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... Guna mempercepat demokrasi dari hulu ke hilir pemerintah pusat membuat kebijakan dengan memberikan hak otonomi yang lebih besar kepada daerah atau desentralisasi (Burn dkk, 1994;Crook dan Manor, 1998;Fesler, 1965;Johnson, 2001;Kurian, 1999;Manor, 1998;Olowu, 2003, dan Smith, 1985, sebagaimana terdapat dalam UU Nomor 22 dan Nomor 25 Tahun 1999. Otonomi yang diberikan bukan hanya sebatas pada masalah-masalah politik, masalah administrasi akan tetapi juga masalah-masalah ekonomi. ...
This study aims to analyze the government's role in the SARA conflict in Indonesia. This research method used historical concept studies. Primary historical data sources and secondary data sourced from books and articles. The results of this study reveal a comparison of the government's role since the transition period, namely the period after changing the leadership of the new era to the democratic era. The dark transition period have shifted to become dynamic, due to the increasing level of democratic awareness. The conclusion of this study is the potential for horizontal conflict in Indonesia as a plural country as high risk, and become a powerful time bomb. The sentiment of identities are getting sharper because there are political elites interests that encourage the patronage of civil society and the media.
... In this section, an attempt is made to review some of the conditions or pre-requisites which could potentially contribute to enhancing the effectiveness of the decentralization strategy in rural areas. Effective functioning of local institutions is contingent upon the extent of powers and autonomy vested with them (Kurian, 1999). As discussed earlier, in most states, critical functions in teacher management still rest with the government. ...
... SCTs only received 40% to 44% of benefits from the national IRDP credit programme (Sivanna, 1990: 198), in marked contrast to West Bengal, where the SCTs received 85% of the total work in the national NREP works programme (Webster, 1990: 135). The crucial difference lay in the fact that selection for IRDP benefits in Karnataka was based on information provided by panchayat chairmen and other influential leaders, and this meant many quite well-off families were included (Sivanna, 1990: 200) (Kurian, 1999). ...
The politics of decentralisation 1 Measuring the performance of decentralisation: conceptual and methodological issues 6
... Attacking democracy wholesale is now of 56 waning interest, or at any rate much less enabling than reinventing democracy. 57 This reflection does not hammer on the shortcomings of democracy but focuses 58 on different ways in which participatory democracy is now being conceived and 59 reconceived. First I consider general discussions of democracy and democratization, 1 10 ଝ 11 ...
Since the 1970s participatory democracy has been a catchword for genuine, popular or progressive democratization. Since then the general climate has changed in several respects. How is participatory democracy now being conceived and reconceived? To contextualize this question I first consider ongoing discussions of democracy and democratization generally, and then zero in on participatory democracy and its various current meanings. Participatory democracy is now usually thought of, rather than as wholesale system change, in partial reforms, particularly decentralization and politics of empowerment. I conclude by offering dark and light scenarios of the future significance of participatory democratization.
Decentralization has been considered as a powerful tool for enhancing development. However, after nearly four decades of implementing decentralization in many countries in the Global South, the evidence suggests that the impact of decentralization on development is weak and uninspiring. This article argues that the design of a decentralization program is always critical with regard the extent to which it can promote development. The evidence across the developing countries demonstrates that the motivations behind decentralization are typically not politically neutral, political interests have been the key motivation behind the adoption of various types of decentralization programs in the developing countries. As a result, the faith in decentralization as a technical tool that could propel grassroots development needs to be reconsidered, since political interests and not development are the main determinants of decentralization. This is because, in practice, the decentralization designs in many developing countries tend to limit rather than expand the political, fiscal, and administrative powers of subnational governments, while the center retains control. This severely limits the development potential of subnational governments.
In Bangladesh, the last thirty seven years after independence followed a trajectory of top-down policy making and implementation with an impasse of 'winner-takes-all' politics encircling its central government. Albeit with the prevalence of constitutional proviso and century-long history of local government in the country, political decentralization is still located into distortive policy space. The reality situates far behind technical, administrative and fiscal criteria of decentralization, and is not responsive to popular demand of participation and accountability. In contrast, rooted in shared practice of decentralization for centuries, West Bengal, a neighboring Indian state of the country, reveals more convincing manifestation of decentralization only within decades. This success in West Bengal questions the apparent failure in Bangladesh as both the regions share broader similarity in social, cultural, institutional and linguistic aspects. Henceforth, an exploration of comparative constraints and facilitating factors in both the cases is needed for more flexible and informed policy space. In this case, current social capital literatures provide an excellent analytical tool focusing on the need of appropriate institutional change which increases existing stocks of social capital and leads toward effective decentralization. Extending the simplified idea that communities with higher social capital outperform, a recent nuance understanding on it argues that intuitional design should facilitate the shift from 'bonding' to 'bridging' and then to 'linking' to effectively 'reach out' and 'scale up' the impact of the institutions. In terms of this understanding, the paper unpacks the causes of different manifestation in decentralization of the two regions. The paper identifies how social capital enhancing or exploiting institutional design shapes the power relations and participation, and contribute to facilitate, in one case, and to block, in the other, the success of decentralization.
Comparing results for 60 villages in Rajasthan, India, it is seen that having a high level of social capital does not always help to achieve high development performance. Stocks of social capital need to be drawn upon actively, and capable agency is necessary in addition to high social capital. Locally relevant scales of development performance and social capital are devised for making this comparison. Variables corresponding to other bodies of explanation, including extent of commercialization, relative stratification, and relative need are also examined, but a combination of high social capital and capable agency is found to be associated most closely with high development performance.
Referring to a wide variety of case studies, anecdotes and abstracted choice situations, this article considers the range and roles of different types of cases presented in trying to understand tensions, conflicts and choices in development. Since various purposes are legitimate and complementary (including sensitization, theorization, and informing decision-making) so too are various styles and uses of cases: some real and some hypothetical, some thick (including a lot) and some thin (omitting a lot). While thick description can provide instructive and even inspiring exemplars, it is not invariably helpful in moral argument. The article synthesizes these ideas into a picture of distinct stages in work in ethics and practical reasoning.
"This paper discusses the factors that enabled and constrained the scaling up of a multisectoral poverty alleviation program called Kudumbashree, initiated by the government of Kerala (GOK), India, in 1998 to eradicate poverty by 2008. It also discusses some potential threats to and trade-offs of scaling up Kudumbashree. This report draws primarily upon the available literature and qualitative data collected during a five-day visit to Kudumbashree in March 2003....Our findings show that an enabling environment, especially decentralization and the concurrent devolution of finances to the local government bodies (LGBs), was critical in scaling up Kudumbashree. The CDS structures are now considered as a further step to decentralization. As the CDS structures are affiliated to the LGBs, their financial sustainability is ensured through various modalities, e.g., convergence, women's component plan, and earmarked assistance to women's self-help groups (SHG). The unique context of Kerala, coupled with leadership of a few motivated and innovative officials, was key in both the decentralization and scaling-up process." Authors' Abstract
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