a factor of near-
ly 2.9 in those who had had group sex compared to those
who had not had it, and increased with a factor of 4.4 in
gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women compared to straight
men and women. Chatting experience increased with a
factor of 1.02 for every unit’s increase in number of sex
partners. The likelihood of having chatted decreased with
a factor of 0.97 for every year’s increase in age.
D
ISCUSSION
This study described and analyzed the use of pornography
in Norway. The results showed that the majority of
Norwegians aged 18 to 49 years have been exposed to
pornography. Women’s use of pornography seemed more
connected to their partners’ use. Compared to men, more
of the women that had watched pornography on the inter-
net during the past 12 months had also participated in erot-
ic chatting. Use of pornography varied between respon-
dents of different sexual orientation. Gender was the most
significant variable for the prediction of use of pornogra-
phy. Level of education predicted exposure to pornogra-
phy on the internet, in magazines, and in films. Age pre-
dicted use of the internet to watch pornography and to
chat. Furthermore, number of sex partners was associated
with use of pornography in all media, and coital debut age
was associated with use of pornography in magazines and
films.
Cross-Cultural Comparison
Our results have many similarities to the findings from
other Swedish, Finnish, and Norwegian studies of pornog-
raphy. However, direct comparison is problematic due to
sample differences, for instance, with regard to age com-
position. The Swedish and the Finnish survey comprised
18- to 74-year-olds (Haavio-Mannila & Kontula, 2003;
Lewin, 1997a), and Træen et al’s survey (2004) comprised
15- to 91-year-olds. All these surveys showed that the
exposure to pornography decreased with increasing age. It
can therefore reasonably be expected that the percentage
of the population exposed to pornography is lower in these
studies compared to our study. In Lewin’s (1997a) survey,
people never exposed to pornography were included in the
analysis, whereas in our analyses this group was excluded.
A third problem deals with the year of the data collection.
Table 2. Exposure to Pornographic Materials Among 18- to 49-Year-Old Norwegians, by a Selected Set of Predictor
Variables.
Ever read a porno Ever seen a Exposure to pornography Participation in erotic chat
graphic magazine pornographic film on the internet channels on the internet
NOR CI NOR CI NOR CI NOR CI
Gender
Men 1195 16.66 (11.09-25.03) 1195 10.61 (7.38- 15.26) 1193 17.39 (14.00- 21.88) 595 0.55 (0.32- 0.94)
Women 1736 1.00 1735 1.00 1733 1.00 139 1.00
Age
(in one year’s
increase) 2931 1.01 (0.99-1.02) 2930 0.98 (0.97- 1.00) 2926 0.92 (0.91- 0.93) 734 0.97 (0.94- 0.99)
Level of education
(in one unit’s
increase) 2931 0.87 (0.78-0.98) 2930 0.82 (0.72- 0.92) 2926 1.42 (1.28- 1.58) 734 1.14 (0.88- 1.48)
Sexual orientation
Straight 2753 1.00 2752 1.00 2748 1.00 659 1.00
Gay/Lesbian/Bi 178 1.43 (0.82- 2.49) 178 1.24 (0.68- 2.27) 178 2.40 (1.64- 3.53) 75 4.40 (2.47- 7.83)
Experience of
group sex
No 2586 1.00 2585 1.00 2581 1.00 577 1.00
Yes 345 2.37 (1.30- 4.33) 345 4.49 (1.79-11.28) 345 2.06 (1.50- 2.81) 157 2.89 (1.68- 4.96)
Age at first sexual
intercourse
(in one year’s
increase) 2931 0.88 (0.85-0.92) 2930 0.85 (0.82- 0.89) 2926 0.98 (0.95- 1.02) 734 1.02 (0.93- 1.11)
Number of sex
partners
(in one unit’s
increase) 2931 1.05 (1.03- 1.07) 2930 1.08 (1.05- 1.10) 2926 1.02 (1.01- 1.03) 734 1.02 (1.00- 1.03)
Note. The triplet of columns shows the results from a multivariable logistic regression analysis: Odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI).

Træen and Nilsen 7
The Swedish survey was carried out in 1996, and the
Norwegian and the Finnish surveys in 2002. A timespan of
6 years may be of importance both for attitudes and use of
pornography. The Finnish study showed that between
1992 and 1999, the attitudes toward pornography became
more positive and consumption of pornography increased.
In this survey, one in three respondents (34%) reported
having watched pornography on the internet, compared to
24% in Træen et al.’s study (2004). The difference is most
likely due to differences in age composition between the two
samples. Of respondents exposed to pornography on the
internet, 71% reported that they had watched pornography
during the past 12 months. Accordingly, a smaller percentage
of the population has been exposed to pornography on the
internet than through other media. However, a higher per-
centage of the internet users seemed to watch pornography
regularly. Goodson et al. (2003) found that 44% of a sample
of U.S. students reported that they had watched pornography
on the internet. Frequent use of the internet to watch pornog-
raphy and to chat was reported only by a minority of the stu-
dents. Thus, the findings both from our study and from
Goodson et al.’s study point to the existence of a large minor-
ity group of the population who use the internet to watch
pornography and a subgroup of these use the internet for
erotic chatting. However, the actual size of the latter group
may be larger than what was found in our study.
The question about erotic chatting was put forward only
to respondents who had watched pornography on the inter-
net during the past 12 months. This represents a limitation.
At the time the questionnaire was developed the
researchers were not aware that by formulating the ques-
tion in this way, they would exclude the respondents that
do not watch pornography but still participate in erotic
chatting on the internet. Exposure to pornography on the
internet was wrongly assumed to be the gateway to erotic
chat channels. The consequence may have been that a
large number of respondents, particularly female, who use
erotic chat channels, but do not watch pornography on the
internet have been eliminated.
Explaining Differences
People with lower levels of education reported more expo-
sure to pornography in magazines and films and less expo-
sure to porn on the internet than individuals with higher
education. This result was not confirmed in Haavio-
Mannila and Kontula’s (2003) study, which showed that
use of pornography in magazines and films was more com-
mon among persons with high education. However, since
the general use of the internet is more widespread among
people with high education (Central Bureau of Statistics,
2003), it is not surprising that those in our study with high
education watch more pornography on the internet than
those with low education. It should be noted that we do not
have any information about the percentage of the sample
that has access to the internet.
Number of sex partners and experience with group sex
predicted exposure to pornography in all medias, and an
early coital debut increased the likelihood of having been
exposed to pornography in magazines and films. Haavio-
Mannila and Kontula (2003) found a positive relationship
between early coital debut and frequent use of pornogra-
phy in the latter medias. The findings point to the existence
of a small group of particularly sexually active persons in
the population, which through various forms of sexual
activity are experimenting and seek novelty in their
sexlives.
The likelihood of exposure to pornographic films
increased with increasing age for both genders and
increased with increasing age for men with regard to mag-
azines. However, the younger respondents most frequently
reported exposure to porn on the internet. Persons in the
youngest age groups reported more frequent use of pornog-
raphy in all media compared to those older. This finding
corresponds to the findings from Sweden and Finland
(Haavio-Mannila & Kontula, 2003; Lewin, 1997a). One
reason may be that more of the older than the younger
respondents are established in couple relationships. The
Finnish study showed that use of pornography was less fre-
quent among married men and women than among single
men and those in less permanent relationships.
Age did not predict exposure to pornography in maga-
zines and films. The internet was the younger respondents’
medium, both with regard to porn and chatting. This result
could reasonably be expected, as internet is the medium of
the younger segments of the population (Central Bureau of
Statistics, 2003). Additionally, Cooper et al. (2003) found
that more of the young than of the old respondents report-
ed using the internet as a sexual arena. Cooper (1998)
identified three factors of importance in explaining peo-
ple’s use of the internet to enhance their sexlife. He called
the factors access, affordability, and anonymity, also
referred to as the triple A-engine. King (1999) added a
fourth factor—acceptability. Tikkanen and Ross (2003)
suggested approximation as a fifth explanatory factor. The
widespread use of the internet as a sexual arena among
young people may partly be explained in terms these fac-
tors. More younger than older people have access to the
internet for instance, through education or work. Older
individuals may hesitate more than younger persons to
learn new technology and have a harder time keeping up
with the development. For individuals who are in a stage
of exploring and experimentation with their identity and
sexuality (Tikkanen & Ross, 2003), the possibility to be
anonymous may create the security necessary to allow for
experimentation (approximation). That use of the internet
is widespread among young people may also generate a
higher acceptance for using the internet also as a sexual
arena than would be the case among older individuals.
Use of pornography is likely to be the result of a com-
plex interaction process between personal, behavioral, and
environmental determinants. Which of these determinants
are dominant is subject to change. Time represents chang-
ing environments. However, an individual’s personal val-
ues and aims may not necessarily change with changing

8 Use of Pornography in Norway
environments (Bandura, 1986, 1994). The oldest respon-
dents in our study were born in 1954 and the youngest in
1984. Expressions of sexuality are likely to have changed
radically in this timespan. That older people use less
pornography than younger people may indicate that the
interest in pornography decreases with age. Another expla-
nation may be that the attitudes toward pornography were
shaped in a period when the view upon pornography and
sexuality was more restrictive than now.
More men than women reported use of pornography in
all media. The majority of women reported that they saw
their most recent pornographic film in the company of
their partner, and most women reported either that others
had bought the most recent porn magazine they read or
that this was a magazine they accidentally came across.
These findings support the conclusion of Lewin (1997a)
and Haavio-Mannila and Kontula (2003) that women’s use
of pornography is connected to a male partner’s use.
Another finding that may that may explain men’s higher
use of porn is that contrary to women, men seem to use
pornography when masturbating alone (Haavio-Mannila
& Kontula, 2003; Lewin, 1997a). A meta-analysis by
Oliver and Hyde (1993) showed that the greatest gender
difference in sexual activity was masturbation. Men mas-
turbate more often than women. At the same time, there
seems to be a relationship between masturbation and use
of pornography in the sense that those who frequently
masturbate use more pornography (Haavio-Mannila &
Kontula, 2003).
There may be several explanations as to why women do
not use pornography to the extent men do, and why
pornography do not seem to have the same appeal for
women as it does for men. Men and women relate to dif-
ferent social and sexual realities. The ability to experience
pleasure in relation to sexually explicit material is depen-
dent on having been socialized to positive thoughts and
feelings about sexuality (Beggan & Allison, 2003). That
women do not seem to find pornography as appealing as
men may indicate that women are socialized to perceive
their own sexuality on a ”Madonna-Whore” dichotomy
(Tanenbaum, 2000). It may further suggest that women are
socialized to perceive pornography in terms of morality
rather than as a means to achieve sexual arousal (Beggan
& Allison). This has been demonstrated in studies that
show that women become physiologically activated by
watching pornography even though they do not feel
aroused (Pearson & Pollack, 1997).
Women’s sexuality is subject to more restrictions than
men’s sexuality (Baumeister & Twenge, 2002; Murnen &
Stockton, 1997). It seems the environment has a stronger
influence upon female sexuality than upon male sexuality.
Furthermore, the relative importance of personal and
behavioral determinants compared to social factors seems
less influential for women than for men. The type of envi-
ronmental structure associated with the expressions of sex-
uality, will accordingly also influence the perception of
use of pornography as socially acceptable. Double stan-
dards, norms, and expectancies regarding how women
should express their sexuality can be described in accor-
dance with what Bandura (2001) called an imposed envi-
ronment. In an imposed environment, the individual has
little degree of control and influence over his or her own
behavior. A woman with positive attitudes toward pornog-
raphy and who has experienced becoming sexually
aroused by pornography may desist from using pornogra-
phy because she does not perceive social support for the
behavior. In this case, social determinants become rela-
tively more important than personal determinants. On the
other hand, when the woman is positioned within the con-
text of a committed relationship with a partner who enjoys
pornography, her pleasure related to pornography may be
perceived as more legitimate.
We found that more men than women reported having
used the internet to watch pornography. However, more
women than men claimed they had participated in erotic
chatting. This result corresponds to Cooper et al.’s (2003)
study from Sweden. Men and women seem to use the
internet as a sexual arena differently. Women seem to pre-
fer interactive activities, whereas men seem to prefer indi-
vidual activities (Cooper et al., 2003; Ferree, 2003;
Goodson et al, 2001). One possible explanation for this
deals with the possible risks a woman face in a real life
sexual encounter with a stranger (Cooper et al, 2000;
Podlas, 2000). Women may feel more in control on the
internet, and can more easily withdraw from unpleasant
meetings than in face-to-face situations. Traditional gender
roles may also be challenged, and women may experience
increased opportunity to take control and lead in sexual sit-
uations while using the internet (Leiblum, 2001).
More gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women than straight
people reported exposure to pornography in all media.
They additionally reported more frequent use. The differ-
ence was particularly noticeable between lesbian/bi
women and straight women and in relation to use of the
internet to watch pornography and chat. This could imply
that lesbian/bi women are more partner-independent in
their use of pornographic materials than straight women.
Few studies compare the sexual behavior of straight per-
sons, gay men and lesbian women, and bisexual persons.
A study by Træen, Stigum, and Sørensen (2002) showed
that bisexuals tended to be more sexually active, explo-
rative, and varied in their sexual behavior than straight
persons, gay men, and lesbian women. A study by Ross
and Kauth (2002) also showed that gay men were more
sexually active than straight men.
Gay, lesbian, or bisexual orientation predicted the
amount of pornography watched on the internet and the
level of participation in erotic chatting. The differences in
use of the internet to watch pornography, and chatting
between persons of different sexual orientation have not
previously been studied in representative, nationwide, pop-
ulation samples. It is therefore difficult to find studies for
comparison. However, our findings support previous
hypothesis that gay/bi men and lesbian/bi women use the

Træen and Nilsen 9
internet as a sexual arena more than other demographic
groups (Benotsch et al, 2002; Lau et al., 2003; Tikkanen &
Ross, 2000). According to Heinz et al. (2002), the internet
has qualities that make it particularly attractive to margin-
alized groups. The internet makes it possible to find others
in the same situation and thereby find a social community
it is difficult to find in the real life (Alexander, 2002;
Goodson et al, 2001; McKenna & Bargh, 2000). Support
from others in similar situations and the feeling of commu-
nity may contribute to the individual’s strength to visualize
his or her marginalized identity in real life (Alexander;
Munt et al, 2002). Marginalized groups have relatively few
places to meet in the open with no fear of negative social
consequences. The anonymity on the internet makes it pos-
sible to express one’s sexual preferences without fear social
stigmatisation (Benotsch et al., 2002; Rhodes, DiClemente,
Cecil, Hergenrather, & Yee, 2002; Tikkanen & Ross, 2003).
Thus, the triple A-engine also seems to fit gay/bi men’s and
lesbian/bi women’s use of the internet as a sexual arena.
The social acceptance of use of the internet as an arena to
find new partners may be higher among gay/bi men and
lesbian/bi women than among straight men and women
(Braun-Harvey, 2003). Accordingly, the acceptability fac-
tor becomes an explanation for the special relevance of
internet use for these groups (King, 1999). The approxima-
tion factor also seems relevant, particularly for bisexuals.
Tikkanen and Ross (2003) found that the majority of the
participants in chat rooms for men who have sex with men
were bisexual men. For them, the internet represented a
secure route to male sexual contacts without having to
reveal identities or having to frequent gay bars. The inter-
net provided approximation and experimentation with own
sexual preferences without feeling obliged to change iden-
tity. The internet functions as a place of refuge for gay/bi
men and lesbian/bi women where their sexuality is the
norm and not the exception.
According to Bandura (1994), mass media has actively
affected the social construction of sexuality worldwide. As
sexuality to a large extent is a private affair, the mass
media receives an important role in reflecting the expres-
sions of sexuality in the public sphere. The media tells
people of right and wrong, normal and abnormal. In this
way the media contributes to maintaining and reinforcing
valid social norms of sexual behavior (Bandura, 1994;
Brown, 2002; Goodson et al., 2001). How pornography is
presented in various mass media is likely to have an
impact on its use. If the mass media emphasizes negative
aspects of pornography, it is likely to contribute to a reduc-
tion in consumption. When the mass media presents use of
pornographic as attractive and enriching, this may legit-
imise the use of pornography.
This study may function as a point of departure for fur-
ther research on use of pornography and on the internet as
a sexual arena. As the use of the internet is increasing in
the population, the use of the internet as a sexual arena is
likely to gain terrain as well. We need to have more knowl-
edge to understand the effect of this development.
R
EFERENCES
Alexander, J. (2002). Queer webs: Representation of LGBT people and
communities on the world wide web. International Journal of Sexuality
and Gender Studies, 7(2–3), 77–83.
Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations and thoughts and action: A social
cognitive theory. New Jersey: Prentice Hall.
Bandura, A. (1994). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. In J.
Bryant & D. Zillman (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory and
research (s. 61–90). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual
Psychological Review, 52, 1–26.
Bargh, J. A., & McKenna, K. Y. A. (2004). The internet and social life. Annu
Rev Psychol, 55, 573–590.
Baumeister, R. F., & Twenge, J. M. (2002). Cultural suppression of female
sexuality. Review of General Psychology, 6(2), 166–203.
Beggan, J. K., & Allison, S. T. (2003). Reflexivity in the pornographic films
of Candida Royalle. Sexualities, 6(3–4), 301–324.
Benotsch, E. G., Kalichman, S., & Cage, M. (2002). Men who have met sex
partners via the internet: Prevalence, predictors, and implications for
HIV prevention. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 31(2), 177–183.
Braun-Harvey, D. (2003). Culturally relevant assessment and treatment for
gay men’s online sexual activity. Sexual and Relationship Therapy,
18(3), 371–384.
Brown, J. D. (2002). Mass media influences on sexuality. The Journal of
Sex Research, 39(1), 42–45.
Central Bureau of Statistics. (2003). Norwegian media barometer. Oslo,
Norway.
Cooper, A. (1998). Sexuality and the internet: Surfing into the new millen-
nium. Cyberpsychology and Behavior, 1, 187–194.
Cooper, A. (2002). Introduction. Internet: The next sexual revolution. In A.
Cooper (Ed.), Sex and the internet: A guidebook for clinicians. New
York: Brunner-Routledge.
Cooper, A., & Griffin-Shelley, E. (2002). The internet: The next sexual rev-
olution. In A. Cooper (Ed.), Sex and the internet: A guidebook for clini-
cians. New York: Brunner-Routledge.
Cooper, A., Månsson, S. A., Daneback, K., Tikkanen, R., & Ross, M. W.
(2003). Predicting the future of internet sex: Online sexual activities in
Sweden. Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 18(3), 277–291.
Ferree, M. C. (2003). Women and the web: Cybersex activity and implica-
tions. Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 18(3), 385– 393.
Gossett, J. L., & Byrne, S. (2002). “Click here.” A content analysis of inter-
net rape sites. Gender and Society, 16(5), 689–709.
Goodson, P., McCormick, D., & Evans, A. (2001). Searching for sexually
explicit materials on the internet: An exploratory study of college students’
behavior and attitudes. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 30(2), 101–118.
Griffin-Shelley, E. (2003). The internet and sexuality: A literature review—
1983–2002. Sexual and Relationship Therapy, 18(3), 355–369.
Haavio-Mannila, E., & Kontula, O. (2003). Sexual trends in the Baltic sea
area. Helsinki: Publication of the Population Research Institute.
Heinz, B., Gu, L., Inuzuka, A., & Zender, R. (2002). Under the rainbow
flag: Webbing global gay identities. International Journal of Sexuality
and Gender Studies, 7(2–3), 107–123.
Hellevik, O. (1999). Noen forskningsetiske problemer innenfor kvantitativ
metode [Some ethical problems in research using quantitative methods].
In Etikk og metode [Ethics and method]. Oslo, Norway: The National
Committees for Research Ethics Norway. Series 12, pp. 37–48.
King, S. A. (1999). Internet gambling and pornography: Illustrative exam-
ples of the psychological consequences of communication anarchy.
CyberPsychology and Behavior, 2, 175–193.
Kontula, O., & Haavio-Mannila, E. (1995). Sexual pleasures. Enhancement
of sex life in Finland, 1971–1992. Vermont: Dartmouth Publishing
Company.
Kutchinsky, B. (1988). Erotikk, erotika og pornografi: Et essay om køn, kul-
tur, kjærlighed og kiosklitteratur [Erotisism, erotica, and pornography.
An essay on gender, culture, love and romantic literature]. Nordisk
Sexologi, 6, 108–128.
Lau, J. T. F., Kim, H. K., Lau, M., & Tsui, H. Y. (2003). Prevalence and risk
behaviors of Chinese men who seek same-sex partners via the internet
in Hong Kong. AIDS Education and Prevention, 15(6), 516–528.
Leiblum, S. R. (2001). Women, sex and the internet. Sexual and
Relationship Therapy, 16(4), 389–405.

10 Use of Pornography in Norway
Lewin, B. (1997a). Part 2: Pornography – Attitudes and use. In B. Lewin
(Ed.), Sex in Sweden. On the Swedish sexual life. (pp. 252–263).
Stockholm: The National Institute of Public Health.
Lewin, B. (Ed.) (1997b). Sex in Sverige: Om sexual livet i Sverige 1996.
[Sex in Sweden. On the Swedish sexual life]. Stockholm: The National
Institute of Public Health.
Luria, Z., Friedman, S., & Rose, M. D. (1987). Human sexuality. New York:
John Wiley & Sons.
McKenna, Y. A., & Bargh, J. A. (2000). Plan 9 from cyberspace: The impli-
cations of the internet for personality and social psychology. Personality
and Social Psychology Review, 4(1), 57–75.
Munt, S. R., Bassett, E. H., & O’Riordan, K. (2002). Virtually belonging:
Risk, connectivity and coming out on-line. International Journal of
Sexuality and Gender Studies, 7(2–3), 125–137.
Murnen, S. K., & Stockton, M. (1997). Gender and self-reported sexual
arousal in response to sexual stimuli: A meta-analytic review. Sex Roles,
37(3–4), 135–153.
Oliver, M. B., & Hyde, J. S. (1993). Gender differences in sexuality: A
meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 114(1), 29–51.
Pearson, S. E., & Pollack, R. H. (1997). Female response to sexually explic-
it films. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality, 9(2), 73–88.
Podlas, K. (2000). Mistresses of their domain: How female entrepreneurs in
cyberporn are initiating a gender power shift. Cyberpsychology and
Behavior, 3(5), 847–854.
Rhodes, S. D., DiClemente, R. J., Cecil, H., Hergenrather, K. C., & Yee, L.
J. (2002). Risk among men who have sex with men in the United States:
A comparison of an internet sample and a conventional outreach sample.
AIDS Education and Prevention, 14(1), 41–50.
Rolness, K. (2003). Sex, løgn og videofilm. Et usladdet oppgjør med
mytene om porno [Sex, lies and videofilm. A not blanked out settlement
with the myths about pornography]. Oslo, Norway: Aschehoug forlag as.
Ross, M. W., & Kauth, M. R. (2002). Men who have sex with men, and the
internet: Emerging clinical issues and their management. In A. Cooper
(Ed.), Sex and the internet: A guidebook for clinicians. New York:
Brunner-Routledge.
Schmidt, G. (1989). Sexual permissiveness in Western societies. Roots and
course of development. Nordisk Sexologi, 7, 225–234.
Stigum, H. (1997). Mathematical models for the spread of sexually trans-
mitted diseases using sexual behavior data. Norwegian Journal of
Epidemiology, 7 (Suppl. 5).
Søgaard, A. J., Selmer, R., Bjertness, E., & Thelle, D. (2004). The Oslo
health survey: The impact of self-selection in a large, population-based
survey. International Journal for Equity in Health, 3(3), 1–12.
Tanenbaum, L. (2000). Slut! Growing up female with a bad reputation. New
York: Harper-Collins.
Tikkanen R., & Ross, M. W. (2000). Looking for sexual compatibility:
Experiences among Swedish men in visiting internet gay chat rooms.
Cyberpsychology and Behavior, 3, 605–616.
Tikkanen, R., & Ross, M. W. (2003). Technological tearoom trade:
Characteristics of Swedish men visiting gay internet chat rooms. AIDS
Education and Prevention, 15(2), 122–132.
Trostle, L. C. (2003). Overrating pornography as a source of sex informa-
tion for university students: Additional consistence finding.
Psychological Report, 92(1), 143–150.
Træen, B. (1998). Seksuallivet i Oslo 1997. Noen resultater fra Folkehelsas
undersøkelse av livsstil, seksualitet og helse i Oslo [On the sex life in
Oslo 1997. Some results from a survey on lifestyle, sexuality and health
in Oslo]. Report. Oslo, Norway: National Institute of Public Health.
Træen, B., Stigum, H., & Sørensen, D. (2002). Sexual diversity in urban
Norwegians. The Journal of Sex Research, 39(4), 1–10.
Træen, B., Spitznogle, K., & Beverfjord, A. (2004). Attitudes and use of
pornography in the Norwegian population 2002. The Journal of Sex
Research, 41(2), 193–200.
Træen, B., Sørensen, D., & Olsen, S. (2005). Seksualitet og samliv hos
hjertesyke. En første rapport fra LHLs medlemsundersøkelse [Sexuality
and life together among people with heart disease. A preliminary report
from a survey]. Tromsoe: Department of Psychology, University of
Tromsoe.
Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1982). Pornography, sexual callousness, and the
trivialization of rape. Journal of Communication, 32, 10–21.
Manuscript accepted