This longitudinal study examined the associations between relationship abuse, coping variables, and mental health outcomes among a sample of battered women obtained from shelter and nonresidential community agencies (N = 61). Sexual aggression was a stronger predictor of poorer mental health than was physical assault. Engagement coping strategies were generally predictive of positive mental health, and disengagement coping strategies were generally predictive of poorer mental health. Results highlight the complexity of the associations between different forms of relationship abuse, coping strategies, and mental health among this population.
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"Being physically intimidated or forced into sex by a partner is often not seen as 'real rape' (see, for example, Ehrlich 2001). Yet research shows that the experience of sexual violence by an intimate partner may have greater negative psychological effects than physical violence alone (Parkinson 2008; Taft et al. 2007; Bennice et al. 2003). Many women are also physically injured during rape (Tjaden & Thoennes 2000). "
"In general, previous studies reported an improvement in mental health status over time with a decrease in depressive and anxiety symptoms as well as PTSD incidence [43-47]. The personal and social factors that have been reported to have beneficial effects on women's mental health recovery include the cessation of violence, the feelings of being safe and in control, the end of the relationship with the aggressive partner, the engagement of coping strategies and the existence of social support [46-52]. However, it has also been reported that mental health problems may persist long after the cessation of violence and that some women just out of the abusive relationship may have greater psychological difficulties than those who are still in it [43,46,53]. "
[Show abstract][Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: It is well established that intimate male partner violence (IPV) has a high impact on women's mental health. It is necessary to further investigate this impact longitudinally to assess the factors that contribute to its recovery or deterioration. The objective of this study was to assess the course of depressive, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and suicidal behavior over a three-year follow-up in female victims of IPV.
Women (n = 91) who participated in our previous cross-sectional study, and who had been either physically/psychologically (n = 33) or psychologically abused (n = 23) by their male partners, were evaluated three years later. A nonabused control group of women (n = 35) was included for comparison. Information about mental health status and lifestyle variables was obtained through face-to-face structured interviews.
Results of the follow-up study indicated that while women exposed to physical/psychological IPV recovered their mental health status with a significant decrease in depressive, anxiety and PTSD symptoms, no recovery occurred in women exposed to psychological IPV alone. The evolution of IPV was also different: while it continued across both time points in 65.21% of psychologically abused women, it continued in only 12.12% of physically/psychologically abused women while it was reduced to psychological IPV in 51.5%. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicated that cessation of physical IPV and perceived social support contributed to mental health recovery, while a high perception of lifetime events predicted the continuation of PTSD symptoms.
This study shows that the pattern of mental health recovery depends on the type of IPV that the women had been exposed to. While those experiencing physical/psychological IPV have a higher likelihood of undergoing a cessation or reduction of IPV over time and, therefore, could recover, women exposed to psychological IPV alone have a high probability of continued exposure to the same type of IPV with a low possibility of recovery. Thus, women exposed to psychological IPV alone need more help to escape from IPV and to recuperate their mental health. Longitudinal studies are needed to improve knowledge of factors promoting or impeding health recovery to guide the formulation of policy at individual, social and criminal justice levels.
"Given that our vast knowledge of intimate terrorism comes primarily from in-depth interviewing of survivors, one would think we would know a lot about violent resistance. Indeed, that research has told us a good deal about the creative means by which women cope with intimate terrorism, but most of it has been focused on non-violent coping (e.g., Campbell et al. 1998; Campbell and Soeken 1999; Taft et al. 2007), help-seeking (e.g., Gondolf and Fisher 1988; Kaukinen 2004; Leone et al. 2007) and the process of leaving (e.g., Choice and Lamke 1999; Kirkwood 1993). There has been little focus on violent resistance to intimate terrorism, with the exception of the literature on women who kill their abusive partners (Browne 1987; Browne et al. 1999). "
[Show abstract][Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: This article makes four major points in response to Jennifer Langhinrichsen-Rolling’s (2010) review of the intimate partner
violence literature. First, the evidence is clear that there is more than one type of intimate partner violence. Second, the
feminists are right. Gender is central to the analysis of intimate partner violence, and the coercive controlling violence
that most people associate with the term “domestic violence” is perpetrated primarily by men against their female partners.
Third, different types of intimate partner violence have different causes, different developmental trajectories, and different
consequences. They require different models to understand them. Finally, we need more qualitative research focused on the
least understood types of intimate partner violence: violent resistance and situational couple violence.
KeywordsIntimate partner violence-Gender symmetry-Domestic violence-Intimate terrorism-Abuse