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Our meta-analysis also finds no change over time in Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) scores among California college students, most likely due to the cultural and ethnic shifts at the University of California campuses over this time (especially the large increase in Asian-American student enrollment). Students in the rest of the country, from 27 campuses, show an increase of d=0.41 in narcissism over 24 years. The finding that high school students' self-esteem does not change replicates our previous cross-temporal meta-analysis. The self-enhancement measure used by the authors is flawed, as it uses self-reported grades rather than an objective measure. Sampling issues are minor, as the meta-analysis was a representative sampling of college students. Finally, problems with a simplistic "good" and "bad" labeling of NPI factors are discussed.
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Further Evidence of an Increase in Narcissism Among
College Students
Jean M. Twenge,
Sara Konrath,
Joshua D. Foster,
W. Keith Campbell,
and Brad J. Bushman
San Diego State University
University of Michigan
University of South Alabama
University of Georgia
ABSTRACT Our meta-analysis also finds no change over time in Nar-
cissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) scores among California college
students, most likely due to the cultural and ethnic shifts at the University
of California campuses over this time (especially the large increase in
Asian-American student enrollment). Students in the rest of the country,
from 27 campuses, show an increase of d50.41 in narcissism over 24 years.
The finding that high school students’ self-esteem does not change repli-
cates our previous cross-temporal meta-analysis. The self-enhancement
measure used by the authors is flawed, as it uses self-reported grades rather
than an objective measure. Sampling issues are minor, as the meta-analysis
was a representative sampling of college students. Finally, problems with a
simplistic ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ labeling of NPI factors are discussed.
We appreciate Trzesniewski, Donnellan, and Robins (this issue) taking
the time and effort to address the important topic of changes in
narcissism. Although they bring up many important points, their
critique ultimately strengthens our case that narcissism has risen
over the generations among college students.
Changes in Narcissism at the University of California (UC) Campuses
Trzesniewski et al. (this issue) report that they find little change in
narcissism in samples collected 1979–2007 at campuses of the
Address correspondence to Jean M. Twenge, Department of Psychology, San Diego
State University, 5500 Campanile Drive, San Diego, CA 92182-4611; E-mail: jtwenge
Journal of Personality 76:4, August 2008
r2008, Copyright the Authors
Journal compilation r2008, Blackwell Publishing, Inc.
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-6494.2008.00509.x
University of California (UC), in contrast to our nationwide analysis
finding significant increases in narcissism. We examined the seven
samples from our meta-analysis (N52,652) from universities in Cal-
ifornia, all but one from UC campuses, and also found no change over
time (b50.16, p50.74; see Figure 1). For example, Trzesniewski et
al.’s UC Davis sample from 2003 had a mean of 14.87, compared to
the mean of 17.30 for the non-California colleges 2003–2006
(N54,371). Excluding the California samples, narcissism increased
1988–2006 across 27 campuses, b50.51, po.001, k578, N513,823,
d50.30. The year-by-year change is B50.116, which increases the
effect size to d50.41 for the 24-year span of the main analysis.
Why has narcissism increased in the rest of the country but not at
the UC campuses? Cultural shifts unique to the UC system may be
the cause. In 1996, California passed Proposition 209, prohibiting
UC campuses from using race or ethnicity as a factor in admissions.
This decreased the number of Black and Hispanic students and in-
creased the number of Asian American students. Asians and Asian
Americans score significantly lower than Whites, Blacks, and His-
panics on measures related to individualism, including narcissism
NPI Score
1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-06
Nationwide (excluding CA)
Figure 1
NPI trends in California (primarily UC campuses) and the remainder
of the United States, based on the samples in the cross-temporal
920 Twenge, Konrath, Foster, et al.
(e.g., Heine, Lehman, Markus, & Kitayama, 1999; Oyserman, Coon,
& Kemmelmeier, 2002; Twenge & Crocker, 2002). Asian Americans
were 27% of new freshmen at UC Berkeley in 1983; their enrollment
nearly doubled to 47% in 2007. New freshmen were 30% Asian
American at UC Davis in 1996 and 43% in 2006. The ethnic change,
along with admissions standards increasingly emphasizing objective
academic achievement, may have shifted the norm for personality
and behavior on these campuses and suppressed the generational
change in narcissism—perhaps even for non-Asian students, as this
shift is a cultural marker and not just an individual characteristic.
The ethnic composition and the large shifts over time are both
unique to the UC campuses: Nationwide, only 6% of college stu-
dents, and 4% of the U.S. population, is of Asian decent, and this
has gone up only slightly since the 1980s.
The power of meta-analysis lies in examining data collected at many
sites across the nation (in this case, at 31 campuses). The UC Davis
data illustrate the danger in relying on one campus for birth cohort
analyses, especially when that campus has undergone significant shifts
in its student population and is an outlier on the trait in question.
Monitoring the Future (MTF) Data
Trzesniewski et al. (this issue) examined self-enhancement in the
Monitoring the Future data using the residual of the correlation be-
tween self-rated intelligence and self-reported high school grades.
Even when an objective measure of performance taken at a different
time is used, this type of self-enhancement correlates only modestly
with narcissism (r5.22; Paulhus & Williams, 2002). It is completely
unknown how narcissism correlates with Trzesniewski et al.’s mea-
sure, which uses self-reported grades measured at the same time as
self-reported intelligence. Even if most students accurately report
their grades, those who inflate their reports may be the same ones who
inflate their intelligence (Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998). In addi-
tion, the MTF survey does not ask for GPA but instead a self-report
of ‘‘your average grade so far in high school’’ on a 9-point scale, an
even more subjective measure. Thus Trzesniewski et al.’s calculation
relies on two subjective measures, both of which are correlated with
narcissism (e.g., Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; in contrast, ob-
jective measures of performance are not correlated with narcissism).
In consequence, the residual scores are virtually meaningless.
Further Evidence of Change in Narcissism 921
Second, self-reported intelligence and grades are four items apart
in the same assessment, which encourages consistency between the
two responses. Third, the intelligence question asks respondents to
compare themselves to others their age, which reduces the opportu-
nity for self-enhancement. Fourth, this is essentially a difference
score. As such, it has the usual problems of difference scores: It is
difficult to tell if beliefs about one’s own intelligence have increased
and beliefs about peer intelligence have increased, or both have de-
creased, or both have stayed constant. Last, self-reported grades
have increased substantially over time in the MTF data. Only 18%
reported earning an A or A- average in 1976 (M55.78), compared
to 33% in 2006 (M56.34; dacross 30 years 50.29). The number
who consider themselves ‘‘A students’’ has thus increased by over
80%. Thus the primary story in the MTF data is one of significant
grade inflation (or, at least, self-reported grade inflation)—a clear
indicator of a culture of narcissism.
Trzesniewski and colleagues discuss data from the MTF data set
showing no increase in high school self-esteem over time. However,
they fail to mention that these data actually replicate our previous
cross-temporal finding that high school students’ global self-esteem
has not changed over time (b50.05, k535, N515,454; see Table 2,
Twenge & Campbell, 2001). Just as with the UC narcissism data,
cross-temporal meta-analysis yields the same results. Our analysis
also found an increase in college students’ Rosenberg self-esteem
scores and increases since 1980 in Coopersmith self-esteem among
elementary and middle school students (Twenge & Campbell, 2001).
Perhaps the social forces of high school mask birth cohort changes in
that age group. This is an important area for future research.
The findings for locus of control in the MTF data do not directly
contradict Twenge, Zhang, and Im (2004) since that meta-analysis
did not examine high school samples. Instead, it found increasing
externality in schoolchildren aged 9 to 14 and in college students
(N525,864). The purported lower methodological quality of dis-
sertations is irrelevant because the meta-analysis gathered means
rather than effect sizes dependent on study design.
Convenience Sampling
We are uncertain why Trzesniewski et al. (this issue) claimed that our
analysis relied on convenience sampling. This is a term with an
922 Twenge, Konrath, Foster, et al.
inexact definition because it is used differently across fields and is a
matter of degree—perfectly random samples of people are virtually
nonexistent. In psychology, it is most often applied to shopping mall
surveys with low response rates, or to samples of one’s friends, and
not to samples of college students from subject pools. However, it is
important to consider whether our meta-analysis is a representative
sample of the data available on college students’ NPI scores. It is.
Reporting means in articles is not systematically biased by the level
of the mean or how the mean has changed over time.
A separate issue is the data available on college student NPI
scores. Although only some researchers study narcissism, there is no
biased or nonrandom relationship between the location of the re-
searchers and the campus’s mean NPI score. Thus a random sample
of the population of college students at 4-year universities would
likely yield similar results.
If we use Trzesniewski et al.’s broad definition of convenience
samples (data not sampled randomly from the general population),
the MTF data set on which they rely is also a convenience sample.
MTF collects data only at the 66% to 80% of high schools that agree
to participate. Even then, 79% to 83% of students at these schools
complete the survey, and even fewer answer all of the questions. In
addition, ‘‘nonresponse in the MTF is more common among boys,
nonwhites, students in lower academic tracks, and students with
lower grade point averages’’ (Reynolds, Stewart, MacDonald, &
Sischo, 2006, p. 192).
Even if we apply the term ‘‘convenience’’ only to less representa-
tive samples like college students, the vast majority of both descrip-
tive and experimental psychology research uses such samples. The
authors of these studies routinely generalize from college students to
entire populations (e.g., Meston & Buss, 2007; Terracciano et al.,
2005). If it were truly ‘‘Epidemiology 101’’ not to use nonrepresent-
ative samples in descriptive studies, our psychology journals would
be nearly empty. So would the vitas of the authors of the comment.
As just one example, Robins, Trzesniewski, Tracy, Gosling, and
Potter (2002) examined Internet participants, a sample more remi-
niscent than ours of Literary Digest’s 1936 poll, conducted by tele-
phone when much of the population did not have telephone service.
The same, of course, was true of the Internet in 1999–2000. This
study examined age differences in self-esteem, drawing broad con-
clusions about people based on this nonrepresentative sample with
Further Evidence of Change in Narcissism 923
possible confounds between likelihood of participation and age. This
is not to condemn their research—we have used Internet samples
ourselves—but instead to explain why we are puzzled that
Trzesniewski et al. would raise this issue.
Finally, college students are an important group to study. Two-
thirds of high school graduates enroll in college (a much more
meaningful indicator than the percentage of people age 18–24 in
college, the statistic used by Trzesniewski et al., which includes peo-
ple who have been in college in the past or may enroll in the future).
College students, particularly those at 4-year universities, are also
their generation’s future professionals and leaders. Thus, examining
college students is central to a discussion of generational change.
The Ecological Fallacy
We are also perplexed as to why Trzesniewski et al. brought up the
issue of the ecological fallacy/alerting correlations, as our article
clearly states that we calculated effect sizes using the standard
deviation for individual samples (rather than the SD among the
means), which avoids this problem.
Subscales of Narcissism
Trzesniewski and colleagues note that cohort change in NPI scores
might differ by subscale and argue that the ‘‘good’’ subscales of the
NPI have increased more than the ‘‘bad’’ subscales. Even though the
UC Davis samples are not consistent with others in the United States,
trends in the NPI subscales for this population are still interesting.
Although we agree that, for example, the entitlement factor is an
especially good predictor of aggression (Konrath, Bushman, &
Campbell, 2006), the parsing of narcissism into ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’
factors is simplistic for at least two reasons. First, narcissism is a
trade-off as it can lead to positive outcomes for the self in the short
term but negative outcomes for others and the self in the long term
(Campbell & Buffardi, in press). Paulhus (1998) found that narcis-
sism predicted high initial likeability, but later distaste, on the part of
strangers. Likewise, narcissists are skilled at becoming leaders but
have problems later on (e.g., Brunell, Gentry, Campbell, Hoffman,
& Kuhnert, 2007; Hogan & Kaiser, 2005). Second, with narcissism,
even the exact same behavior can have ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ conse-
924 Twenge, Konrath, Foster, et al.
quences depending on the level of analysis. In a tragedy of the com-
mons dilemma paradigm, narcissism predicted positive individual per-
formance in the short run (good) but poor performance among all
(bad), which effectively results in longer-term resource destruction
(bad; Campbell, Bush, Brunell, & Shelton, 2005). An apparently adap-
tive behavior from the individual’s perspective is a destructive behav-
ior from the group’s perspective. Thus, we are less than optimistic
about the benefits of increased individual-level narcissism for a society,
although there might be some areas of society (e.g., entrepreneurship)
where there might be benefits. More research is clearly needed on the
cultural-level consequences of elevated individual-level narcissism.
Self-Esteem Programs
In their conclusion, Trzesniewski et al. suggest that self-esteem pro-
grams might be beneficial. However, many self-esteem programs, ‘‘I
Am Special’’ song sessions, and ‘‘All About Me’’ lessons are taught
to all students, not just those with low self-esteem. Thus Americans
are administering a psychological intervention to an entire popula-
tion of children when only a small minority shows any sign of need-
ing it. This is akin to giving all third graders Ritalin because a few of
them have ADHD. Ritalin might help the performance of many
students in the short run (hence, its popularity as a ‘‘study aid’’), but
this is not worth the risk of longer-term negative outcomes.
We do agree that the outcomes of self-esteem programs, including
their effect on narcissism, should be studied using longitudinal meth-
ods. Self-esteem programs are a medicine with unknown effects. The
content of the programs suggests that the effects are likely to be neg-
ative for normal children. ‘‘I am special’’ teaches narcissism rather than
self-esteem. Many programs include generic praise, which demotivates
children; in contrast, praising effort leads to increased motivation
(Mueller & Dweck, 1998). Furthermore, low self-esteem leading to
negative outcomes like delinquency (Donnellan et al., 2005) may be
caused by a deeper underlying difficulty like social exclusion by family
or peers, problems that self-esteem programs are unlikely to remedy.
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Further Evidence of Change in Narcissism 927
... Although the expectation of academic entitlement is regarded as a characteristic of generation Y, otherwise known as the millennium generation (Harvey & Martinko, 2009;Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Campbell, & Bushman, 2008;Twenge, 2009;Twenge, 2013), research studies reveal that behaviors related to the expectation of entitlement are not limited to generation Y (Gotschall, 2015). Students can display their academic entitlement expectations by speaking on their mobile phones, reading the newspaper, using a laptop computer and texting during lessons, coming to the lesson late, leaving the lesson early, and interacting with the instructor responsible for the lesson via email or telephone, or with a casual and arrogant attitude in face-to-face conversations (Chowning & Campbell, 2009); with behaviors in which they want the academician to raise their final grade; or with the attitude that they expect certain privileges due to the tuition fee they have paid (McLellan & Jackson, 2017) or their attendance in classes (Ifill-Fraser, 2019). ...
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The aim of this study is to examine whether the academic entitlement expectations of preservice teachers studying at primary school level differ according to their gender, grade level and the type of university they attend (public or foundation). The sample consists of a total of 397 preservice primary school teachers in one foundation and one public university. The data were collected with the “Academic Entitlement Expectation Scale”, after assessing the validity and reliability of the instrument. The independent samples t-test was performed to analyze whether the preservice primary school teachers’ academic entitlement expectations differed according to the variables of gender and type of university; while one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine whether they differed according to the grade level variable. In the study, it was found that academic entitlement expectations of male students compared to female students; students attending the foundation university compared to those at the public university, and students in the first grade compared to those in the fourth grade were higher.
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... E posibil așa ceva, sau e vorba doar de faptul că oameni care ar fi avut oricum asemenea trăsături pot acum îndeplini criteriile sociale ale succesului? Faptul că există o dezbatere despre o presupusă creștere a incidenței narcisismului în rândul tinerilor (studiile sunt realizate cu studenți) (Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Campbell, & Bushman, 2008;Wetzel et al., 2017) ilustrează această problemă. Dacă schimbări de norme sau mode pot avea efecte asupra distribuției unor fenotipuri psihice, eventual unele cu potențial patologic, poate nu concepem prea clar respectivele fenotipuri. ...
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... Raineri, Paille, and Morin (2012) studied 704 Quebec public service employees and reported that Boomers were engaging more OCBs than GenXers do. In a similar vein, Twenge et al. (2008) reported that the younger generations had a lower motivation for altruistic rewards. ...
... The first reason why university students were used in the study is that there are empirical findings of the increased narcissism among university students. Twenge et al. [34] report that university students from 31 campuses spread across the US scored progressively higher in narcissism between the early 1980s and 2006. They find a significant and positive correlation between the NPI scores and the year of data collection. ...
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Narcissism is steadily increasing in college students across the nation, but is not commonly modeled as a predictor of academic performance. This is likely due to the seemingly null effect of narcissism on college GPA found in literature. The present study predicted that this null relation is actually a case of suppression, a phenomenon in regression in which the inclusion of additional variables reveals effects previously unobserved. There are two widely acknowledged subtypes of narcissism: grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. They are theoretically and empirically distinct, and have opposite relations with two of the strongest non-cognitive predictors of academic performance. With N = 300 college students, path analyses indicated that grandiose narcissism is positively related to GPA via confidence, but negatively related to GPA directly, consistent with statistical suppression. In addition, it was found that vulnerable narcissism is negatively related to GPA via confidence. A surprising result was obtained with regard to anxiety with possible explanations and implications discussed.
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Kendini aşırı önemseme, abartılmış benmerkezcilik ve kişilerarası ilişkilerde problemler ile karakterize olan patolojik narsisizm gösteren bireyler, duygusal ilişkilerinde arzularını ve megaloman duygularını tatmin etme amaçlı diğer kişilere karşı hem empati eksikliği göstermekte hem de onları duygusal açıdan istismar etmeye eğilimli olabilmektedir. Gaslighting, narsisistik bireyin partneri üzerinde güç ve kontrol kurmaya çalıştığı duygusal ilişki içerisinde gelişebilen hem onun şahsi yargı, düşünce ve deneyimlerine olan inancını hem de kendisine olan güven duygusunu zedeleyebilen benliğe yönelik bir duygusal istismar biçimi olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Duygusal istismar ise, kişilik gelişimini negatif yönde etkileyen ve psikiyatrik bozuklukların etiyolojisinde temel bir öneme sahip başlıca faktörlerden biridir. Olumsuz bir yaşam deneyimi olarak değerlendirilebilen patolojik uzun dönemli duygusal ilişki esnasında veya sonrasında mağdur; travmatik bağlanma ve reviktimizasyon ile karakterize olan dissosiyatif bozukluk ve/veya travma sonrası stres bozukluğu tanısı alabilmektedir. Psikoterapi adına duygusal istismarın narsisistik bireylerin kurduğu romantik ilişkilerde ortaya çıkış ritüellerine ve partnerleri üzerindeki negatif yönelimli psikolojik etkilerine açıklık kazandırmak temel bir gerekliliktir. Duygusal istismara dair yapılan çalışmalar, hem toplumda patolojik düzeydeki narsisistik bireylerin fark edilebilmesine hem de narsisistik istismarı önleme çalışmalarının ivme kazanmasına önemli katkılar sağlamaya devam etmektedir. Bu çalışmada patolojik duygusal ilişki içerisinde yer alan narsisistik bireylerin partnerleri üzerinde kullandığı duygusal istismar ve gaslightingin ortaya çıkış biçimleri ve mağdurun ruhsal yapısı üzerindeki negatif etkileri kapsamlı bir şekilde değerlendirilecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Narsisizm; duygusal istismar; gaslighting; yakın partner ilişkileri; ihanet travması; travmatik bağlanma Abstract It is known that individuals who show pathological narcissism, which is associated with excessive self-care, exaggerated egocentrism, and problems in interpersonal relationships, have a lack of empathy to others, and are prone to emotional abuse, which paves the way for using others to satisfy their megalomaniac desires and feelings of self-satisfaction in their emotional relationships. Gaslighting is defined as a form of emotional abuse towards the self, which can develop in an emotional relationship where the narcissistic individual tries to establish power and control over his partner and can damage both his partner's belief in his own judgment, thoughts, and experiences and his sense of self-confidence. Emotional abuse, on the other hand, is one of the main factors that negatively affect personality development and have etiological importance in the foundation of psychiatric disorders. The victim during or after the pathological long-term emotional relationship, which can be considered as a negative life experience; can be diagnosed with dissociative disorders and/or post-traumatic stress disorder that are characterized by traumatic attachment and revictimization. It is very valuable for the process of psychotherapy to clarify the rituals of emotional abuse that occurs in close emotional relationships involving narcissistic individuals, and the negative psychological effects on the partners who are emotionally involved with narcissistic individuals. Studies on emotional abuse continue to make significant contributions to both the recognition of pathological narcissistic individuals in society and the acceleration of efforts to prevent narcissistic abuse. The aim of this study is to comprehensively evaluate the emergence of emotional abuse and gaslighting used by narcissistic individuals in pathological emotional relationships on their partners and their negative effects on the psychological structure of the victim. Keywords: Narcissism; emotional abuse; gaslighting; intimate partner relationships; betrayal trauma; traumatic attachment
Despite existing scholarly progress in organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), prior research has predominantly investigated OCB using Baby Boomers and Generation Xers. As Millennials who possess different sets of workplace values and beliefs are entering the workforce, there is a need for conceptualizing OCB and developing an OCB scale suitable for Millennials. In this study, we conceptualize OCB in Millennials as voluntary behaviors that promote the prosperity of oneself, coworkers, the organization, and the community. Additionally, we employ exploratory factor analysis and identify a four-factor model of OCB, including empathetic responsiveness, role modeling, professional development, and social responsibility. We then conduct confirmatory factor analysis and construct a 13-item measurement scale for Millennial OCB. Finally, we assess and find evidence for the construct validity of the 13-item measurement scale. We conclude this study with an overview of theoretical and managerial implications.
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Anger and shame are individually explicated through intrapsychic, interpersonal, and emotional-motivational processes. The phenomenon of shame-rage, a common psychological defensive strategy, is described and illuminated as an unconscious avoidance mechanism that involves maladaptive expressions of anger and shame separately. Shame-rage strategies are empirically found in individuals who exhibit vulnerable narcissistic traits; this population is selected to discuss the development and consequences of shame-rage strategies. Compassion is suggested as a necessary therapeutic framework to support individuals suffering from shame-rage related afflictions. Affective neuroscientific concepts are embedded throughout this thesis to link shame-rage phenomenology to the evolutionary and empirical study of neuroscience in an effort to support therapeutic endeavours.
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Reactions to trait self-enhancers were investigated in 2 longitudinal studies of person.perception in discussion groups. Groups of 4-6 participants met 7 times for 20 rain. After Meetings 1 and 7, group members rated their perceptions of one another. In Study 1, trait self-enhancement was indexed by measures of narcissism and self-deceptive enhancement. At the first meeting, self-enhancers made positive impressions: They were seen as agreeable, well adjusted, and competent. After 7 weeks, however, they were rated negatively and gave self-evaluations discrepant with peer evaluations they received. In Study 2, an independent sample of observers (close acquaintances) enabled a pretest index of discrepancy self-enhancement: It predicted the same deteriorating pattern of interpersonal perceptions as the other three trait measures. Nonetheless, all self-enhancement measures correlated positively with self-esteem.
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Are Americans more individualistic and less collectivistic than members of other groups? The authors summarize plausible psychological implications of individualism–collectivism (IND-COL), metaanalyze cross-national and within-United States IND-COL differences, and review evidence for effectsof IND-COL on self-concept, well-being, cognition, and relationality. European Americans were found to be both more individualistic—valuing personal independence more—and less collectivistic—feeling duty to in-groups less—than others. However, European Americans were not more individualistic than African Americans, or Latinos, and not less collectivistic than Japanese or Koreans. Among Asians, only Chinese showed large effects, being both less individualistic and more collectivistic. Moderate IND-COL effects were found on self-concept and relationality, and large effects were found on attribution and cognitive style.
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Most people hold beliefs about personality characteristics typical of members of their own and others' cultures. These perceptions of national character may be generalizations from personal experience, stereotypes with a "kernel of truth," or inaccurate stereotypes. We obtained national character ratings of 3989 people from 49 cultures and compared them with the average personality scores of culture members assessed by observer ratings and self-reports. National character ratings were reliable but did not converge with assessed traits. Perceptions of national character thus appear to be unfounded stereotypes that may serve the function of maintaining a national identity.
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Most people hold beliefs about personality characteristics typical of members of their own and others' cultures. These perceptions of national character may be generalizations from personal experience, stereotypes with a "kernel of truth," or inaccurate stereotypes. We obtained national character ratings of 3989 people from 49 cultures and compared them with the average personality scores of culture members assessed by observer ratings and self-reports. National character ratings were reliable but did not converge with assessed traits. Perceptions of national character thus appear to be unfounded stereotypes that may serve the function of maintaining a national identity.
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A meta-analytic review finds that college students' self-esteem increased substantially between 1968 and 1994 when measured using the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE). Children's scores on the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (SEI) show a curvilinear pattern over time, decreasing from 1965 to 1979 and increasing from 1980 to 1993. Children's SEI scores are directly correlated with social statistics (e.g., divorce rate, unemployment) for the corresponding years. Analyses for age differences find that SEI scores decrease slightly during the transition from elementary school to junior high and then rise progressively through high school and college. RSE scores increase steadily with age. Results are discussed in terms of the antecedents of self-esteem, including social acceptance, competencies, and the culture of self-worth.
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This article reviews the empirical literature on personality, leadership, and organizational effectiveness to make 3 major points. First, leadership is a real and vastly consequential phenomenon, perhaps the single most important issue in the human sciences. Second, leadership is about the performance of teams, groups, and organizations. Good leadership promotes effective team and group performance, which in turn enhances the well-being of the incumbents; bad leadership degrades the quality of life for everyone associated with it. Third, personality predicts leadership--who we are is how we lead--and this information can be used to select future leaders or improve the performance of current incumbents. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This article tracks changes in high school seniors' educational and occupational plans over a twenty-five year period and assesses whether these plans have become increasingly unrealistic. Comparisons of seniors' career plans with the contemporaneous achievements of high school graduates confirms that high school seniors' ambitions outpace what they are likely to achieve, a gap that is growing over time. Teenagers' increasingly expect that community college will serve as an avenue for higher degrees and professional jobs. Together with the declining influence of grades and curricular track on students' educational and occupational plans, this provides additional evidence that teenagers have become too ambitious. Finally, longitudinal analyses of three cohorts of high school seniors confirm that the positive association between educational plans and attainments is on the decline.
These meta-analyses examine race differences in self-esteem among 712 datapoints. Blacks scored higher than Whites on self-esteem measures ( d =0.19), but Whites scored higher than other racial minority groups, including Hispanics ( d =-0.09), Asians ( d =-0.30), and American Indians ( d =-0.21). Most of these differences were smallest in childhood and grew larger with age. Blacks' self-esteem increased over time relative to Whites', with the Black advantage not appearing until the 1980s. Black and Hispanic samples scored higher on measures without an academic self-esteem subscale. Relative to Whites, minority males had lower self-esteem than did minority females, and Black and Hispanic self-esteem was higher in groups with high socioeconomic status. The results are most consistent with a cultural interpretation of racial differences in self-esteem. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Three studies investigated the relationship between narcissism (as measured by the Narcissistic Personality Inventory; Raskin & Hall, 1979) and three forms of self-enhancement. In Study 1, narcissism positively correlated with predictions of own final course grades, but not with actual grades received. In Study 2, narcissism positively correlated with estimated current course grades; high narcissists tended to overestimate their grades, while low narcissists tended to underestimate them. In Study 3, narcissism was associated with optimistic expectations for own performance on a laboratory interdependence task and with attributions of a successful task outcome to own ability and effort, but it did not correlate with attributions to a partner’s ability or effort, suggesting self-aggrandizement but not other-derogation. Narcissism was also associated with weaker gratitude and liking. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the origins and generality of self-enhancement and for the relationship between narcissism and self-functioning in the social domain.