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Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 43 (1), 27-35,2011
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0279-1072 print / 2159-9777 online
DOI: 10.1080/02791072.2011.566498
Routledge
Taylor
&
Francis Croup
Consumption of Ayahuasca by
Children and Pregnant Women:
Medical Controversies and
Religious Perspectives^
Beatriz Caiuby Labate, Ph.D.*
Abstract—In 2010, the Brazilian Government agency responsible for drug-related issues formulated
official Resolutions that categorized the consumption of ayahuasca by pregnant women and children in
the Santo Daime and Uniâo do Vegetal ayahuasea-based religions as an "exercise of parental rights."
Although ayahuasca groups do enjoy a relative degree of social legitimacy and formal legal recognition
in Brazil, the participation of pregnant women and children nevertheless continues to provoke heated
discussion. This article raises the main issues involved in the public debate over this subject. In the first
part, a diverse group of biomédical and health specialists was consulted, and their opinions were briefly
analyzed. In the second, a full interview with a follower of one branch of Santo Daime, mother of four
children who took ayahuasca during all her pregnancies, and whose children all drink ayahuasca, is
presented. Her interview reveals important cultural parameters of ayahuasca consumption. The article
explores common themes and contradictions found between the biomédical, anthropological, and
ayahuasea-users' discourses. It raises central issues regarding the limits of freedom of religion and the
state's right to interfere in family matters. The following analysis also has implications regarding the
role of science in influencing policy decisions on drug use.
Keywords—ayahuasca, pregnancy, risks, Santo Daime, teenagers, Uniâo do Vegetal
Ayahuasca, also known as daime, hoasca, or vegetal,
is a psychoactive mixture made from the Amazonian plants
Banisteriopsis caapi and Psychotria viridis and contains
dimethyltryptamine (DMT), a controlled substance subject
to intemational drug laws. The brew is used in religious
and shamanic rituals by Amazonian indigenous groups as
well as by urban religions based in Brazil, notably Santo
Daime and Uniao do Vegetal (UDV) (for a discussion of
tThis article was translated from the Portuguese by Glenn H. Shepard
Jr., and revised by Clancy Cavnar.
•Anthropologist, Research Associate at the Institute of Medical
Psychology at Heidelberg University, Member of the Collaborative
Research Center (SFB 619) "Ritual Dynamics - Socio-Cultural Processes
from a Historical and Culturally Comparative Perspective" and researcher
at the Interdisciplinary Group f^or Psychoactive Studies (NEIP).
Please address correspondence and reprint requests to Beatriz Caiuby
Labate; email: blabate@bialabate.net.
the concept of ayahuasca religions, see Labate, MacRae &
Goulart 2010; for a broader reference on this phenomenon
see Labate, Rose & Santos 2009; Goulart 2004; Labate
& Araujo 2004; MacRae 1992). A cover article from the
Brazilian magazine Isto É, which is the third-highest sell-
ing weekly magazine in Brazil, recently reignited a heated
discussion about the consumption of ayahuasca by pregnant
women and children. The article, entitled "A Encruzilhada
do Daime" (a play on words that means both "the Daime
crossroads" and "the Daime deadlock"), claims that "the
-use of ayahuasca by pregnant women is dangerous ... it is
believed that it can provoke neurological alterations in the
fetus . .. and for the same reason should not be consumed
by children" (Gomes 2010:73). The journalist credits these
claims to two psychiatrists, Dartiu Xavier da Silveira and
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 27Volume 43 (I), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasca by Children and Pregnant Women
Jaime Hallak. At about the same
time.
National Geographic
aired a series called Taboo of which one episode, entitled
"Narcotics" (Valenti 2010), included a segment filmed at
the Santo Daime religious community of Centro Eclético
da Flor de Lotus Iluminado (CEFLI [The Eclectic Center
of
the Illuminated Lotus Flower]) in the Brazilian state of Acre.
The fifteen-minute segment emphasized the consumption
of ayahuasca by infants and children, repeatedly showing
close-ups and scenes of this activity. It is apparent that even
if the ayahuasca religions currently enjoy a relative degree
of social legitimacy and actual formal legal recognition in
Brazil, the participation of pregnant women, children and
adolescents continues to dominate public debate and is fre-
quently used to question the validity of the use of ayahuasca
in general (Labate 2005).
Very little is known about this subject. From the human
sciences literature, there are only
a
few mentions of ayahuas-
ca use by pregnant women and children: one short personal
anecdote about ayahuasca use during childbirth published in
the appendix of Vera Fróes Femandes's (1986) seminal book
on Santo Daime; an interview with a professional midwife
from the Céu do Mapiá community, the headquarters of
one branch of Santo Daime religion in the Amazon interior
(Monteiro
2004);
and a brief reference to the frequency with
which youths of different ages are permitted to consume
ayahuasca in the Uniao do Vegetal church. According to the
latter source, children less than twelve may participate in
no more than five rituals per year; from twelve to fourteen
years of age, they are allowed to consume once a month;
from fourteen to eighteen, twice
a
month;
and over eighteen,
they may become full members of the church. (Soares &
Moura In press). From the biomédical point of view, only
one study is known. This focused on 40 adolescents from
UDV, and their results were published in a special edition
of
the
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, "Ayahuasca in Cross-
Cultural Perspective," edited by Marlene Dobkin de Rios
and Charles Grob in 2005. The editors' introduction men-
tions the use of ayahuasca by pregnant women (Dobkin
de Rios & Grob 2005a: 119) but no further information
was given.
The current article raises the main issues involved in
the public debate over ayahuasca use by pregnant women
and minors in Brazil. The controversies surrounding this
aspect of ayahuasca use highlight the conflicting discourses
between anthropologists, the biomédical field, media, aya-
huasca users and leaders of other religious denominations.
This article presents a history of the regulation of the use
of ayahuasca for pregnant woman and children in Brazil,
and references relevant biomédical and social science re-
search, as well as native religious perspectives. It serves
as an anthropological comment on the topic, pointing out
the contradictions and continuities between the different
perspectives, and the difficulty in establishing
a
dialogue be-
tween them. First, a diverse group of biomédical and health
specialists was consulted, and their opinions are presented.
Note that only specialists directly involved in research on
ayahuasca and its uses and effects were interviewed, which
resulted in a very select group. The field of debate on psy-
choactive substances is broad and very polarized, so more
diverse and more extreme opinions certainly exist. However,
it was possible to identify a variety of perspectives inside
this field. Following this is an attempt to briefly analyze
these discourses and predict possible outcomes for policy
making which result from these approaches.
In the second part, given the paucity of published ethno-
graphic information on this aspect of ayahuasca use, the full
text of an interview with a follower of one branch of Santo
Daime is provided. I have chosen to interview one person
at length, rather than provide several briefer interviews of
less depth. This person is of particular interest because she
is both a professional involved in perinatal activities and
also has had profound personal experiences with ayahuasca
herself.
In this interview some of
the
cultural parameters of
the use of ayahuasca by pregnant woman and children in
the context of Santo Daime are revealed.
Those interviewed for this study were informed of the
purpose of this anthropological study and consented to be
interviewed and quoted by name. One subject asked to be
quoted anonymously.
REGULATION OF THE USE OF AYAHUASCA
BY PREGNANT WOMAN AND CHILDREN
During the mid-1980s, the ritual and religious use of
ayahuasca was regulated in Brazil through a process of
negotiations between the government, scientists and repre-
sentatives of ayahuasca-using
groups.
This process has gone
through various stages since then and continues to develop
(MacRae 2010, 2008, 1992; Labate 2005). At the broadest
level, what was at stake here was a dispute between laws
concerning the use of controlled substances, such as the
DMT found in ayahuasca, and the right to religious freedom.
In contemporary Brazil, the latter has trumped the former.
Until 2004, the legal right of children and pregnant women
to use ayahuasca was nevertheless uncertain.
In 2004, Resolution No. 5 of Conselho Nacional de
Políticas sobre Drogas (CONAD, [National Council on
Policies about Drugs]), the government agency responsible
for drug-related issues, drawing on the article 1.634 of
the Brazilian Civil Code, interpreted the right of pregnant
women and children to consume ayahuasca as falling under
the domain of the "exercise of parental rights." Parental
rights are, "a parent's rights to make all decisions concern-
ing his or her child, including the right to determine the
child's care and custody, the right to educate and discipline
the child, and the right to control the child's earnings and
property" (Gamer
2004:
1146). However, it is important to
remember the state's right to interfere in cases of abuse or
noncompliance with legal responsibilities, which balances
parental authority.
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 28Volume 43 (1), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasca by Children and Pregnant Women
The CONAD 2004 Resolution also cites article 14 of
the Convençâo Sobre os Díreitos da Criança (Convention
on the Rights of Children), ratified by Brazil and pro-
mulgated by Decree No, 99,710 on November 21, 1990,
Resolution 5 was supported by the Parecer da Cámara de
Assessoramento Técnico-Científico Sobre o Uso Religioso
da Ayahuasca (Report of the Technical and Scientific Advi-
sory Board about the Religious Use of Ayahuasca), a report
produced about three months before by experts to provide
CONAD with scientific, scholarly, and technical advice for
the elaboration of its future ayahuasca policies (Cámara de
Assessoramento Técnico-Científico
2004),
This text further
cites the Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente [Statute of
Children and Adolescents], Law No, 8,069, 13 July, 1990,
which includes freedom of religious belief and practice in
its interpretation of the rights of children and adolescents
(Article 16, III; also Article 58),
In 2010, CONAD Resolution No, 1 reaffirmed and
strongly consolidated this decision as follows (CONAD
2010):
IV.VIII - USE OF AYAHUASCA BY MINORS AND
PREGNANT WOMEN
46.
Keeping in mind the lack of sufficient scientific evidence
and that Ayahuasca has been used for centuries and has not
shown damaging health effects, and considering the terms of
CONAD Resolution 05/04, the use of Ayahuasca by minors
under 18 (eighteen) years old is left up to the deliberation of
the parents or legal guardians, within the domain of adequate
exercise of parental rights (article 1634 of the Civil Code);
and with reference to pregnant women, they themselves as-
sume the responsibility for deciding the degree of their par-
ticipation, always attentive to protecting the development and
personality structure of their underage and unborn children.
BIOMEDICAL STUDIES
I have found no mention of biomédical research on the
effects of ayahuasca
use
on pregnant women
or
unborn fetuses.
On a
prior version of
the
official
website
of the
Uniao
do Vegetal
(2007),
the following information was provided concerning a
research project underway called Efeitos da
Hoasca na Gestaçâo
(Effects of Ayahuasca during Pregnancy):
With the goal of studying the effects of ayahuasca tea on
pregnancy and the development of children born to moth-
ers who used ayahuasca during pregnancy, a group of health
professionals from UDV's Medical-Scientific Department
(DEMEC) carried out a retrospective pilot study in the city of
Fortaleza, Ceará. Using interviews, questionnaires and tests,
they attempted to identify the occurrence of obstetric patholo-
gies in such pregnancies, and evaluate the neuropsychological
development of children bom to such pregnancies. The results
require critical methodological evaluation and stafistical study
sufficient for publication, [author's translation from Portuguese]
It was not possible to obtain further information about the
progress of
this
research, however, and the notice has since
been removed from the UDV website.
Only one published study on young consumers of
ayahuasca is known. It was carried out by an intemational
consortium of researchers who evaluated 40 adolescents
from UDV in three different cities in Brazil, and compared
them with a matched control group of 40 non-ayahuasca
using adolescents (da Silveira et al, 2005; Dobkin de
RÍOS
& Grob 2005a, 2005b; Dobkin de Rios et al, 2005;
Doering-Silveira et al, 2005a, 2005b), Overall, the UDV
adolescents showed similar results to the control group on
most neuropsychological and psychiatric tests applied. One
of the researchers, Dartiu Xavier da Silveira, a psychiatrist
at the Programa de Atendi mentó e Orientaçâo a Depen-
dentes (PROAD [Program for Orientation and Assistance
to Dependents]) of the Universidade Federal de Sao Paulo
(UNIFESP [Federal University of Sao Paulo]), was quoted
in the polemical Brazilian magazine piece mentioned in the
introduction. In an email sent to the author on February 21,
2010,
when asked about his thoughts concerning the con-
sumption of ayahuasca by children and pregnant women,
he responded.
No scientific studies have proven that ayahuasca is harmful
during pregnancy. We can take other psychoactive substances
as counter-examples. Alcohol, for example, we now know, is
absolutely contraindicated during pregnancy, even in small
quantities, for the risk of fetal alcohol syndrome. Despite this,
we have reports of many people who drank alcohol during
pregnancy and nothing happened to their children —which
doesn't change our knowledge that something could have hap-
pened due to alcohol consumption. In the case of ayahuasca,
we carried out research with adolescents in UDV and found
no significant differences between them and a control group
of nonconsumers of ayahuasca. However, more research is
needed. Scientific rationality is very different from common
sense, [author's translation from Portuguese]
Charles Grob, coauthor of this and other important
studies on ayahuasca (Callaway & Grob 1998; Callaway
et al, 2006, 1999, 1996, 1994; Grob et al 1996; McKenna,
Callaway & Grob 1998) was also consulted. Grob is profes-
sor of psychiatry and pediatrics at the medical school of the
University of California, Los Angeles and director of the
Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at the Harbor
UCLA-Medical Center, In an email sent to the author on
February 19, 2010, he stated that.
Along with colleagues from the United States, Finland, and
Brazil I conducted a series of biomédical-psychiatrie research
studies on the effects of hoasca in subjects who were members
of the syncretic religion Uniao do Vegetal. In 1993 we studied
long-term adult members of the UDV and in 2001 we studied
adolescents who came from families who were affiliated with
the UDV. Our findings have been published in the mainstream
psychiatric and neuroscience literatures. Our research investi-
gation of the effects of hoasca on adolescents contrasted their
psychological function with a matched non-hoasca using ado-
lescent control population. In our study we found that these
young people from UDV families, many of whom had been
exposed in-utero to hoasca and who had been baptized as in-
fants with a very small quantity of hoasca, were allowed to
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 29Volume 43 (1), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasca by Children and Pregnant Women
participate in tJDV religious ceremonies where hoasca is used
as a psychoactive sacrament after reaching puberty. Partici-
pation in ceremonies and ingestion of hoasca by adolescents
was entirely optional and left to the adolescent to decide. The
results of our investigation revealed that the adolescents from
UDV families who participated in hoasca ceremonies were in
very good psychological health. In fact, the hoasca-exposed
adolescents reported lower rates of alcohol and substance
use than the non-hoasca exposed control adolescents as well
as overall lower levels of anxiety. Their neuropsychological
function was evaluated as normal. In conclusion, we detected
no evidence that hoasca use had caused any injurious effects
in adolescents from the UDV who had been exposed to hoasca.
Another researcher cited in the Isto É
piece is
Jaime Hal-
lak, a psychiatrist at the Departamento de Neurociências e
Ciencias do Comportamento (Department of Neurosciences
and Behavioral Sciences) at the Faculdade de Medicina
de Ribeiräo Preto (Ribeirâo Freto Medical Faculty in Sao
Paulo state). His research team has studied the potential
antidepressant effects of
harmine,
a beta-carboline alkaloid
found in the ayahuasca brew, by injecting the substance into
laboratory animals (Fortunato et
al.
2009,2010). In an email
sent to the author on February 23, 2010, he expressed his
view that:
. . . lacking any evidence about safety and/or risk, the con-
sumption of ayahuasca should be avoided by pregnant women
until safety evidence exists.
1
know of several groups who are
carrying out studies of safety and toxicity to evaluate such
aspects, but their evaluations are not yet complete, including
those of our own group.
In an email sent to the author on February 26, 2010
biologist Rafael Guimaràes dos Santos, who is carrying out
doctoral research on the human pharmacology of ayahuasca
at Hospital de la Santa Creu
i
Sant Pau (Hospital of the Holy
Cross and Saint Paul) in Barcelona (Santos 2007; Santos
& Strassman 2008; Santos et al. 2007; Santos, Moraes &
Holanda 2006), stated his opinion:
I know of only one study carried out with adolescents of Uniao
do Vegetal. It demonstrates that there is no scientific evidence
that ayahuasca use in this context by this religious group pro-
duces psychiatric, neuropsychological or substance abuse
problems. Most of the adolescents in the study have been ex-
posed to ayahuasca since the prenatal period and throughout
childhood. In the case of Santo Daime and Barquinha (another
Brazilian ayahuasca religion), there are no published studies.
Thus,
from a scientific perspective, the available information
is limited. On the other hand, there is evidence that some of
the beta-carbolines present in ayahuasca, for example har-
mine, show toxic effects in some preclinical studies. But we
do not yet understand the implications of this for human con-
sumption of ayahuasca. Personally, I believe that ayahuasca
use by pregnant women and children should be extremely lim-
ited to small and infrequent doses, [author's translation from
Portuguese]
In an email sent to the author on February 26, 2010,
a German specialist in the pharmacology of psychoactive
substances who chose not to be identified by name in this
article said:
After reviewing all of the pharmacological and clinical stud-
ies—more than 500 scientific publications over the past ten
years—on DMT and 5-methoxy-DMT (a substance similar to
DMT that is sometimes found in the ayahuasca mixture), it can
be asserted that not a single study exists, either in animals or
humans, that examines the teratogenic, embryotoxic or utero-
tonic effects of DMT or 5-MeO-DMT. So we know nothing
about (potential) risks. However, we must realize that DMT
is naturally present in the body, so it is very unlikely that it
destroys parts of an organism, unless used in overdose. There
is also no evidence of children with mutations or disabilities
as a result of the mother's consumption of ayahuasca during
pregnancy. What we do know is that psilocybin, a derivative
of DMT, produces some minor chromosome aberrations (cf.
Eberle & Leuner 1970), even when used in small doses (see
also Pahnke et al. 1970; Grof 1980; Passie et al. 2008). But
these mutations occur in doses equivalent to those which can
be caused by aspirin or coffee, which are normally considered
harmless even for pregnant women. However it is possible to
imagine that this would present a risk to the baby only during
labor and birthing, and not the pregnancy per se.
In sum, we do not know much, but there is no document-
ed evidence of a pregnant woman or child who has suffered
any harm due to DMT/5-MeO-DMT. But we have to men-
tion other aspects. There are many other substances present
in ayahuasca preparations. These other substances, especially
harmala alkaloids, have not been well studied to date. In real-
ity, we don't know anything about all the substances present
in these beverages. It could also be dangerous to a fetus if
a pregnant woman consurtiing ayahuasca vomited or became
extremely frightened. But again, it could also be true that the
woman has very positive experiences. I would conclude by
saying that it is not possible to assert that taking ayahuasca
causes harm to children or pregnant women, because there is
no evidence (either experimental or among actual mothers and
children) on the matter. However we should be cautious. We
need to have more research to provide definitive evidence.
A
central theme in
all
of these commentaries is an oscil-
lation between what might be called in common parlance
viewing the glass as half empty or as half full, which is to
say, the various researchers interpret the same fact in differ-
ent ways. The two lines of reasoning might be summed up
as follows: (1) There are no studies showing that ayahuasca
use by pregnant women and children is innocuous, and (2)
There are no studies proving it is harmful. Proponents of the
former appear to assume that psychoactive substances are
"guilty until proven innocent," as it were, while the latter
takes a more agnostic stance, suggesting it is up to scientists
to do more research to determine these results.
The problem here involves linking scientific knowledge
and practical action. Although most of those interviewed
appear to assume that their research should provide a scien-
tific basis for public policies, they stop short of expressing
explicit political views. However, the news media, activists,
judges, and politicians exploit both the "half empty" and
"half full" opinions for a variety of purposes. The former
ultimately lends ammunition, directly or indirectly, to those
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 30Volume 43 (1), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasea by Children and Pregnant Women
who would like to see ayahuasca use, at least in certain
circumstances, either prohibited, suspended or, at the very
least, treated with extreme caution until more research can
be done. The onus would appear to fall on the users them-
selves to prove that ayahuasca is not harmful. The more or
less explicit implications of the other branch, the "half full"
attitude, are that, in the absence of contrary evidence, use
should continue to be permitted, albeit with caution, while
more studies are carried out. Here, the onus would appear
to fall on the state to provide solid evidence, whether from
scientific studies or reports concerning problems among
users,
that use is harmful before any modification to the
current, permissive regulation should be made. Despite the
differences, both perspectives agree on the need for precau-
tion and further study.
RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVES
Legal decisions regarding the use of ayahuasca are not
only subject to the outcomes of biomédical discussions,
they require an interdisciplinary approach which includes
anthropological discussion and the perspectives of users
themselves, among other possible points of view. Seeking
to understand the context of ayahuasca use by pregnant
mothers and children in Santo
Daime,
a series of interviews
were conducted with Clarice Andreozzi through emails to
the author between February 17 and March 4, 2010. An-
dreozzi is a 34-year-old biologist bom in Brasilia who is a
practicing doula, a profession akin to midwifery dedicated
to the emotional and physical management of pregnancy
and childbirth. She belongs to the Céu do Planalto church in
Brasilia, part of the Igreja do Culto Eclético da Fluente Luz
Universal Patrono Sebastiâo Mota
de
Meló (ICEFLU [Eclec-
tic Church of Universal Flowing Light of Patron Sebasitao
Mota de Meló]), formerly the Centro Eclético da Fluente
Luz
Universal
Raimundo Irineu Serra (CEFLURIS [Eclec-
tic Center of Universal Flowing Light of Raimundo Irineu
Serra]) tradition within Santo Daime. For her, ayahuasca
consumption takes place within a profoundly meaningful
network of belief and practice.
BCL: Could you tell me about your professional background?
CA: I graduated in biological sciences from the Universidade
Católica de Brasilia (Catholic University of Brasilia). For
my bachelor's thesis
I
analyzed the physiology of childbirth,
a relatively new and little-explored field. I studied the
hormones involved in labor, childbirth and the immediate
post-partum phase, and the eonditions necessary for child-
birth to proceed normally. I practice as a doula and peri-natal
educator. I did professional training in Sao Paulo with the
'Support Group for Active Maternity' (Grupo de Apoio à
Matemidade Ativa [GAMA]). I work with pregnant women,
give courses to prepare them for birthing, and accompany
women during labor and childbirth.
BCL: And could you now tell me about your involvement with
Santo Daime.
CA: I eame to Santo Daime at thirteen years old; actually, it
was just before my fourteenth birthday, which
I
celebrated at
the ehurch during their commemoration of Saint Peter's day
(June 28, 1989). My mother had been in the church about
a year and so she took us; me and my sisters. For me, my
identification with this church was totally innocent; it was
all new to
me.
1
went through lots of powerful, difficult mo-
ments ("passagens"), because, of
eourse,
1
had no experience
with psychoactives. But
1
never again left it. Santo Daime
fascinated me, and continues to fascinate me.
BCL: In the context of Santo Daime, do pregnant women take
Daime? What dose, and with what frequency? Is it custom-
ary to take Daime during labor and childbirth?
CA: Yes, women can take Daime during the whole period of
pregnancy and also during labor. It is the woman's own
choice, no one forces it on her. As is the case with children,
pregnant women take a smaller dose than the adults. We
usually give half the usual dose, but if they want less ihan
that, they can drink
less.
They can participate in all the rituals
as they wish, there is no restriction but also no obligation
to participate, it is a personal decision. It is common for
women members of the church to take Daime during labor.
The beverage itself
as
well as the prayers are good for child-
birth, they help the woman relax and maintain contractions.
In some cases it can even increase the contractions, which
is good, because they are natural and healthy contractions
which allow her to experience the pregnancy and contact
with the baby, to interiorize the experience more profoundly.
The dose of Daime during ehildbirth is also small, and
varies according to the duration and intensity of labor. We
should remember that Mapiá, in Pauini, Amazonas, has a
very strong tradition of childbirth with Daime, more so than
in the eities. In the big cities, Daime is used less during
childbirth and less for medicinal purposes more generally,
because here we have access to public health services and
pharmacies. But out in the forest people turn to Daime, for
example when babies have colic or constipation; or when
babies get colds they give them home-made syrup with a
little Daime to clear the mucus.
BCL: Do children take Daime? From what age?
CA: Children do take Daime, but there is not a specific age to
begin drinking the beverage, nor is it obligatory. It is a deci-
sion left entirely up to the parents. We have a doctrine, and
for
us,
Daime has a whole lot of meaning, as you know. But
every family has its own way of approaching this question.
Some parents give Daime to their children, and others prefer
not to. We respect the family life of everyone, and there is
no requirement that parents give Daime to their children.
Some parents give Daime to their newborn children right
after
birth,
as
a
kind of baptism. In addition, we have a formal
baptism ritual, which happens during the "hymnal" days
(ritual sessions during which people wear white uniforms
and sing and dance for many hours). There is a specific mo-
ment for baptism, when those responsible for the household
or someone they delegate carries out the ceremony. It is a
simple and quick ritual, in which the ehild is baptized with
water, salt and Daime. During the baptism, everyone pres-
ent utters the Lord's Prayer, "Hail Mary" and "Hail holy
Queen."
1
think most Santo Daime followers baptize their
children in this way, and some baptize them in the Catholic
Church as well. During infancy and childhood, the parents
give Daime to children only if they seem interested or ask to
take it. Children generally take Daime during hymnal days
or when there are specific sessions for children.
BCL: What are the children's sessions like? What is the dos-
age?
CA: The children's session is very
brief,
about an hour; we
sing children's hymns, hymns about children. These are
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 31Volume 43
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),
January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasca by Children and Pregnant Women
easier to sing. For example, we have one called "Little
Yellow Bird" :
Little yellow bird flying alone
I have company night and day
I have the sun and the stars and baby Jesus
Baby Jesus lives in my heart
He shines in the air I breathe
Glitters in this vastness
Another children's hymn we sing a lot in Brasilia is "One,
Two,
Three":
One,
two, three
Four, five, six
Seven, eight, nine
God is here
He is peace. He is harmony
He is the Lord
Of sovereignty
Now I ask for peace
From my Lord Saint John
Now
1
ask for a blessing
From Father Sebastian
During these sessions we also tell Biblical stories. We teach
the children to sing and play the rattle, and those who show
talent are taught other instruments as well. We see this like
a spiritual school, a catechism, where we teach our children
the values of fraternity, justice, love and peace. The dose
for children is small but increases as they grow. Babies take
Daime by the
drop,
which we squeeze into their mouths with
cotton balls. Infants of one to three years old drink just the
dregs from the bottom of the glass, I doubt it's even one
milliliter. The dose is increased as the child grows older. By
thirteen or fourteen, youths can take as much
as
one-third the
adult dose, if they want. If not, they can take
less.
In fact it's
up to the children to indicate their interest in participating
in the spiritual sessions.
BCL: Do you have children?
CA
:
Yes, I have four children, three sons and a daughter, ages
five, thirteen, fourteen and sixteen. They were all raised
within the Santo Daime doctrine. They all had the freedom
to choose. They only go to the sessions and commune with
Daime if they want. My children are excellent students, they
get good grades and I've had no complaints from teachers
about discipline, participation or any other problems. They
are well behaved and sociable children. Of course they all
have the usual problems that come with each different age,
but that's normal.
BCL: Did you take Daime during childbirth? How was it?
CA: I took Daime during all my pregnancies and during child-
birth. All of the births were normal, without complications.
Daime gave me a full consciousness about my body and what
was happening during such a special moment
as
childbirth. I
was able to relax and experience the births in a very beauti-
ful and positive manner. Despite the normal birthing pains,
I felt comfortable and completely certain about what was
happening, and felt
a
deep understanding about the meaning
of birth and motherhood. All of the births went really well,
but I'd like to tell you about the second one, since for almost
the whole time I was in a Santo Daime session. It was on
Saint Anthony's Day, we always celebrate the night before
(
12-13
June).
1
spent the night in a hymnal session, singing
and dancing with everyone else. After the ritual was over, I
went into labor. It was
a
very fast and peaceful process, there
was just barely enough time to get to the hospital.
BCL: Do you give Daime to your children?
CA
:
Yes, they all take it if they want. My daughter, the oldest,
loves to take Daime, she almost takes it more than I
do!
She
took it for the
first
time just five hours after being bom, just a
drop.
Like
I
said before, because we believe that this protects
the child. Sometimes, when we have a spiritual session on a
weekday, I insist that she not participate, since the next day
she has school, and I don't want her to be tired at school
(sometimes the sessions go on until late). My eldest son also
likes to go to the sessions, but he is very sensitive to the
effects, so he takes very little Daime, less than 3 ml. He also
took a few drops of Daime soon after being bom. Because
he is more sensitive, both I and he himself are especially
careful that he not take too much. My thirteen-year old son
doesn't like it and doesn't go often to the sessions, so I don't
insist, and he only goes when he wants to. The five-year
old, however, really likes to go. If
I
let him he would go all
the time, but he's still too young, he only goes to hymnal
sessions that take place during the day, and to the children's
sessions. He
also
takes
a
very small
dose,
2.5 ml at most. I've
given it to him a few times when he had bad constipation,
it cured the problem. Another time he was really agitated
and couldn't sleep, so
1
gave him a little Daime and soon
he calmed down and went to sleep.
BCL: How would you react to the following statement, "The use
of ayahuasca by pregnant women is dangerous. It is thought
that it can provoke neurological changes in the fetus. For the
same reason it should not be taken by children"?
CA:
1
would ignore these assertions. It is a frivolous claim at
the very least, with no scientific support or
evidence.
Daime
gives women a profound experience of pregnancy and a
strong contact with the baby in her womb [cf. Schaefer In
press for a similar description by Huichol wotnen about
peyote use during pregnancy]. And children who take
Daime are normal, healthy and intelligent. At this point
there are many families who have used Daime in the church
for several generations, and in general they are healthy,
happy, prosperous and well-balanced. Daime is part of our
religion, and people outside find it difficult to understand.
Unfortunately, there is still a great deal of prejudice about
our doctrine.
BCL: What do you think about the Brazilian government's
legalization of ayahuasca use by children and pregnant
women?
CA: It is fundamental. A hard fought and justly earned right,
the right to religious freedom. Daime isn't just some hal-
lucinogen. It is a profound part of our beliefs, our doctrine.
It is only taken during our spiritual sessions. The person
who takes Daime believes in its spiritual power, believes
in the benefits it brings. For Santo Daime practitioners, it
is a sacrament, that's why we say "commune with Daime"
(comungar Daime). To deny or prohibit its use would be
arbitrary at the very least.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This article has explored some of the common themes
and contradictions found between various discourses, in-
cluding those of scientists and ayahuasca users, surrounding
consumption of ayahuasca
by
children and pregnant women.
The anthropological literature has described the ritual and
religious contexts and detailed the behavioral, dietary and
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 32Volume 43 (1), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasca by Children and Pregnant Women
ethical prescriptions expected of practitioners of religious
groups such as Santo Daime and Uniao do Vegetal (Goulart
2004;
Labate 2004; MacRae 1992). The existing literature
has also pointed to the strict controls surrounding access
to the beverage, particularly in terms of dosage and fre-
quency. In the context of
these
religions, dosage is generally
determined by age, weight, gender and experience within
the group, as well as according to specific health and psy-
chological conditions gleaned through ongoing evaluation
and observation of participants within and outside the ritual
setting (Labate 2009; MacRae 1992). The interview with
Clarice Andreozzi highlights how the same factors come
to play in the use of ayahuasca by children and pregnant
women in the Santo Daime tradition. Ayahuasca use is not
free or loose; rather, it takes place within specified ritual,
cultural and religious parameters that provide strong control
mechanisms.
The CONAD resolutions that govern the use of aya-
huasca in Brazil for both adults and children resulted from
a dialog between biomédical, social science and native
perspectives. It recognizes, among other things, that users
have important and valuable empirical knowledge about
ayahuasca through accumulated use and experience. The
most recent CONAD resolution, while respecting the prac-
tices and knowledge of ayahuasca religions, also calls for
further research on these and other aspects of ayahuasca
use (CONAD 2010). Building on the preliminary studies
mentioned here (da Silveira et al. 2005; Dobkin de Rios &
Grob 2005a,
b;
Dobkin de Rios et
al.
2005;
Doedng-Silveira
et
al.
2005a,
b),
more research of
an
interdisciplinary nature
is required to evaluate short-term and long-term cognitive
effects of ayahuasca use in children. Studies of pregnant
women and children could be done using research designs
similar to that which were used to study teenagers in the
UDV. Controlled-matched cohort studies of UDV or Santo
Daime children could be done as they grow up within the
religions. These studies would ideally have a developmental
focus,
taking into account the duration and frequency with
which the children and their pregnant mothers participated
in the rituals. It would also be helpful to distinguish between
the
findings
seen in adult members of UDV and Santo Daime
and those in other ayahuasca-using contexts who started con-
suming ayahuasca and attending rituals at different periods
(i.e.
in utero, infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood),
focusing on central stages of neurodevelopment. Finally,
experimental research could be done in which ayahuasca is
administered in shamanic, religious or therapeutic contexts
or to other populations without previous experience with
ayahuasca and the harms and benefits could be evaluated.
These studies on children and pregnant woman would have
to be approved by university ethical review committees; in
any case, this research would involve great ethical, legal,
methodological and funding challenges.
Important avenues for more social science research
include studying how the consumption of ayahuasca by
pregnant woman and children is important for building
religious and cultural identity within these groups, and also
how the religious minority status of ayahuasca users comes
to play out in the definition and expression this identity.
Researchers in the field of anthropology of science should
examine how biomédical research is constructed, and look
at how doctors, judges, joumalists and religious leaders
translate the rodent physiology to human physiology and
use rodent data to estimate human health risks. It is also
important to do an "ethnography of power" to understand
how different social agents mediate access to and influence
the formulation of public policies on the use of ayahuasca.
It
is
of special relevance to study how biomédical discourses
tend to receive greater weight in public debates than other
discourses, such as those in the social sciences and religion,
and also to analyze biomédical science's role in the context
of legal cases involving the use this substance.
Furthermore, social science research should compare
the use of ayahuasca by children and pregnant woman with
the use of other substances such as alcohol and tobacco,
where the ill effects for pregnant women, fetuses and chil-
dren have been clearly documented, and where laws and
public health campaigns have been designed to limit, if not
prohibit outright, their consumption among certain catego-
ries of people. This, in turn, raises the broader issue of the
legal, historical and moral roots of the prohibitionist laws
and educational campaigns that hope to "save our children
from drugs." This article has been limited to a few cases
related to several of
these
discourses. Future research should
extend the range of social agents and those with differing
perspectives seen as stakeholders in the current debate.
The case of ayahuasca, as we have seen, raises im-
portant questions about the rights of religious minorities,
and how these rights fit within the questions conceming
controlled substances more generally. On one side, there are
the parental rights to determine what constitutes appropri-
ate upbringing of children, which would include religion,
education, and the consumption of foods, medicines and
psychoactive drugs. On the other side are those that claim
children have the right not to receive religious indoctrination
or certain psychoactive drugs. These decisions should be
based on extending both our
empirical,
social and biomédical
knowledge on the subject, as well as broader philosophical
and ethical reflections on human rights. I hope to have called
attention to the richness of
this
field of inquiry that remains
so unexplored.
Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 33Volume 43 (I), January - March 2011
LabateConsumption of Ayahuasea by Children and Pregnant Women
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