Article

Lifers on the Outside Sex Offenders and Disintegrative Shaming

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Abstract

This article examines the effects of labeling though informal and formal sanctions on sex offender reintegration, using qualitative analysis from a probability sample of 153 registered sex offenders in four counties in the Commonwealth of Virginia. It also provides an overview of sex offender legislation and literature. Results of the study indicate that the majority of respondents experienced negative treatment because of their status as a sex offender. Results also indicate that formal and informal sanctions are stifling opportunities for sex offenders to be fully reintegrated into society and that treatment programs are not as effective as they could be. Implications for sex offender policy and further research are discussed.

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... DOI: 10. /01639625.2011 Robbers, M.L.P. (2009). Lifers on the outside: Sex offenders and disintegrative shaming. ...
... The New England Conference's policy, though imperfect, has many qualities that are less stigmatizing than what is typically seen in UMC documents. The policy uses person-first 55 United Methodist Church (2012, December 21), p.1 56 Tewksbury & Lees (2006), p. 320 57 Robbers (2009). language, saying "persons on a sex offender registry". ...
... Focusing on the experiences of members of this marginalized group is crucial in understanding the law-inbetween and how individuals truly experience various written policies. 70 Robbers (2009). 71 Kilmer & Leon (2017). ...
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In 2004, the General Conference of the United Methodist Church (UMC) first instructed local churches as well as US Annual Conferences to consider existing recommendations and publish their own policies regarding the participation of people convicted of sex offenses. 19 of 54 US Annual Conferences and some General Conference websites have provided related public-facing statements, policies, and recommendations. This project asks, how and why do the policies and outward-facing statements put forth by the UMC General Conference and other US Annual Conferences stigmatize and harm people convicted of sex offenses? Rooted in feminist standpoint theory, this endeavor is based on deep inductive qualitative coding of 42 public-facing institutional policies and statements. The analysis relies on previous research that highlights the lived experiences of those who are, or who have been, on the public sex offender registry. Analysis reveals that policies and statements stigmatize and harm people convicted of sex offenses by making false and unfounded claims, using inaccurate and harmful language, failing to consider circumstances of individuals convicted, making the offense status public, and limiting leadership experiences in congregations. It is through both harmful practices and harmful statements that the United Methodist Church in the US, as a religious institution, is contributing to structural stigma for people convicted of sex offenses. These documents are stigmatizing in nature because they exclude the situated knowledges of those convicted of sex offenses. Furthermore, they rely on pervasive myths and harmful ideologies perpetuated by US society and policy, as well as by some theological literature and journalism. Understanding how and why certain claims and practices are stigmatizing gives leaders in the UMC and other religious traditions the opportunity to craft better documents moving forward.
... Convicted sex offenders who are obligated to register and cooperate with public notification procedures under SORN laws, their family members, and their support partners commonly experience negative outcomes that result from such policies. These collateral consequences include stigmatization (Connor, 2019a;Evans & Cubellis, 2015;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2005Tewksbury, , 2012Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a), ostracism (Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), harassment (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel, Bowen, Spraitz, Bowers, & Phaneuf, 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado, Alvarez, & Levenson, 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), threats (Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), vigilante attacks (Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), persistent feelings of vulnerability (Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Lees, 2007), heightened levels of stress (Bailey & Sample, 2017;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009), relationship loss (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006b;, relationship deterioration (Connor, 2019a;Farkas & Miller, 2007;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012), and withdraw from community involvement (Bailey & Klein, 2018;Robbers, 2009). These harmful ramifications for RSOs are expanded upon below, as described by Connor (2016). ...
... Convicted sex offenders who are obligated to register and cooperate with public notification procedures under SORN laws, their family members, and their support partners commonly experience negative outcomes that result from such policies. These collateral consequences include stigmatization (Connor, 2019a;Evans & Cubellis, 2015;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2005Tewksbury, , 2012Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a), ostracism (Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), harassment (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel, Bowen, Spraitz, Bowers, & Phaneuf, 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado, Alvarez, & Levenson, 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), threats (Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), vigilante attacks (Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), persistent feelings of vulnerability (Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Lees, 2007), heightened levels of stress (Bailey & Sample, 2017;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009), relationship loss (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006b;, relationship deterioration (Connor, 2019a;Farkas & Miller, 2007;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012), and withdraw from community involvement (Bailey & Klein, 2018;Robbers, 2009). These harmful ramifications for RSOs are expanded upon below, as described by Connor (2016). ...
... Convicted sex offenders who are obligated to register and cooperate with public notification procedures under SORN laws, their family members, and their support partners commonly experience negative outcomes that result from such policies. These collateral consequences include stigmatization (Connor, 2019a;Evans & Cubellis, 2015;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2005Tewksbury, , 2012Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a), ostracism (Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), harassment (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel, Bowen, Spraitz, Bowers, & Phaneuf, 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado, Alvarez, & Levenson, 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), threats (Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), vigilante attacks (Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000b), persistent feelings of vulnerability (Tewksbury & Lees, 2006a;Tewksbury & Lees, 2007), heightened levels of stress (Bailey & Sample, 2017;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2009), relationship loss (Connor, 2019a;Frenzel et al., 2014;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006b;, relationship deterioration (Connor, 2019a;Farkas & Miller, 2007;Tewksbury, 2004Tewksbury, , 2005Tewksbury & Connor, 2012), and withdraw from community involvement (Bailey & Klein, 2018;Robbers, 2009). These harmful ramifications for RSOs are expanded upon below, as described by Connor (2016). ...
... Prescott & Rockoff, 2011). For example, as an individual is denied civic and social participation, in the form of collateral consequences and as a result of conviction, he or she may be more likely to reoffend as a result of reduced access to prosocial involvement (Levenson et al., 2007;Robbers, 2009;Schaible & Hughes, 2011). Examples of such socially-imposed barriers experienced by individuals convicted of a sexual offence include denial of employment or housing based on landlord or realtor discretion, denial of entry into public spaces, refusal of service, rude treatment, harassment of the individual and related family members or friends, vigilantism, and denial of participation in charitable or volunteer-based activities (e.g. ...
... Examples of such socially-imposed barriers experienced by individuals convicted of a sexual offence include denial of employment or housing based on landlord or realtor discretion, denial of entry into public spaces, refusal of service, rude treatment, harassment of the individual and related family members or friends, vigilantism, and denial of participation in charitable or volunteer-based activities (e.g. church groups, community meetings; Lasher & McGrath, 2012;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2005). Key factors in preventing recidivism, however, include civic engagement, civic identity, and community involvement (Bazemore & Stinchcomb, 2004;Travis, 2005), each of which can be implicated by the aforementioned consequences. ...
... Individuals who have been convicted of a sexual offence and subjected to community supervision may also experience greater psychological stress in a variety of forms. Common psychological consequences include hopelessness, avoidance, loneliness, shame, embarrassment, fear, and, for some, thoughts of suicide (Edwards & Hensley, 2001;Lasher & McGrath, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2012). Perceived stigma and hopelessness in particular have even been linked to a future risk for recidivism (Jeglic et al., 2012;Moore et al., 2013Moore et al., , 2016. ...
Article
The relationship between collateral consequences and recidivism among individuals who sexually offend continues to be proffered in the literature, yet empirical evidence of these links has yet to be established. This exploratory study investigated the correlational and predictive relationships between social and psychological collateral consequences and overall recidivism, sexual recidivism specifically, and probation/parole/registry violations among a sample of 180 registrants. Results revealed significant relationships between demographic indicators (age, years registered, education), social and psychological collateral consequences, overall recidivism, and sexual recidivism and violations. Results of the hierarchical logistic regressions indicated that neither social nor psychological collateral consequences significantly improved model fit for overall recidivism or sexual recidivism. Social collateral consequences, however, predicted an individual’s likelihood to accrue probation, parole, or registry violations post-offence. Practical implications are discussed within the context of building an empirical basis for the potential contributory effects of the registry on recidivism, via collateral consequences.
... In being exposed in this way, the participants feared they would be shamed and ostracised, unable to partake in normal life, fearful for their own safety. This is likely to have a lasting detrimental effect on self-esteem, making the stigmatised person less likely to want to attempt new relationships over time (Robbers, 2009). ...
... The theme running through all of these extracts is that these men were isolated, sometimes fearful, and often ashamed of how their conviction would be received by others. Due to this perceived threat, participants either self-isolated or partially hid their true identity in order to relate to other people and form bonds. Robbers (2009) stated that those with sexual convictions were more likely to experience negative interactions with others and that this served to limit their social engagement. The stigma experienced by these individuals resulted in their social withdrawal and self-isolating behaviours. ...
... At points, they had been motivated to either conceal or minimise their offence, or self-isolate in order to avoid the judgement of others. This type of social exclusion, 'disintegrative shaming', is reported to have a lasting negative effect on self-esteem (McAlinden, 2005) and has been identified as a catalyst for social withdrawal and self-isolation (Robbers, 2009). ...
Article
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It is widely accepted that individuals with convictions are disadvantaged when trying to access the job market. People convicted of sexual offences face further prejudice and stigma given the nature of the most extreme examples of their offences. Desiring employment but being unable to secure it presents challenges for the individual. This study focused on the real and perceived barriers that twelve British men experienced while seeking employment with a criminal record pertaining to a sexual offence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with interview data analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). Two superordinate themes emerged. Stigma as a Barrier to Employment explored the impact of the disclosure of the sexual criminal record at interview and the enduring stigmatisation the participants faced as a result of the ‘sex offender’ identity. In the second theme, Autonomy and Control, participants sought to explain the personal significance of being employed, and how their inability to secure employment had resulted in the loss of autonomy and the introduction of self-isolating behaviours. Finally, they acknowledged having felt ‘better off’ in prison at times, due to the lasting effects of social exclusion. The implications of the research are discussed further.
... Other experiences of harassment, discrimination, property damage, and assault have been documented in the literature (Lasher & McGrath, 2012;Levenson & Cotter, 2005a). Similarly, individuals convicted of a sexual offense can experience social exclusion (ten Bensel & Sample, 2019;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006), psychological turmoil (e.g., depression, shame, and hopelessness; Jeglic et al., 2012;Robbers, 2009), isolation and/or interpersonal avoidance (Bailey & Klein, 2018;Burchfield & Mingus, 2008a), and platonic and romantic relationship difficulties (Klein & Bailey, 2016;Winters et al., 2017a). Collateral consequences also encompass victimization of family members of individuals convicted of a sexual offense who may experience secondary housing and employment difficulties, harassment, or emotional problems related to their relative's membership on the registry (Bailey & Sample, 2017;). ...
... Furthermore, although collateral consequences appear to be implicated in important individual and criminogenic outcomes for sexual offenders (Kruttschnitt et al., 2000;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2007;Wakefield, 2006), they are yet to be systematically measured in the literature. In sum, much of the extant research reports a variety of collateral consequences endorsed by sexual offenders in frequency alone, without the use of a developed measure. ...
... These results parallel thematic findings of Lasher and McGrath (2012) who categorized the predominant areas of reintegration impacted by sexual offender policies as social (e.g., loss of social supports and social safety) and psychological (e.g., stress, shame, and hopelessness). Several other studies similarly emphasize the social and psychological aspects of collateral consequences (Brannon et al., 2007;Levenson & Cotter, 2005a;Levenson et al., 2007;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury, 2005). Thus, although the current study's conceptualization was framed around bidimensional conceptualizations of formal and informal collateral consequences, the specific language of social and psychological collateral consequences both (a) accurately captured the essence of collateral versus direct consequences and (b) fit the data best. ...
Article
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Collateral consequences faced by individuals convicted of a sexual offense have been widely referenced in the literature. There is yet to be a systematic examination of collateral consequences affecting individuals, however, due to measurement inconsistencies and the absence of a psychometrically validated instrument. The current study developed and validated a measure of collateral consequences faced by individuals convicted of a sexual offense. Specifically, this study investigated (a) the underlying factor structure of collateral consequences commonly endorsed by individuals convicted of a sexual offense through Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) procedures and (b) reliability and validity indicators of the aforementioned scale. Participants were 218 individuals convicted of and registered for a sexual offense in the state of Texas. Study measures included a pool of 66 collateral consequences items in addition to psychological self-report instruments addressing hopelessness, shame, social well-being, and discrimination. EFA results revealed a two-dimensional construct representing collateral consequences affecting areas of social and psychological well-being. The current measure demonstrated adequate reliability and validity. Limitations and future directions of findings are addressed.
... Most states ban sex offenders from living within 1,000 feet of areas populated by children, such as schools, parks, bus stops, and day care centers. Some states, such as New Jersey, have expanded the distance to 2,500 feet, making it even more difficult to find permanent housing (Robbers, 2008). In a study by Robbers, 35% of registered sex offenders reported having to leave their residences because their landlords or communities discovered their offender status. ...
... In a study by Robbers, 35% of registered sex offenders reported having to leave their residences because their landlords or communities discovered their offender status. Housing restrictions prevent offenders from accessing social assistance, cause economic strain, and reduce treatment options simply because of geographical location (Robbers, 2008). It is financially and emotionally draining for an individual to have to relocate to a new area that is unfamiliar and far from their friends and family. ...
... In a survey of registered sex offenders, 27% reported losing their jobs because of the registry. Because of their status, they are also ineligible for welfare services and public housing (Robbers, 2008). Lack of employment and limited access to public services only add more strain to finding proper housing. ...
... The role of religion and spirituality (r/s) in desistance from sexual offending is increasingly becoming an area of interest. Although in its infancy, this line of academic inquiry is supported by theoretical constructs (Kewley 2019), preliminary research findings supporting the potential contribution of r/s to desistance from sexual offending (Harris et al. 2017;Kewley et al. 2015;Kewley et al. 2017), and self-reports from those who have sexually offended that religion and spirituality are important in their recovery (Geary et al. 2004;Geary et al. 2006;Robbers 2009;Tewksbury and Mustaine 2009;Tewksbury and Zgoba 2010). Conversely, studies have argued that affiliation with religion can serve to promote criminal behavior when religious doctrine is used to support cognitive distortions that rationalize offending behaviors (Knabb et al. 2012;Topalli et al. 2012;Winder et al. 2018). ...
... Nearly three-fourths (74.6%) of the men in this same sample indicated that religion and spirituality were positive forces in their recovery process (Geary et al. 2006). Robbers (2009) surveyed 153 individuals on the sex offense registry in Virginia. Most (63%) of the respondents indicated that religion was "very important." ...
... Additional considerations for the poor alpha reliability for RC might reflect an internal conflict about their relationship with God. Such a conflict might be indicative of the expressed importance of r/s among many who have been convicted of sexually offending (Geary et al. 2004(Geary et al. , 2006Robbers 2009;Tewksbury and Mustaine 2009;Tewksbury and Zgoba 2010) and formal and informal restrictions they face to participating at all or fully within their faith traditions (Dum et al. 2020;Harris et al. 2017;Service User 2019). Another potential reason for low internal consistency reliability for RC in this sample could be due to the different types of r/s struggle measured by scale items (i.e., divine struggle, difficulty communicating with God, and interpersonal struggle). ...
Article
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Religiousness and spirituality have been identified as important factors in promoting desistance from sexual offending and as helpful coping resources with negative psychological consequences related to public registration. However, the potential mental health benefits, and detriments, of religiousness and spirituality for persons convicted of sexually offending have not been widely examined. Given the moral implications of their behavior and stigmatization by society, including from religious and spiritual communities, this study aimed to examine levels of religious struggle and their associations with symptoms of mental health among 30 men on the Maryland Sex Offense Registry. Relative to the normative sample, the mean level of spiritual transcendence, constructive perceptions of spirituality that develop within social, cultural, and educational contexts, was significantly lower within this sample. Conversely, religious struggle mean scores indicated that the men in this sample experienced significantly greater difficulties relative to God and their faith community. Greater levels of religious struggle were significantly related to higher neuroticism, greater self-reported shame, depression, anxiety, and hopelessness, as well as lower levels of self-compassion. Based on these preliminary findings, religious struggles may adversely influence the mental health of persons convicted of sexually offending. More research is needed to gain a better understanding of the associations between religiousness, spirituality, and mental health in this population. Future directions for research and clinical implications for mental health providers, including spiritually informed treatment approaches with persons convicted of sexually offending, are discussed.
... In contrast to the declining rates of sexual offending, there has been a steep rise in the sensationalized overreporting of sexual offenses in the media that has persisted through recent decades (Center for Sex Offender Management, 2006;Kahn et al., 2017;Wright, 2008). In addition, several tragic and gruesome cases were highly publicized and led to a public demand for harsher and more punitive methods of addressing sexual offenses (Kahn et al., 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Vasquez, Maddan, & Walker, 2008;Wright, 2008). Again, this reactionary response to a few cases and the public misperception that sexual offending was rising were in direct contradiction with sexual offending trends. ...
... Although the empirical evidence at the time pointed toward declining sexual offense rates, public outcry for more punitive management of sexual offenders in response to these tragic offenses took precedence (Kahn et al., 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Wright, 2008). Each piece of legislation contributed different facets to this series of registration and notification policies. ...
... Research has continuously demonstrated a link between experiences of stigma discrimination and depression/depressive symptoms across various stigmatized identities including eating disorders/obesity (see Hackman, Maupin, & Brewis, 2016;Jackson, Beekan, & Wardle, 2015) and individuals who have committed sexual offenses (Culligan, 2009). Researchers have demonstrated that stigma experiences associated with being registered on a sexual offense registry are related to increased psychological stress (Robbers, 2009). Further, children of registrants have higher levels of anxiety and depression (Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009). ...
Thesis
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Registrants on public sex offense registries experience significant stigma and subsequent negative consequences. Their partners may experience similar stigma and repercussions as a result of their association with a registrant, which is known as courtesy stigma. This dissertation study extends current theoretical and conceptual understanding of the impact of stigma on partners of registrants by examining a comprehensive model of courtesy stigma on various well-being, mental health, and relationship outcomes. Using a sample of 297 respondents from 40 different U.S. states, results from this study suggest that increased courtesy stigma is related to reduced well-being, self-esteem, and relationship quality, as well as increased levels of anxiety, stress, depression, and social isolation. Results also suggest that social support, sense of coherence, and disclosure moderate the relationship between courtesy stigma and various outcomes. Open-ended responses from this dissertation further elucidated the negative consequences experienced by partners of registrants and provided them an opportunity to describe what they perceived as being important for policymakers to consider in future policy development and reform efforts. The results of this study lend implications for future empirical and theoretical understanding of the impact of stigma on those associated with registrants, considerations for further model testing, and application of findings for policy reform and resource development.
... Dually, this piece continues the ongoing criminological project of examining the collateral consequences of registration (Levenson and Tewkesbury 2009;Tewksbury and Lees 2007;Tewksbury and Zgoba 2010) which 'permeate … relationships, experiences, and interactions in all aspects of [registrants'] lives' (Tewksbury and Lees 2006: 331). Surveys and interviews have consistently highlighted that registration restricts job opportunities and housing options, and produces strained relationships, social isolation, psychological stress, and social exclusion (Evans and Cubellis 2014;Robbers 2009;Tewksbury and Lees 2007), particularly in jurisdictions with community notification (Levenson 2011;Levenson et al. 2007;Mustaine and Tewksbury 2011;Tewksbury and Lees 2007). This case study extends this project by examining how these consequences are shaped by young adulthood and further transferred to family members. ...
... These are important voices to include as there are limited in-depth qualitative studies with registered sex offenders (RSOs) (cf. Evans and Cubellis 2014;Robbers 2009;Tewksbury and Lees 2007). Moreover, qualitative research on collateral consequences has predominantly focused on American adult RSOs or American juvenile RSOs under the age of 18 (cf. ...
... Allan's comments provide a clear illustration of the 'vagaries of bureaucratic processes' which offenders are subject to during community monitoring (Halsey 2006: 161) and bring to the fore well-documented problems RSOs face including unclear conditions (Comartin, Kernsmith and Miles 2010), and an inability to fully comprehend the extensive range (Halsey 2010;Halsey, Armstrong and Wright 2016) and minutiae of administrational requirements (Robbers 2009). It also captures concerns raised in the VLRC's review of the Register, which identified unclear definitions of child contact as barriers for RSOs to 'understand the precise content of their reporting obligations and for police to know whether they are receiving complete and accurate reports' (VLRC 2012: 98). ...
Article
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This article focuses on interviews with two Australian young adults (and their parents) who were placed on Victoria’s Sex Offender Register after being convicted of child pornography offences for non-consensually distributing intimate images. It examines Victoria’s modality of automatic registration—which simultaneously constitutes registrants as paedophilic and responsibilised subjects—and the extent to which this modality was negotiated by both young men. This article also explores the collateral socio-political consequences of registration on career opportunities, mental health and family relationships, and details how these impacts are modulated by young adulthood.
... Despite increased attention in recent years, post-structural approaches to policy examination, including the NPF, have rarely been applied to the study of policies surrounding socially stigmatized populations (McBeth & Lybecker, 2018;Merry, 2019;Shanahan et al., 2011). The literature widely accepts the inherent role of stories and stereotypes in shaping social perception of persons who committed a sexual offense (Bense & Sample, 2017;Robbers, 2009), but studies that explore the influence of these stories on policy, and more specifically, how they are used to shape and justify sex offender management laws, are virtually non-existent. ...
... From the start, SORN laws have tended to lump all individuals convicted of a sexual offense into the same target group with little regard for the type or severity of their crimes (Gavin, 2005;Robbers, 2009). This has the effect of characterizing the entire group based on the handful of sensational stories that receive the most attention. ...
... housing, interpersonal relationships, employment, harassment/stigmatization and emotional well-being) have been well documented (Levenson, 2008;Tewksbury, 2005Tewksbury, , 2007Tewksbury et al., 2016;Tewksbury & Zgoba, 2010). Research shows that a high percentage of registered individuals convicted of sexual offenses report losing their job, being employed below their skill level and experiencing slow advancements in their career (Bailey & Sample, 2017;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Ten Bensel & Sample, 2018). These struggles with employment result in financial difficulties for the individual and their families (Levenson, 2008;Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009), which can make finding affordable housing difficult (Anderson et al., 2015;Levenson, 2008;Mercado et al., 2008). ...
... In addition to difficulties with employment and housing, registered individuals convicted of sexual offenses report that they often experience the loss of friends and close relationships, as well as difficulties with intimate relationships (Levenson et al., 2013;Levenson & Cotter, 2005;Levenson, D'Amora, et al., 2007;Levenson et al., 2012;Mercado et al., 2008;Robbers, 2009;Tewksbury & Lees, 2006). Registered individuals convicted of sexual offenses also report a high frequency of threats and harassment, property damage, physical assault or injury, fear of being humiliated in public, and receiving harassing and threatening telephone calls and mail (Klein et al., 2018;Levenson, D'Amora, et al., 2007;Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009;Mercado et al., 2008;Tewksbury, 2005;Tolson & Klein, 2015;Zevitz & Farkas, 2000). ...
Article
Sex offender laws were designed to decrease sexual violence. The current mixed methods study examined attitudes and opinions of parole and probation officers who have supervised individuals convicted of sexual offenses (n = 361) regarding sex offender legislation and how these policies can be most effective in preventing recidivism. About half of the officers reported that registration and notification, sexually violent predator and Halloween laws were largely effective in preventing sexual victimization. Conversely, they perceived residence restriction laws and the tier system to be largely ineffective. A consistent theme that emerged from the qualitative responses was a movement away from blanket approaches towards a case-specific approach, tailoring the laws to individuals based upon their needs and risk level.
... In brief, these policies aim to reduce sexual offending through incapacitative measures (e.g., residence restrictions) and deterrence measures (e.g., public registration and community notification) (Socia, 2012). SORN policies have developed through public demand for more punitive approaches to address sexual offending following several tragic and highly publicized sexual crimes against children (Kahn et al., 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Vasquez et al., 2008;Wright, 2008) and continue to receive tremendous public support (Proctor, et al., 2002). Unfortunately, these policies have been implemented with little evaluative evidence or regard for others who may be unintentionally impacted. ...
... Partners of registered individuals are uniquely impacted by both SORN policies and consequent courtesy stigma, resulting in reductions of social support (Arditti, 2005;Jones & Beck, 2005), overall well-being (Russell, 2020), and mental health (Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009;Robbers, 2009). Individuals also may experience a sense of disenfranchised grief as they mourn the physical loss of their partner due to incarceration or a "psychosocial death" of the person they once knew, before the sex offender label was applied (Bailey, 2018). ...
... In brief, these policies aim to reduce sexual offending through incapacitative measures (e.g., residence restrictions) and deterrence measures (e.g., public registration and community notification) (Socia, 2012). SORN policies have developed through public demand for more punitive approaches to address sexual offending following several tragic and highly publicized sexual crimes against children (Kahn et al., 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Vasquez et al., 2008;Wright, 2008) and continue to receive tremendous public support (Proctor, et al., 2002). Unfortunately, these policies have been implemented with little evaluative evidence or regard for others who may be unintentionally impacted. ...
... Partners of registered individuals are uniquely impacted by both SORN policies and consequent courtesy stigma, resulting in reductions of social support (Arditti, 2005;Jones & Beck, 2005), overall well-being (Russell, 2020), and mental health (Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009;Robbers, 2009). Individuals also may experience a sense of disenfranchised grief as they mourn the physical loss of their partner due to incarceration or a "psychosocial death" of the person they once knew, before the sex offender label was applied (Bailey, 2018). ...
Article
Full-text available
Sex offense registration and notification (SORN) policies can contribute to stigma and negative consequences for partners of registered individuals. The present study utilized a self-report questionnaire to ask these partners what they would say to policymakers if given the opportunity. A thematic analysis of the responses revealed three themes which highlight the distinct issues related to registries, describe direct consequences experienced by the partners, and propose changes to existing policy. This study provides valuable insight into the experiences of a hard-to-reach population and can help generate critical discussion around the sweeping impacts SORN policies have on individuals they were not intended to reach. Implications for qualitative criminology and policy are discussed.
... Interaction with the surroundings creates an experience of an endless existential struggle, a state that usually leads to or strengthens the chronic phase of a criminal spin. The potential contribution of social reaction to the chronic phase (Becker, 1963;Robbers, 2009;Ronel, 2011) realizes itself through processes of labeling and stigmatizing the individual as a part of society's own we must motive, a basic social need to protect its values and norms (Ronel, 2011). ...
... In addition, the potential contribution of social reaction to the chronic phase of the spin (Becker, 1963;Robbers, 2009;Ronel, 2011) realizes itself through processes of labeling and stigmatizing the individual as a part of society's own we must motive (Ronel, 2011). FS is unique in that it does not evolve into a state of passivity as it does in the individual spin, but instead generats active inter-familial interactions and intra-familial reactions toward the (exterior) environment, effectively increasing individual spins and the group spin. ...
Article
Full-text available
The Criminal Spin theory focuses on a process, through which an individual experiences decreased feelings of self-control and empathy, along with increased criminal activity and self-centeredness. The different types of criminal spins (acute, chronic) and their levels (individual, group) are discussed in a familial context. This article focuses on the chronic group spin and its conceptual contribution to understanding the experiences of prisoners’ family members. A study of 27 members of prisoners’ nuclear families in Israel (i.e., parents and siblings) revealed that the imprisonment of a son or brother generates unique experiences that are similar to a group spin. An innovative angle to the theory referred to as the “familial spin” and its potential theoretical, social, and practical ramifications are discussed. Finally, positive criminology is suggested as a balanced approach that allows social acceptance and assists in preventing spin escalations and maintaining family members’ engagement with society and its values.
... In brief, these policies aim to reduce sexual offending through incapacitative measures (e.g., residence restrictions) and deterrence measures (e.g., public registration and community notification) (Socia, 2012). SORN policies have developed through public demand for more punitive approaches to address sexual offending following several tragic and highly publicized sexual crimes against children (Kahn et al., 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Vasquez et al., 2008;Wright, 2008) and continue to receive tremendous public support (Proctor, et al., 2002). Unfortunately, these policies have been implemented with little evaluative evidence or regard for others who may be unintentionally impacted. ...
... Partners of registered individuals are uniquely impacted by both SORN policies and consequent courtesy stigma, resulting in reductions of social support (Arditti, 2005;Jones & Beck, 2005), overall well-being (Russell, 2020), and mental health (Levenson & Tewksbury, 2009;Robbers, 2009). Individuals also may experience a sense of disenfranchised grief as they mourn the physical loss of their partner due to incarceration or a "psychosocial death" of the person they once knew, before the sex offender label was applied (Bailey, 2018). ...
Article
Full-text available
Sex offense registration and notification (SORN) policies can contribute to stigma and negative consequences for partners of registered individuals. The present study utilized a self-report questionnaire to ask these partners what they would say to policymakers if given the opportunity. A thematic analysis of the responses revealed three themes which highlight the distinct issues related to registries, describe direct consequences experienced by the partners, and propose changes to existing policy. This study provides valuable insight into the experiences of a hard-to-reach population and can help generate critical discussion around the sweeping impacts SORN policies have on individuals they were not intended to reach. Implications for qualitative criminology and policy are discussed.
... Naples, 2004;Mingus & Burchfield, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Schultz, 2014). Thus, although a convenient term, the label "sex offender" is laden with negative connotations that are reinforced through continued use.Beyond media reports and legislation, the "sex offender" label is prevalent within academia and professional settings and might unintentionally reinforce many of the stereotypes that researchers aim to disprove (e.g., Malinen et al., 2014;Quinn et al., 2004;Sanghara & Wilson, 2006). ...
... Indeed, the issue with labeling is that it conflates the act with the individual (e.g., Willis, 2018). While many will argue that individuals who have committed crimes deserve the label, it is assigned indefinitely (particularly for individuals who have committed sexual offenses, e.g., Mingus & Burchfield, 2012;Robbers, 2009). Therefore, the stigmatizing use of labeling extends punishment indefinitely. ...
Article
The present study examined the effect of offense-based labels on community members’ willingness to volunteer with people convicted for varying offenses and any priming effect of labeling language. Participants (N = 310) were randomly assigned to a label condition or a neutral condition and completed an anonymous online survey about their willingness to volunteer with different groups. The labeling condition utilized labels (e.g., “sex offenders,” “murderers”), whereas the control condition utilized neutral descriptors (e.g., “people who have committed crimes of a sexual nature”). Overall, findings supported the hypothesis that offense-based labels were associated with less willingness to volunteer, with findings most pronounced for the “sex offender” and “child sex offender” labels. Participants in the labeling condition showed greater voluntary use of labels compared with neutral language and were more likely to use labels compared with participants in the neutral condition. Implications for influencing public opinion are discussed.
... Moreover, if scientifi c evidence continues to build in this regard, SORN could be tailored so that those on lifetime registration have a means of removing their name from the registry. In short, they would have a way to break the metaphorical data tether, particularly with community management strategies that impart such a high level of stigma where successful crime-free integration becomes extremely challenging (Robbers, 2009 ;Dante, 2012 ;McJunkin & Prescott, 2018 ). ...
Chapter
Introduction In the United States, compared to persons convicted of violent, property or white-collar crimes, individuals convicted of sex crimes are arguably one of the most highly monitored groups of offenders in contemporary times. While historically this was not always the case, sensationalized media accounts of high-profile sexual assault-homicide cases, particularly those committed against children, changed the sociolegal landscape—from one of treatment amenability to one of punishment and deterrence (Sutherland, 1950; Jenkins, 1998). As a result, scrutiny of these individuals by lawmakers, criminal justice actors, and the public has continued to intensify over time. This level of scrutiny, in combination with new ways of managing these individuals’ access to or restriction from social spaces, spurred on by media narrative, public outcry, and reactionary policy making, led to numerous changes in law (Jenkins, 1998; Lynch, 2002; Sample & Kadleck, 2008; Budd & Mancini, 2017). Legislation crafted to monitor and track these individuals in communities started to proliferate and has become institutionalized at both the federal and state level (Jenkins, 1998; Lynch, 2002; Sample & Kadleck, 2008). A key aspect to implement this legislation was to leverage technology in conjunction with personnel power (e.g. law enforcement) to accomplish these legislative aims. Digital technology, such as databases to prevent, respond to, and investigate crimes, and technological monitoring, such as Global Positioning System (GPS) devices, has played an ever-increasing role in criminal justice work (Eisenberg, 2017). The use of these technologies has become particularly prominent in tracking and monitoring individuals convicted of sex crimes (Eisenberg, 2017; McJunkin & Prescott, 2018). Improvements in technology and the ability to capture and store large quantities of data have evolved; therefore, the ways in which individuals who have been convicted of committing a sex crime(s) are monitored have become more sophisticated. This chapter will focus on the ways persons convicted of sex crimes are contemporarily monitored, specifically through two mechanisms: sex offender registration and notification (SORN) and electronic monitoring (EM). Both of these monitoring strategies amass large quantities of data (e.g. personal information, location tracking information) that are gathered, housed and maintained by law enforcement and various other agencies. While law enforcement generally has a primary role in monitoring this group of people, at the community level other branches of criminal justice, such as probation and parole, are also tasked with the day-to-day monitoring of these persons if they are still under correctional supervision.
... This typifies being isolated and increases his risk of failure to desist, as family contact can mitigate the negative effects of segregation from society (Kras, 2019). Social networks mitigate the stressors of reintegration, so experiencing shame and losing contact with family and friends due convictions has been found to reduce chances of successful reintegration (Levenson & Cotter, 2016;Robbers, 2009). Elliot has not been convicted of committing any further sexual offences and has selfreported his desistance from doing so. ...
Article
Full-text available
Successful reintegration following prison for those with sexual convictions is a key aim of criminal justice policy. Whilst there is a wealth of research detailing the desistance and reintegration process of current Core Member's (CMs) within Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA), there is limited research that captures the experiences of ex-CMs once the support of the volunteers had ceased. In addition to this, there is limited research that focuses on the impact COVID-19 has had upon those convicted of sexual offences, living within the community following a CoSA. This study aimed to explore these experiences finding that whilst volunteers helped some ex-CMs to form their own support networks, some ex-CMs appeared to rely more upon informal community support. Participants also maintained fears of their past being discovered and thus, avoided transparency, which is valuable for reintegration. In relation to the pandemic, COVID-19 was recognized as having some detrimental effects for ex-CMs, however, positive impacts and adaptability were also discussed. Conclusions drawn from the analysis provide implications for future multi-perspective and longitudinal research.
... Moreover, if scientifi c evidence continues to build in this regard, SORN could be tailored so that those on lifetime registration have a means of removing their name from the registry. In short, they would have a way to break the metaphorical data tether, particularly with community management strategies that impart such a high level of stigma where successful crime-free integration becomes extremely challenging (Robbers, 2009 ;Dante, 2012 ;McJunkin & Prescott, 2018 ). ...
... Moreover, if scientifi c evidence continues to build in this regard, SORN could be tailored so that those on lifetime registration have a means of removing their name from the registry. In short, they would have a way to break the metaphorical data tether, particularly with community management strategies that impart such a high level of stigma where successful crime-free integration becomes extremely challenging (Robbers, 2009 ;Dante, 2012 ;McJunkin & Prescott, 2018 ). ...
Article
We live in a pre-crime society. Within this society, information technology strategies and techniques such as predictive policing, actuarial justice and surveillance penology are used to achieve hyper-securitization. However, such securitization comes at a cost. In this new people-making society, the criminalisation of everyday life is guaranteed, justice functions as an algorithmic industry and punishment is administered through dataveillance regimes. Exploring relevant theories, developing technologies and institutional practices, this pioneering book explains how the pre-crime society operates in the ‘ultramodern’ age, reviews this society’s cultural effects and proposes new directions in crime control policy. Edited by critical and cultural criminologists, Bruce A. Arrigo and Brian G. Sellers, the volume brings together an international cast of interdisciplinary scholars, working at the intersections of data science, digital culture, and justice studies. This is the first collection to comprehensively consider the relevance and impact of the pre-crime society thesis, across the systems of state, national, and global surveillance and securitization.
... Disintegrative shaming applies when a person is not able to access the appropriate opportunities to reintegrate in society (Robbers, 2009) and where labels are applied to the offender which acts to name, shame and stigmatise (Silverman, 2003). Rather than labelling the offence as wrong, the label is applied to the offender who may be viewed as in need of treatment or beyond help. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Criminology has conventionally focussed on the onset and punishment of crime. Less attention is paid to how offenders reintegrate, exist, cope and move away from crime. However, there is a growing body of research interested in reintegration and desistance from crime. The literature on sex offender reintegration and desistance is limited but emerging, with studies exclusively involving child sex offenders remaining scarce. Therefore, this thesis has been designed to evaluate the reintegration experiences of child sex offenders in a community in England and Wales. Using a qualitative, semi-structured, individual interview approach, data were collected from 10 men (the participants) who had at least one current and at least one previous child sexual offence conviction. The index offences ranged from internet related charges, to rape. Data were additionally obtained from 11 professionals working with child sex offenders in the community. The professionals worked for either the National Probation Service (NPS), the police or Circles of Support and Accountability (COSA). The themes of resettlement, risk management and stigma were discussed, and an illustrative model of child sex offender reintegration was developed. The findings suggest the participants were vulnerable. They shared experiences of verbal and physical abuse at the hands of non-sex offenders, loss, fear, isolation and pressure. They were not afforded the opportunities to reintegrate with success in comparison to other offender types, with internet offenders' opportunities being lessened further. They used a variety of coping methods, including self-risk management, identity passing, avoidance and appropriate offence disclosure. In addition, the illustrative model highlighted how the men were active agents of their reintegration journey, rather than being passive. They shaped and negotiated their way through life in the community as men with child sexual offences in different and interesting ways, whilst being mindful of the stigma associated with this offence type.
... Second, given that the posts and comments on the forum were reviewed post-hoc in a manner similar to naturalistic observation, useful follow-up information could not be obtained. In addition, although only individuals still involved with their accused family members participated in this study, alleged perpetrators of sexual offences commonly report losing family relationships following an offence (Evans & Cubellis, 2015;Robbers, 2009 ). Thus, the perspective of individuals who may have disowned or walked away from their accused family member was not captured in this study. ...
Article
Few studies have examined the impact of sexual offences on non-offending family members. Using thematic content analysis of posts on a relevant, anonymous online support community website, the current study identified the experiences and needs of family members following a sexual offence. Findings indicate that collateral consequences of legal restrictions, coupled with stigma, result in enduring emotional, social, and practical difficulties for non-offending family members. In addition, family members highlighted an important role in providing practical and emotional support for alleged perpetrators managing offence-related challenges. Uncertainty surrounding registration requirements serves as a barrier to maintaining and accessing housing, planning key life events, and helping family members comply with parole requirements. Overall, findings serve to identify key challenges confronting non-offending family members and inform the design of services to support positive relationships associated with reduced re-offending.
... Moreover, if scientifi c evidence continues to build in this regard, SORN could be tailored so that those on lifetime registration have a means of removing their name from the registry. In short, they would have a way to break the metaphorical data tether, particularly with community management strategies that impart such a high level of stigma where successful crime-free integration becomes extremely challenging (Robbers, 2009 ;Dante, 2012 ;McJunkin & Prescott, 2018 ). ...
... Studies show that sexual offenders often face severe stigmatization, which leads to resentment, fear, and hopelessness (Jahnky et al., 2014;Tewksbury, 2012). Notification laws have also resulted to high percentages of sexual offenders experiencing property damage, threats, or assault (Brannon et al., 2007;Robbers, 2009). Sex offenders who experience isolation from their communities and violence are at higher risk for re-offense. ...
... Although focused on individuals who have been criminalized for sexual harm they have perpetrated, Robbers (2009) echoes these ideas and further found that the use of informal and formal preventative restrictions serve as an additional barrier to successful re-entry. Agamben (1998) and Spencer (2009) further this argument noting that these people are conceived as 'noncitizens' or bare life ⎯ the homo sacer ⎯ and that this is what justifies the violence and forms of abjection that is inflicted on them in Western societies. ...
Thesis
Through engaging with hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses surrounding the Province of Ontario’s Community Housing Renewal Strategy (CHRS), this thesis examines the ways in which the criminalization and social assistance systems continue to be reimagined in ways that perpetuate inequality. The CHRS legislates the exclusion of criminalized individuals from accessing community housing. Drawing on Marxian punishment theory, the role of structural inequality as the foundation of such a policy is explored. A total of 150 documents comprise the final dataset; this includes newsprint media items, reports produced by non-governmental organizations, and Hansard transcripts. The analysis reveals a total of seven themes, which highlight how the CHRS is largely legitimized based on the principle of lesser eligibility. Through the hegemonic discourses, the recomposition and extension of the penal apparatus into the community housing sector is observed. Moreover, purveyors of counter-hegemonic discourses further illustrate this through highlighting the way in which the CHRS represents a state mechanism used to reproduce poverty and perpetuate its criminalization. In conclusion, future directions for research aiming to dismantle exclusive and punitive policies are suggested.
... Policy-makers implemented a series of legislative actions surrounding sexual offending in the 1990's and 2000's (Kahn, 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Wright, 2008). Specialized registration and notification policies and laws, which target sexual offending in the United States, were predominantly introduced to address concerns about individuals who commit sexual offenses and with the intention of protecting the community and reducing recidivism (Agan, 2011;Prescott, 2012). ...
Article
Juveniles that commit sexual offenses tend to be a misunderstood population. Even professionals working in the juvenile justice system can hold misconceptions about these youth that interfere with implementing appropriate treatment and supervision services. Judges play a particularly powerful role in guiding the trajectory of intervention in these cases, but little is known about their understanding of this challenging population. To that end, the present study surveyed judges and a public reference sample to better understand current judicial perceptions of juvenile sexual offending. Results suggest that there are substantial misperceptions across participants surrounding juvenile sexual offending and offenders; however, judicial officers held more accurate information and less punitive orientations in comparison to the reference sample even when overestimating actual offending and recidivism rates. Details regarding these findings are presented along with subsequent recommendations for judicial education and preparation for working cases involving juveniles that have committed sexual offenses.
... The impact on female offenders may be particularly acute as the press often amplifies their deviance by portraying them as "doubly deviant": they both break the law and transgress commonly held standards of feminine behaviour (Easteal et al., 2015;Naylor, 1990). Moreover, the reach of this publicity-fuelled penal power encompasses innocent family members and friends with potentially devastating consequences (Condry, 2007;Murray, 2013, p. 457;Payne, 2016;Robbers, 2009). ...
Article
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of media coverage on offenders convicted of occupational fraud and corruption in the UK. It examines the extent of media coverage and provides insights into the experiences of offenders. Design/methodology/approach The study is based upon interviews with 17 convicted offenders, and on a content analysis of one national and two regional newspapers in the UK. Findings The findings suggest that offenders convicted of occupational crime and corruption are more likely to experience media coverage than previously assumed and that personal digital criminal legacies create long-term labels which lead to economic strains and social fractures that hinder productive reintegration into society. Research limitations/implications The research is limited by a small sample frame in the UK. Nevertheless, the findings suggest further research is required as they have important implications for privacy and rehabilitation. Practical implications In particular, offenders and their families need support in dealing with their personal digital criminal legacies, accessing their privacy rights and coping with the strains created by online stigmatisation. From a policy perspective, the existing regulatory framework that supports rehabilitation in the UK, especially the increasingly archaic Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974, requires close examination and debate to ensure it is fit for the digital era. The findings also suggest that policies, practices and responsibilities of the public sector in employing offenders need to be examined. Originality/value It is a rare study of white-collar offenders after their release from prison. The findings are of relevance to criminal justice policy makers, rehabilitation services and academics.
... For instance, in their examination of faith communities and registrants, Kewley, Beech, and Harkins (2015) argued that a faith community can provide registrants with positive social networks to assist with reentry. Robbers (2009) found that over 85% of her sample of registrants identified as religious, and 63% viewed religion as an important part of their lives. Consistent with social bond theory, participation in religious communities could provide important growth of the bonds of attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief among registrants, thus reducing recidivism. ...
Article
Previous research has explored the impact of faith and religion on recidivism. However, it focused primarily on violent offenders, drug users, tax evaders, and so on. Missing is an examination of registered sex offenders (RSOs) and the role religion and religiosity play in facilitating reentry. Religiosity and religious organizations may play a role in increasing social bonds and reducing isolation in RSOs. In addition, being surrounded by a faith-based community could act as a catalyst for identity transformation from a RSO to a community member. Using a national online sample of U.S. adults, this research investigates individual’s support of policies controlling sex offenders in religious communities and how demographic characteristics affect these views. Results suggest that Protestants and Other (non-Catholic) Christians are the most accepting of RSOs in places of worship. In addition, the stronger an individual’s faith, the less accepting they are of RSOs. Older, liberal, and educated respondents are more accepting of RSOs.
... Policy-makers implemented a series of legislative actions surrounding sexual offending in the 1990's and 2000's (Kahn, 2017;Prescott, 2012;Robbers, 2009;Wright, 2008). Specialized registration and notification policies and laws, which target sexual offending in the United States, were predominantly introduced to address concerns about individuals who commit sexual offenses and with the intention of protecting the community and reducing recidivism (Agan, 2011;Prescott, 2012). ...
Presentation
Sex offender registration and notification is the most prominent example of the U.S. legislature enacting policies to target sex offending. However, applying these policies to juvenile sexual offenders (JSOs) has resulted in various negative collateral consequences in terms of mental health, harassment, school issues, living instability, and risk of reoffending. Researchers have identified that the public may hold substantial misperceptions of JSOs (e.g., they are resistant to treatment). Thus, our research utilized an online survey to examine the perceptions of a nationally representative sample of 125 members of the public. This survey was designed to capture the accuracy of the public’s’ perceptions of JSO’s recidivism rates, trends in offending, and frequency of offending. Further, we examined support for either rehabilitative (e.g., treatment) or punitive (e.g., sex offender registration) responses to sex offenses committed by youth, and explored public perceptions surrounding why juveniles commit sexual offenses. As part of this session, we also will discuss a current study in progress that further compares perceptions of juvenile and family court judges’ perceptions with those of the public sample. We will detail potential policy-implication of this line of research, as well as provide recommendations for future research and potential directions for policy reform.
... In addition, the visibility of RSOs in a community may promote the public's use of protective measure through various pathways that minimize opportunities for sex offenders (Socia Jr & Stamatel, 2010). For example, local communities may shame RSO into moving (which may simply move sex offenses rather than eliminate them), or may create additional community protection services such as community watches that keep tabs on RSOs in their community (Robbers, 2009). Local police department may also use SORs to monitor RSO. ...
Article
Over the past decade, a small movement endorsing the use of animal abuse registries (AARs) has emerged in the United States. Today, one state, 16 counties, and the City of New York have adopted AAR legislation, and 28 other states have attempted to pass such legislation. Here, we discuss similarities between AARs and sexual offender registries in theoretical terms, discuss the nature of AAR legislation, and provide data on the use of AARs, and count the number of offenders listed in those registries at two points in time. We also provide a count of animal abuse, and potential ways that animal abuse might be counted that are not addressed in current AAR legislation. We discuss whether AARs are ‘a good idea,’ especially as a policy response that might be associated with green criminology.
... Successful reintegration and the establishment of a pro-social network on release from prison, however is difficult for any type of offender (Berg & Huebner, 2011). In addition, the negative issues faced during re-entry in to the community are thought to be considerably worse for those who have been convicted of sexual offences (Robbers, 2009). Some of the major and most prominent issues faced by such offenders are a persistent sense of vulnerability, increased levels of stress, difficulties in finding employment and housing, and problems maintaining social and familial relationships (Graffam, Shinkfield, Lavelle, & McPherson, 2004;Tewksbury & Connor, 2012;Tewksbury & Copes, 2013). ...
Article
Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA) are an intervention used to support and enable those who have been convicted of a sexual offence (core member), to reintegrate back into society, whilst still holding them accountable for their behaviour (Cesaroni, 2002). The purpose of this study was to introduce a new prison-model of CoSA and to explore the core members’ perceptions of their release from prison, and subsequent future in the community, prior to it starting. Interviews and repertory grids were carried out with those who had accepted a core member place on this initiative (n = 9). The findings derived from the data highlight the core members’ concerns regarding their pending release from prison, along with a potential turning point towards a more pro-social self. A prison-based model of CoSA may provide support and accountability during this transitional stage, thus helping to counter any isolation experienced and capitalise on any cognitive change.
Chapter
This chapter argues for greater use of community hubs in the supervision of people convicted of sexual offences. The chapter begins with and overview of the current state of probation, contemporary issues in the supervision of people convicted of sexual offences and desistance from sexual offending. The chapter then looks at community hubs, a collaborative and multi-agency approach to probation, exploring their application and associated research. Following this, the chapter draws together community hubs and the experiences of people convicted of sexual offences. In highlighting the potential benefits of community hubs for this specific group, the chapter suggests that the hub approach is well positioned to bridge gaps in probation practice through creating more visible desistance pathways. This work strongly supports that when addressing gender-based violence, it is vital to encourage sufficient provision for those with convictions, to both encourage desistance and prevent future harm and victimisation. Ultimately, the chapter aims to encourage further research on the use of community hubs for people convicted for sexual offences and advocates for their innovative and desistance-focused potential with this population
Article
Individuals convicted of a sexual offense are subject to considerable levels of stigmatization that should lead to internalization of the criminal label according to some versions of labeling theory (Becker, 1963). Recent research has begun to explore how individuals resist and otherwise negotiate their identities in response to stigma, although this research has not yet been applied to the study of stigma associated with the "sex offender" label. Such research is significant because a noncriminal identity is important to facilitating and maintaining desistance from crime. Using in-depth interviews with 20 individuals previously convicted of a sexual offense in a southern U.S. state, this paper investigates the strategies individuals have used to resist stigma associated with the "sex offender" label and how these strategies may help to interrupt the process of self-stigmatization. Results suggest these individuals employ a variety of resistance strategies, which may serve as another tool for managing a "spoiled identity."
Chapter
This chapter hears voices from the diverse range of rape offenders and the inequalities they experience within the Criminal Justice System. This, to increase understanding of the offence and offenders, thus working towards a public protection agenda. The concepts of “himpathy” and “monsterising” as well as trajectories and typologies of offenders are considered. The offender’s pathway through the criminal justice system is followed, i.e. being in court, prison and their assessment and treatment. Stigma, public humiliation, shame, the mask of anger and rage, violence, and use of psychological defence mechanisms are discussed. Challenges upon release, reintegration, and reduced opportunities for the development of non-sexual offending future identities are introduced. The hope for potential redemption, for the offender and by the public and the consequences of hopelessness are explored. The role of probation services and the use of “Sexual Harm Prevention”/“Sexual Risk Orders” are explained and the voices of professionals working with offenders are captured.
Article
Purpose This study provides further insight into the experiences of five men who have committed sexual offences, with intellectual disabilities and have been recalled back to prison. The purpose of this paper is to increase professional knowledge to assist with improving working practices that support the reintegration of individuals convicted of sexual offences and with intellectual disabilities, back into the community. Design/methodology/approach Interview data was analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis, to identify the key issues associated with criminal justice services. Findings The following superordinate themes were identified: “The label that sticks” and “Probation officer dependency”. Research limitations/implications The key implications of the findings were the high level of dependency individuals had on their probation officers and the impact that this relationship had on the overall experience of recall. The stigma of the label “sex offender” was also found to have a profound impact on individuals’ feelings of safety and their future progression. Originality/value Research exploring the experiences of individuals convicted for sexual offences and with intellectual disabilities, being recalled back to prison, is limited. Future recommendations of how practice could be improved to better support responsivity needs of this group and to create a more positive self-identity are discussed.
Article
Juveniles that commit sexual offenses tend to be a misunderstood population. Even professionals working in the juvenile justice system can hold misconceptions about these youth that interfere with implementing appropriate treatment and supervision services. Judges play a particularly powerful role in guiding the trajectory of intervention in these cases, but little is known about their understanding of this challenging population. To that end, the present study surveyed judges and a public reference sample to better understand current judicial perceptions of juvenile sexual offending. Results suggest that there are substantial misperceptions across participants surrounding juvenile sexual offending and offenders; however, judicial officers held more accurate information and less punitive orientations in comparison to the reference sample even when overestimating actual offending and recidivism rates. Details regarding these findings are presented along with subsequent recommendations for judicial education and preparation for working cases involving juveniles that have committed sexual offenses.
Article
Stigma directed towards persons with convictions for sexual offences and its potentially risk enhancing effects has prompted a growing body of research on public attitudes towards individuals who have sexually offended, including attitude measurement. However, many questions in attitudinal scales use the “sex offender” label, which potentially perpetuates stigma. The current study, which was part of a larger study examining effects of offence-based labels, sought to examine whether responses on an attitudinal scale would differ when person-first language was used instead of the “sex offender” label. Participants (N = 372) were randomly assigned to a label condition or person-first language condition and completed an anonymous online survey that included a popular attitudinal scale. A small, significant effect of labelling was observed: offence-based labels were associated with more negative attitudes than neutral descriptors. Implications for future research are discussed. PRACTICE IMPACT STATEMENT The current study found that the “sex offender” label was associated with more negative attitudes toward individuals who have sexually offended compared to neutral, person-first language (e.g. “people who have committed crimes of a sexual nature”). Replacing stigmatising labels with person-first language in research and in practice is an important step towards humanising people who have offended and supporting them to live safe, productive, prosocial lives. In research, using person-first language may help improve validity of attitude measurement and remove the possibility of inadvertently reinforcing the very stereotypes researchers seek to address.
Chapter
ReentryDesistance processesreentry is often defined as the processDesistance processes of leaving prison and returning to society (Travis in, But they all come back: Facing the challenges of prisoner reentry. The Urban Institute Press, 2005). The prospect of rehabilitation and reintegration are goals that some seek to achieve. On a similar note, reentry is not a form of supervision rather reentry is a reality for most, if not all prisoners, in the fact that most will be released from prison at some stage. Where even a life sentence does not necessarily mean the person will spend their entire natural life in prison, therefore the discussion on how best to support those reentering back into society is imperative. The prospect of reentry is a real one.
Chapter
Despite being in existence for over a quarter century, costing multiple millions of dollars and affecting the lives of hundreds of thousands of individuals, sex offender registration and notification (SORN) laws have yet to be subject to a book-length treatment of their empirical dimensions - their premises, coverage, and impact on public safety. This volume, edited by Wayne Logan and J.J. Prescott, assembles the leading researchers in the field to provide an in-depth look at what have come to be known as 'Megan's Laws', offering a social science-based analysis of one of the most important, and controversial, criminal justice system initiatives undertaken in modern times.
Chapter
Despite being in existence for over a quarter century, costing multiple millions of dollars and affecting the lives of hundreds of thousands of individuals, sex offender registration and notification (SORN) laws have yet to be subject to a book-length treatment of their empirical dimensions - their premises, coverage, and impact on public safety. This volume, edited by Wayne Logan and J.J. Prescott, assembles the leading researchers in the field to provide an in-depth look at what have come to be known as 'Megan's Laws', offering a social science-based analysis of one of the most important, and controversial, criminal justice system initiatives undertaken in modern times.
Article
Despite speculation regarding the role of collateral consequences of sexual offender policies in psychosocial and criminogenic outcomes, there has been no empirical analysis in the extant literature examining these links. Lack of conceptual underpinnings and no psychometrically valid measure of collateral consequences has limited study in this area. A systematic literature review was conducted to assess the state of measurement in terms of conceptual and operational definitions, populations sampled, domains assessed, items used, and scale properties reported. Nineteen studies met inclusion criteria. Themes emerged regarding commonly assessed collateral consequences, the misconnect between legal and psychological conceptualizations of collateral consequences, the division between external (i.e., social) and internal (i.e., affective) collateral consequences, as well as a trend toward emphasizing the psychological damages (in addition to discrete experiences of loss) associated with a sexual offense. Findings are discussed, and a unifying definition of collateral consequences is proposed to guide future scale development.
Article
Little research exists on how partners of sex offenders are perceived. Using attachment theory, we hypothesised that one's attachment would generalise to perceptions of sexual offenders and their partners. One hundred and six British adults’ attachment styles were assessed, as well as perceptions of sex offenders and their partners. Generally, perceivers’ attachment avoidance was associated with positive perceptions of both partners and offenders, while attachment anxiety was associated with negative perceptions of partners but positive perceptions of sex offenders. Perceptions of sex offenders and their partners were highly correlated and negative in nature, and sex offenders were more negatively perceived.
Article
Recent federal and state-level justice reforms have centered on "legal reintegration" (e.g., permitting expungement for a greater range of crimes and rights restoration). While scholarship has tapped public opinion of this approach, much of it predates recent reentry efforts. We see an opportunity to extend this literature by focusing on a contemporary sample (N = 374) of residents living in Virginia, a state that recently considered such reforms. Results suggest most of the public supports expungement reform, but less than 40% support rights restoration generally, with approval levels dependent on specific type of restoration. Divides are explained by socio-demographic factors, particularly political ideology and race, as well as crime-related views. Implications are discussed.
Article
The experiences of persons convicted or charged with sex‐related offences are informed by trends in how the sex offender population in society is defined and understood. I draw on data from in‐depth semi‐structured interviews with 100 Canadian provincial correctional officers to explore the harms tied to the framing of sex offenders in prison, including those embedded in institutional structures. I conceptualise how correctional officers understand sex offenders and how the structures in place to ‘protect’ those labelled as sex offenders are, unintentionally, harmful in their own right. I argue that officers rely on evolving strategies of risk mitigation that they must understand, develop, and learn in the prison context. Emphasis is placed on possible policy or needs that may assist in recognising how ‘protective custody’ may simply be lip service to further stigmatise an already marginalised population.
Article
This chapter examines research findings concerning several of the most noteworthy examples of: sex offender registration and community notification (a.k.a. “Megan's Laws”); residence restrictions; involuntary and indeterminate civil commitment (a.k.a. “sexually violent predator” laws); and use of electronic monitoring (EM). In a nutshell, sex offender registration and notification laws require that convicted sex offenders provide government authorities a variety of identifying information. In most states, all registrants are subject to community notification, based solely on offense of conviction, with registry websites not always stating that individuals have not been evaluated for risk of reoffense. The sex‐offender population subject to EM varies among states. Some states require it after release from correctional supervision, while others make it a condition of probation or parole. Because EM enables authorities to monitor location, it can operate in tandem with exclusion zones, discussed earlier, which prohibit registrants from living in or visiting designated areas.
Article
At present, the politics of digital tools are predominantly discussed in terms of the data they collect, analyze, and circulate. Through my analysis of electronic ankle monitors’ visual characteristics, I widen the scope of investigation to consider how the visuality of digital tools’ form factor – the size and shape of computing hardware – also contributes to their politics. I discuss five major impacts the visuality of electronic ankle monitors’ physical form has upon their wearers’ lives: (1) lack of differentiation in the aesthetics of monitors across different types of wearers (spanning from criminal justice to immigration detention) leads wearers to be considered “dangerous criminals,” by default; (2) monitors limit wearers’ ability to “pass” in society; (3) monitors expand the set of surveillors beyond government officials to also include the public; (4) monitors compromise wearers’ privacy; (5) monitors associate wearers with older practices of visually marking people normative society has labeled dangerous. Based on this analysis, I argue two points. First, that the visuality of electronic ankle monitors’ form factor expands the harms wearers experience beyond those engendered by the device’s primary use as a remote geo-temporal tracking tool used by government organizations. Second, the case study of electronic ankle monitors evidences the need to develop laws and policies that seek to regulate the visual properties of digital tools as well as the data they generate.
Article
Circles of Support and Accountability (CoSA) are comprised of approximately five trained Circle volunteers who provide support during reentry to one core member previously convicted of a sexual offense. In 2008, the Minnesota Department of Corrections implemented the Minnesota Circles of Support and Accountability (MnCoSA). In-depth interviews were conducted with 33 MnCoSA volunteers and 10 core members to gain an understanding of (a) what makes volunteers desirable to core members, as well as (b) what makes CoSA desirable to volunteers. The study finds core members express a desire for the availability and consistency of volunteers, a preference for certain types of volunteers, and consistent with volunteers’ perceptions, a belief that CoSAs offer particular benefits for volunteers. Implications for recruitment of volunteers and optimal structuring of CoSAs are discussed.
Article
The present study utilized in-depth qualitative interviews with 38 people who provided formal social support to registered sex offenders to explore their attitudes toward sex offender registration and notification (SORN). Findings revealed that there were three primary areas of perceptions that these support partners had concerning SORN laws. These themes – incapable of adequately raising public awareness, unable to impact sex offender recidivism, and inappropriate for most sex offenders – suggested that such policies were ineffective strategies for sex offender management. Limitations, directions for future research, and corresponding policy implications are discussed.
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Correctional scholars have long explored how those who are imprisoned for sexual offences (SOs) are targeted because of the nature of their crimes. In consequence, SOs report experiencing excessive physical, psychological, and emotional violence in prison. On the surface, their experiences resonate with how some scholars conceptualize the patterns of victimization faced by hate crime victims. This area of inquiry, however, remains underexplored. In response, the authors draw from the voices of 56 former federally incarcerated Canadian men, shedding light on their interpretations of other prisoners, either thought to be or actually convicted of a sex offence as well as any parallels in the positioning of SOs in prison and victims of bias-motivated crimes.
Article
Men, whether gynephilic or androphilic, show both early and late attention toward adults and not toward children. We examined early and late visual attention to sexually mature versus immature stimuli in four groups of heterosexual men: sexual offenders against children (SOAC = 18), sexual offenders against adults (SOAA = 16), nonsexual offenders (NSO = 18), and nonoffending men (NOM = 19). We simultaneously presented adult and child stimuli and measured time to first fixation, number of first fixations, total duration of fixation, and fixation count to four areas of interest: entire body, then face, chest, and pelvis. We found a significant interaction where only SOAC tended to fixate more first times to child than to adult stimuli. Conversely, we found longer total duration of fixations for the bodies of adults compared to the bodies of children in all groups; however, in both the total duration of fixations and the fixation count for the whole body, but especially in the chest, SOAC tended to fixate longer and more often on child stimuli than the other two groups of offenders, but not longer or more often than NOM. This study adds to the limited research using eye-tracking techniques in samples of SOAC.
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Developmental theories of crime offer criminologists an opportunity to understand how early attachment processes and later attachment processes are linked to the development of empathy and desistance. Sampson and Laub's classic work illustrated that among non-substance-abusing men, attachments to partners or to work lead toward desistance (Sampson and Laub 1993). Similarly, Hagan and McCarthy's research further develops an integrated social capital theory of crime based upon numerous theoretical perspectives including revised strain theory, control theory, the sociology of emotions literature, and Braithwaite's reintegrative shaming (Hagan and McCarthy 1997; Braithwaite 1989; Hay 2001). However, Hagan and McCarthy omit the work of developmental psychology positing that early insecure attachment in conjunction with child abuse leads to a variety of negative developmental outcomes including mistrust, shame, doubt, and survival delinquency. This shame, as evidenced by Hagan and McCarthy's work, is reinforced by punitive criminal justice responses to youth crime leading to more criminal behavior. This paper re-examines Hagan and McCarthy's tenets using the National Educational Longitudinal Study. Findings illustrate that proactive rather than reactive responses to youth crime act to decrease shame and transform the effects of early insecure attachments indirectly leading towards desistance from some types of crime.
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This study predicts self-initiated bullying from three variables: shaming, forgiveness and shame. Data were collected from 1875 Bangladeshi school children (60% girls; mean grade = 8.28) using the Bengali version of the Life at School Survey. Results demonstrated that reintegrative shaming and forgiveness were related to less bullying. High shame acknowledgment (accepting responsibility, making amends) and low shame displacement into anger or blaming others were also associated with less bullying. Liking school protected children who experienced (a) less reintegrative shaming, and (b) more stigmatising shaming at home. Equally, more reintegrative shaming and less stigmatising shaming protected children against bullying when liking for school was absent. The forgiveness main effect on bullying (22.4% reduction) was much bigger than the main effect of reintegrative shaming (11.3% reduction). These results are consistent with the view that forgiveness is a more powerful restorative practice than reintegrative shaming.
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This exploratory study aimed at better understanding why pedophile sex offenders enter and remain in treatment and how they consider it to be helpful. Comparative analysis was applied to non-directive semi-structured interviews with 24 pedophile sex offenders from La Macaza Clinic at the La Macaza federal penitentiary in Quebec. Three major themes were explored: (1) the offenders' impressions about the voluntary basis of the treatment; (2) the nature of the motivation for treatment of the participants; and (3) the different ways in which therapy was or was not helpful. The results are discussed in reference to psychodynamic literature on therapy processes and sexual deviance pathology.
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Research Summary Current legislation mandating DNA collection, civil commitment, registration, and community notification of sex offenders is predicated on the assumption that sex offenders are simply more dangerous than other types of offenders in that they inevitably re‐offend. Moreover, many states are moving to expand sex offender legislation to include non‐sexual offenders on the assumption that some offense types, such as burglary and robbery, serve as “gateway” offenses to sex crimes. The purpose of this research is to highlight two of the common perceptions underlying sex offender laws, and the extension thereof, and examine them in light of current empirical evidence. We employ analysis of variance techniques on Illinois arrest data from 1990 to 1997 to examine the degree to which sex offenders have higher proportions of repeat offending than other criminal categories and if some offense types serve as “gateway” or predicate offenses to sex crimes. Policy Implications Our results suggest that the extension of sex offender laws to non‐sexual offenders will likely have little effect on sexual victimization rates. More importantly, our results illustrate that policies can be founded on misconceptions, and these misconceptions not only have financial consequences, but also can affect the likelihood that the policies enacted will achieve their goals. If nothing else, this research suggests that policy makers need to become better informed on the issues they subject to far‐reaching and costly legislation.
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The purpose of this study is to better understand the positive and negative, intended and unintended, consequences of community notification on sex offenders’ rehabilitation and reintegration. A sample of 183 convicted male sex offenders from Florida completed the survey. Overall, about one third of participants had experienced dire events, such as the loss of a job or home, threats or harassment, or property damage. Physical assaultwas a relatively rare occurrence. The majority identified negative effects, such as stress, isolation, loss of relationships, fear, shame, embarrassment, and hopelessness. Some participants noted positive effects of Megan’s Law, including motivation to prevent reoffense and increased honesty with friends and family. Fewsex offenders believed that communities are safer because of Megan’s Law, and more than half reported that the information posted about them on Florida’s Internet registry was incorrect. Implications for practice and policy are discussed.
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In the 1990s 2 new models have been adopted for dealing with sex offenders—sexually violent predator laws and registration and community notification laws. The predator laws were recently upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in Kansas v. Hendricks. The author analyzes Hendricks and its implications for civil commitment generally and then conducts a therapeutic jurisprudence analysis of these two new statutory models. Sexual predator laws are shown to have serious antitherapeutic consequences for those subjected to them, including labeling effects and other negative effects on treatment outcome. The author explores additional antitherapeutic effects for clinicians employed in predator programs and for people with mental illness who are not sex offenders. Community notification laws are shown to have both positive and negative effects for the community and for sex offenders. Proposals for restructuring these laws to increase their therapeutic potential are offered. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Sex offenders and sex crimes provoke a great deal of anxiety in our society, and over the past decade, lawmakers have passed a variety of social policies designed to protect the public from sexual victimization. The purpose of this study was to examine public perceptions about sex offenders and community protection policies. Data were obtained from a sample of 193 residents in Melbourne, Florida. It was hypothesized that the public holds some inaccurate beliefs about sex offenders, and that there is strong public support for community protection policies. It was found that community members believe that sex offenders have very high recidivism rates, view sex offenders as a homogeneous group with regard to risk, and are skeptical about the benefits of sex offender treatment. The hypothesis that public perceptions contradict empirical research was supported. Community members were overwhelmingly in favor of public disclosure of information about registered sex offenders, although they did not express as much support for residence restrictions. Implications for public policy, and for the media's role in shaping public perceptions, are discussed.
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Evidence from 61 follow-up studies was examined to identify the factors most strongly related to recidivism among sexual offenders. On average, the sexual offense recidivism rate was low (13.4%; n = 23,393). There were, however, subgroups of offenders who recidivated at high rates. Sexual offense recidivism was best predicted by measures of sexual deviancy (e.g., deviant sexual preferences, prior sexual offenses) and, to a lesser extent, by general criminological factors (e.g., age, total prior offenses). Those offenders who failed to complete treatment were at higher risk for reoffending than those who completed treatment. The predictors of nonsexual violent recidivism and general (any) recidivism were similar to those predictors found among nonsexual criminals (e.g., prior violent offenses, age, juvenile deliquency). Our results suggest that applied risk assessments of sexual offenders should consider separately the offender's risk for sexual and nonsexual recidivism.
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Several states have enacted public policies that prohibit sex offenders who have abused children from living within close proximity to a school, park, day care center, or school bus stop. The purpose of this exploratory study was to describe the impact of residence restrictions on sex offender reintegration and to better understand sex offenders' perceptions of these laws. A survey of 135 sex offenders in Florida was conducted. Most of the molesters who responded to the survey indicated that housing restrictions increased isolation, created financial and emotional stress, and led to decreased stability. Respondents also indicated that they did not perceive residence restrictions as helpful in risk management and, in fact, reported that such restrictions may inadvertently increase triggers for reoffense. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.
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A meta-analysis of 82 recidivism studies (1,620 findings from 29,450 sexual offenders) identified deviant sexual preferences and antisocial orientation as the major predictors of sexual recidivism for both adult and adolescent sexual offenders. Antisocial orientation was the major predictor of violent recidivism and general (any) recidivism. The review also identified some dynamic risk factors that have the potential of being useful treatment targets (e.g., sexual preoccupations, general self-regulation problems). Many of the variables commonly addressed in sex offender treatment programs (e.g., psychological distress, denial of sex crime, victim empathy, stated motivation for treatment) had little or no relationship with sexual or violent recidivism.
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Using self-projected measures of criminal behavior obtained from a telephone survey, we investigate the predictive ability of four variables central to individual-level application of Braithwaite's shaming theory: participation in gossip, having been reintegratively shamed, having been the object of gossip, and having been stigmatically shamed. The results are partially supportive of the theory. Contrary to expectations, the theoretical inhibitory shaming variables (participation in gossip and being reintegratively shamed) do not reduce projected misbehavior Consistent with predictions, however, theorized crime-generative shaming variables (having been the object of gossip and having been stigmatically shamed) do appear to increase the chances of several forms of misbehavior. In addition, individuals' interdependency does not enhance the effects of the inhibitory shaming variables and has only limited and contradictory effects in enhancing the effects of crime-generative shaming variables. Results suggest that the theory needs clarification and that it may need further refinement to specify more carefully the conditions under which shaming processes inhibit or enhance criminal probabilities.
Article
Sex offender registries (SORs) are a societal response to serious and presumably dangerous criminal offenders. Existing research on registries has focused on demographic overviews of registrants, assessments of registrants' recidivism, accuracy and completeness of listed information, and collateral consequences for registrants. The present research assesses the perceptions of registrants regarding the value of SORs as a tool to enhance community awareness and promote public safety. In addition, this study examines offenders' perceptions of the strengths and weaknesses of registry format and structure and suggestions for improvement. Results show that registrants see significant potential for registries but seriously question the efficacy and efficiency of how registries are currently constructed and used.
Article
Sexual victimization has become one of the most publicized and researched social problems in society. However, potential linkages between the intended and unintended effects of sex offender management legislation have gone largely unaddressed in social science literature. This article addresses these linkages by applying a social-systems model to help better understand the problems of managing sex offenders. Additionally, latent consequences of current and proposed sex offender legislation, including community notification laws, are examined. It is argued that sex offenders (and the community at large) may face a considerable variety of problems not intended by such legislation. In addition, we examine the “one-dimensional monster” stereotype of a sex offender and how this ostracism may discourage offenders from reporting their behavior and seeking counseling. Finally, we provide proposals for addressing these issues with the use of the therapeutic jurisprudence model.
This study investigated the effectiveness of Megan’s law in reducing recidivism among convicted sex offenders. The policy of making such offenders more visible to the public through officially notifying communities when they are returned to society is based on the premise that warning potential victims increases the public’s ability to protect itself against future victimization. The community would be better protected because those undergoing extensive notification will know that they are being watched and thus will be deterred from reoffending. Effectiveness was assessed by examining rates of return to prison for conditionally free offenders under correctional control. The study used a four‐and‐a‐half‐year follow‐up period and covered all those in one state who had undergone high level notification from September 1997 to July 1999. Their recidivism patterns were matched with a similar sample in the same state who, while meeting the state’s criteria for public notification, were not dealt with in this way. The results show that, after controlling for relevant demographic and criminal history variables, extensive community notification had no direct effect on the likelihood or unlikelihood of recommitment to prison. No significant differences were found between the high level and low level notification groups in their post‐release behavior culminating in rearrest and return to prison.
Article
Sex offender registrationwas widely implemented in the 1990s as a means of enhancingcommunity awareness of sex offenders to promote community safety. This study is one of the first examinations of the collateral consequences of sex offender registration from the perspective of the offender. Drawing on data from 121 registered sex offenders in Kentucky, this research shows that social stigmatization, loss of relationships, employment, and housing, and both verbal and physical assaults are experienced by a significant minority of registered sex offenders.
Article
The past two decades have seen unprecedented growth in both the number and variety of theories of crime causation. Since 1985, at least 25 new theories of crime causation have emerged. If these theories are to illuminate rather than obscure our understanding of the causes of crime, empirical tests are needed. This article addresses that need by reporting a test of one prominent new theory of crime: Braithwaite's reintegrative shaming theory. Adolescents are taken as the units of analysis, and the focus is on the relationship between their parents' use of reintegration and shaming and adolescent reports of projected predatory delinquency. Three principal questions are addressed: (1) What variables predict parents' use of reintegration and shaming? (2) Do reintegration and shaming statistically interact to affect delinquency, or are their effects additive? (3) Are any observed effects of reintegration and shaming on delinquency merely a result of spuriousness? Findings reveal partial support for the theory, including a durable negative effect of shaming on predatory delinquency.
Article
In the mid-1990s, the Jacob Wetterling Act and Megan's Law were passed, respectively, formalizing the practice of registering sex offenders in publicly accessible, state-wide databases. The laws were passed in an effort to prevent recidivism of sex offenders and to promote community awareness of convicted sex offenders living in communities. However, the creation of these registries have led to numerous unforeseen collateral consequences for offenders. In qualitative in-depth interviews with registered sex offenders in Jefferson County, Kentucky, respondents reported experiencing difficulties with employment and relationships, instances of harassment, stigmatization, and persistent feelings of vulnerability, all of which they believed were attributable to their status as registered sex offenders. The collateral consequences reported by sex offenders are consistent with those reported for felons in past research. However, the extent to which sex offenders experienced these consequences appears to be greater and more intense.
Article
In a recent paper we proposed a strategy for incorporating threats of shame and embarrassment, along with the threat of legal sanctions, into a rational choice perspective on illegal behavior. In this paper we use that approach in an attempt to account for a reduction in self-reported drunk driving observed in a community between identical surveys conducted in 1982 and 1990. The interval between the two surveys was a period of intense legislative activity and moral crusading at the national and local levels. Our analysis indicates that the reduction in self-reported drunk driving in the community is primarily attributable to an increase in the threat of shame for this offense.
Article
In the current focus upon prisons, prisoners, and correctional treatment, there also seems to be an increase in fear of sex offenders. “Once a sex offender, always a sex offender” has become a common belief. The following study, however, has concluded that this phrase is mistaken and misleading. The actual number of sex offenders who recidivate are few. This study, and many prior to this one, have concluded that upwards of 65% donot commit another sex offense. Most reoffenses are committed between 1 and 5 years after release, and the percentage of reoffenders declines rapidly after. A positive correlation was found between length of time spent in prison and recidivism rates. Further studies are suggested to follow up this interesting finding.
Article
In this paper, we draw upon two sets of theoretical resources to develop a comprehensive theory of sexual offender rehabilitation named the Good Lives Model-Comprehensive (GLM-C). The original Good Lives Model (GLM-O) forms the overarching values and principles guiding clinical practice in the GLM-C. In addition, the latest sexual offender theory (i.e., the Integrated Theory of Sexual Offending; ITSO) provides a clear etiological grounding for these principles. The result is a more substantial and improved rehabilitation model that is able to conceptually link latest etiological theory with clinical practice. Analysis of the GLM-C reveals that it also has the theoretical resources to secure currently used self-regulatory treatment practice within a meaningful structure.
Article
Community notification, known as "Megan's Law," provides the public with information about known sex offenders in an effort to assist parents and potential victims to protect themselves from dangerous predators. The purpose of this study was to explore the impact of community notification on the lives of registered sex offenders. Two hundred and thirty-nine sex offenders in Connecticut and Indiana were surveyed. The negative consequences that occurred with the greatest frequency included job loss, threats and harassment, property damage, and suffering of household members. A minority of sex offenders reported housing disruption or physical violence following community notification. The majority experienced psychosocial distress such as depression, shame, and hopelessness. Recommendations are made for community notification policies that rely on empirically derived risk assessment classification systems in order to better inform the public about sex offenders' danger while minimizing the obstacles that interfere with successful community reintegration.
  • Tannenbaum, F.
After crime and punishment: Ex-offender reintegration and desistance from crime
  • C Uggen
  • J Manza
  • A Behrens
Shame, guilt and remorse: Experiences from family group conferences in New Zealand
  • A Morris