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SUBSTANCE USE & MISUSE
An International Interdisciplinary Forum
Volume 46 Number S1 2011
SUBSTANCE USE & MISUSE VOL. 46 NO. S1 2011
Special Issue on
Volatile Substance Misuse: A Global Perspective
Volume 46 •Number S1 • 2011
Volatile Substance Misuse: A Global Perspective
Guest Editors: Colleen A. Dell, Steven W. Gust and Sarah MacLean
Contents
Substance Use & Misuse, 46:119–127, 2011
Copyright C
2011 Informa Healthcare USA, Inc.
ISSN: 1082-6084 print / 1532-2491 online
DOI: 10.3109/10826084.2011.580230
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Lived Experience of Volatile Substance Misuse: How Support
Contributes to Recovery and Sustained Well-being
Russell Bone1, Colleen Dell2, Monique Koskie2, Michelle Kushniruk2and Cynthia Shorting1
1Saskatoon Team for Research & Evaluation of Addictions Treatment and Mental Health Services, Elphinstone,
Manitoba, Canada; 2Department of Sociology, College of Arts and Science, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon,
Saskatchewan, Canada
This article examines the role of support in the lives,
recovery, and sustained well-being of two long-term
First Nations volatile substance misusers in Canada.
Through the application of visual-arts-based and oral
life history methodologies, support is conceptualized
and analyzed from joint Indigenous and Western
worldviews. With a culturally informed understanding
of the types of connections that bring about support, in-
sight is offered to those who are a part of the recovery
and maintenance support systems of individuals who
misuse volatile substances.
Keywords volatile substance misuse, support, recovery, First
Nations, arts-based methodology, well-being, cultural healing
I phoned Russell, and I was crying on the phone, and he was at his
sister’s place ...I started crying and he asked me “What is wrong?”
[I said] I want to come home. He says “You want to come home?” I
said, yeah, I want to leave Winnipeg.” And then he told me, he says
“Well, I just have my GST in the bank, I’ll send it to you.” And then
I, so I was in the hospital for the week-end ... and I left Tuesday
... and I came back to reserve where I’m from, that’s where my
Dad, like that’s where I was born but I was taken off when I was
very, very young and from that day, that day, from when I moved
out there, that was the last day I touched any alcohol, any solvent.
(Cynthia Shorting, April 27, 2010)
INTRODUCTION
The misuse of volatile substances can indicate unbalance
in an individual’s life and can serve as a coping response
to stressful life experiences. The literature recognizes sol-
vent misuse as a global health problem, with growing un-
derstanding about who misuses volatile substances and
the reasons for it (see Introduction, this issue). There re-
This study was funded by the Saskatchewan Health Research Foundation and the College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, Research Group
Development Grant.
Colleen Anne Dell, Monique Koskie, and Michelle Kushniruk would like to offer a heartfelt thank you to Russell and Cynthia for their bravery and
generosity in sharing their stories.
Address correspondence to Colleen Anne Dell, Department of Sociology and School of Public Health, University of Saskatchewan, 1109 Arts
Building, Saskatoon, SK S7N 5A5; E-mail: colleen.dell@usask.ca.
mains, however, an absence of knowledge about personal
recovery from solvent misuse (see Section 2: Understand-
ing the Neuroscience and Health Impacts of Volatile Sub-
stance Misuse). This article provides a unique examina-
tion of the role of support in this relatively unexplored
area.
Although not at the forefront of research and theory,
the addictions eld does variously acknowledge the mean-
ing of support in individual recovery and well-being. The
work of Graneld and Cloud (2001), for example, identi-
ed the importance of social capital in recovery from al-
cohol and drug dependence, experienced by individuals as
social relations with benets. Havassey, Hall, and Wasser-
man’s (1991) research concluded that both structural (e.g.,
social integration) and functional (e.g., social networks)
support are signicant factors for relapse prevention of
alcohol, drugs, and tobacco addiction. The current work
of Duncan and Miller (2008) forefronts interpersonal re-
lationships as a valid indicator of client progress in treat-
ment. In addition, we know from practice that support, in-
cluding from friends, family, and the community at large,
is a critical factor in an individual’s recovery process. This
is well recognized, for example, through aftercare service
provision in the National Native Alcohol and Drug Abuse
Programs across Canada. Further, community-based re-
covery groups such as 12-step programs similarly recog-
nize that fellowship/sponsorship is a key recovery princi-
ple. There is also a growing awareness that support can
take on a specic role in recovery for females in compari-
son to males, and by other diversity factors such as culture.
This article examines the role of support in the lives, re-
covery, and sustained well-being of two long-term volatile
substance misusers in Canada—Cynthia Shorting and
Russell Bone. Cynthia (female) and Russell (male) are
119
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120 R. BONE ET AL.
both in their 50s, are of First Nations descent, and mis-
used volatile substances to a signicant extent throughout
their childhood, teen, and adult years. Both have been free
from volatile substance and alcohol use for more than a
decade. In the past year, Cynthia and Russell expressed
a desire to one of the coauthors of this article (Colleen
Dell) to share their written stories publicly in the hope
to assist someone struggling with volatile substance mis-
use. It follows that they did not want to share in detail, at
this point in their lives, the related emotions and feelings,
but more so the overall “process” of their recovery and
how it came to be. Applying visual-arts-based and oral
life history methodologies, support in their lives, recov-
ery, and sustained well-being is examined in this article
from joint Indigenous and Western worldviews. The West-
ern psychological work of Barrera (1986) was applied as
a starting point to understand Cynthia and Russell’s ex-
periences, centering on the function of their connections,
their perceived ability to draw upon these connections,
and the quality of the connections if accessed. An Indige-
nous worldview was then applied to more fully understand
the types and nature of connections that brought about
support. The culturally informed insight gained may be
particularly helpful to those who are a part of the recov-
ery and maintenance support systems of individuals who
misuse volatile substances.
Our Stories
Cynthia and Russell were born in the disadvantaged core
area of Winnipeg, Manitoba in Canada. Being of First Na-
tions descent, both were impacted by colonizing govern-
ment policies, contributing to their experiences of abject
poverty, cultural dissociation, marginalization, and histor-
ical trauma. Russell’s parents died when he was a child,
and he was shufed between residential school and foster
homes. He began misusing alcohol and tobacco at a very
young age and volatile substances at the age of 14. With
the onset of use, Russell became further distanced from
his relatives and began living in abandoned houses. Petty
theft nanced Russell’s volatile substance misuse, and he
was incarcerated on multiple occasions as a result.
During Russell’s brief periods of incarceration, he par-
ticipated in mandatory substance use programming, but
continued to misuse volatile substances when released
into the community. He tried on several occasions dur-
ing this period of his life to stop on his own, but was not
successful. Just over 10 years ago, Russell was snifng a
volatile substance alone in his house when it accidentally
ignited and there was a house re. Seventy percent of his
body was severely burned. Russell’s leg was amputated
and he spent several months in the hospital recovering.
Cynthia began using volatile substances and alcohol at
a young age as well, in part to cope with a home life threat-
ened with physical and emotional violence and problem-
atic substance use. Cynthia’s misuse of volatile substances
impacted her school attendance, and she began running
away from home during her teen years. By the age of 18,
Cynthia had spent a signicant amount of time in female
delinquency homes, as well as 9 months in a women’s jail.
Cynthia gave birth to two sons in her early 20s and re-
linquished their custody to her mother. For the next two
decades, Cynthia continued to misuse volatile substances
and was admitted on numerous occasions to treatment
programs, hospitals, and psychiatric wards. After losing
her brother in a tragic death, Cynthia jumped off a 67-foot
bridge while intoxicated by volatile substances in a sui-
cide attempt; she was severely injured and spent 8 months
recovering in a hospital.
Cynthia met Russell at the hospital where they were
both patients; when Russell dropped a package of gum at
a vending machine, Cynthia picked it up for him. They
spent approximately 4 months visiting one another dur-
ing their hospital stays. Upon release, both Cynthia and
Russell resumed using volatile substances and alcohol to
cope. Medical complications led to the amputation of Rus-
sell’s second leg, and another lengthy recovery process
commenced. Cynthia returned to the bridge for a second
attempt at ending her life while under the inuence of
volatile substances, but was stopped by her son and admit-
ted to a psychiatric ward. While there, Cynthia’s other son
was admitted to the adjoining hospital with an erupted ul-
cer. Two months later, Cynthia made the decision to leave
Winnipeg and go to her father’s home reserve in Manitoba
to live with Russell; she has not used volatile substances or
alcohol since her arrival. Russell has also not used volatile
substances or alcohol since Cynthia joined him on the re-
serve. This was more than 10 years ago. Cynthia and Rus-
sell are engaged to be married.
Understanding Support: Western and Indigenous
Worldviews
In Western health systems, an individual’s physical well-
being is typically focused upon, and therefore oftentimes
isolated from the social context in which life is experi-
enced. For example, an addictions treatment center may
focus its programming on the physical impacts of sub-
stances on the body, including mandatory abstinence, but
a consideration of the etiology of misuse is oftentimes
incomprehensive. To illustrate, a widespread criticism of
women’s treatment programming is that it does not inte-
grate the impact of violence and trauma in women’s mis-
use of substances. The prioritizing of physical status in
a Western model of care also diminishes the role of an
individual’s emotional, mental, and spiritual well-being.
The work of Gladwell (2008) criticizes this individual-
centered view and argues for the ways in which individ-
ual behavior is better explained by social networks and
forces than the common assumptions of individual effort
or blame. That said, it must be acknowledged that Western
models of care are increasingly acknowledging the bene-
ts of a biopsychosocial approach to treatment, although
oftentimes limited in its application.
Within an Indigenous worldview, an individual is un-
derstood collectively as a physical, emotional, mental, and
spiritual being. This is contextualized within a larger state
of being, including connections to the land, others, and
community; it is a way of life. The work of Banai (1979)
speaks of everything being related within an Indigenous
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SUPPORT IN RECOVERY FROM VOLATILE SUBSTANCE MISUSE 121
approach—rocks, plants, animals, and people; all must
live in harmony with one another. Individual well-being
is situated within a complex web of interdependent rela-
tionships; “[w]hatever happened with one thing rippled
out to touch and affect all other things” (Ross, 2004,
p. 5). Numerous non-Western cultural traditions view the
individual as a relational, interdependent entity (Manson,
2000), which is in sharp contrast to the conventional
Western biomedical view that characterizes people as
unique, separate, and autonomous beings (Beiser, 2003).
Among the Dene people, for example, an individual’s
addiction is seen as being shared by all community mem-
bers. Everyone in the community shares the responsibility
and has a duty to contribute to the individual’s healing
(Francis, 2004). This said, it must be acknowledged
too that “Indigenous knowledge is different things in
different places to different people” (Nakata, 2002, p.
283); there is no homogeneous Indigenous worldview,
although there are central concepts that overlap between
Indigenous knowledge systems. This understanding is as
applicable within a specic country as it is globally.
To understand the role of support in the lives,
recovery, and sustained well-being of Cynthia and
Russell, we began by drawing upon the inuential West-
ern work of Barrera (1986) on support. He denes sup-
port as having three psychological components: (1) Social
embeddedness—the connections that individuals have to
signicant others in their social environments (e.g., mari-
tal status, community organizations, siblings, contact with
friends). It is identied as fundamental to an individual’s
psychological sense of community. (2) Perceived social
support—the cognitive appraisal of being reliably con-
nected to others. This includes individuals’ willingness to
seek out support and others’ ability to offer it. Focus is on
the individual’s condence that the support will be avail-
able if needed. This category has shown to be the most
strongly associated with psychological well-being (Bar-
rera & Baca, 1990; Cohen & Pressman, 2004). (3) Enacted
support—actions of others when assistance and support
are requested in the face of stress. Without adequate psy-
chological support, when individuals experience a threat-
ening or otherwise demanding situation, the stress can re-
sult in the manifestation of problematic substance use as a
coping mechanism (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Next, we ap-
plied an Indigenous worldview to more fully understand
the types of connections that bring about support, with the
understanding that connections transcend the individual to
others, the land, and the community. Wellness is not only
about individuals but also about the “social structures out-
side the person that teach practices for maintaining, sup-
porting and restoring balance” (Musell, 2006, p. 3).
METHODOLOGY
Our team undertook this research with the intent to de-
colonize its methodological approach. The history of re-
search with Indigenous people in Canada is fraught with
historical injustices and incompatibilities with Indigenous
ways of knowing. For example, social research in Canada
has been described as taking a “helicopter approach,”
in which researchers y into an Indigenous community
and take information with no regard for the individuals
or community providing the information. When the re-
searchers have the information they desired, they leave the
community and do not return to share the ndings, or just
as important, to gain understanding about the context in
which to situate the ndings (Smylie & Anderson, 2006).
Two fundamental considerations led our team to pri-
oritize a visual-arts-based methodology as a decolonizing
approach. First, one of the ways that Indigenous knowl-
edge has historically been communicated is with visual ar-
tifacts, including paintings, carvings, and beadwork. This
approach is compatible with an Indigenous way of know-
ing in Canada. Second, Cynthia and Russell’s low liter-
acy level was identied as a potential barrier to their full
contribution. In turn, it was decided that reecting on a
picture—in this case an artist’s rendition of their lived
experiences with volatile substance misuse—would place
their voice at the center of the discussion. Arts-based ap-
proaches, including visual methodologies, are not com-
monplace in Western research, but they do have a lengthy
academic tradition (T. Prentice, personal communication,
December 12, 2010). It should also be noted that the au-
thors of this article are both Indigenous (Russell, Cynthia,
Michelle) and non-Indigenous (Colleen, Monique). Our
team views this as an inherent strength because the diver-
sity of our collective experiences, with a prioritizing of
those of our Indigenous colleagues, contributes to a com-
prehensive framework for understanding.
The research process began with the collection of life
histories through personal interviews, referred to as story-
telling events, in honor of the oral tradition of Indigenous
people in Canada. These were collected at a 3-day gather-
ing in August 2009 of First Nations community members
and non-First Nations researchers discussing academic
and experiential knowledge about recovery from addic-
tions. This was explored under the guidance of First Na-
tions Elder, Campbell Papequash.
As the visual artist, Monique Koskie received audio,
video, and written transcripts of Cynthia and Russell’s
life stories recorded at the gathering. In processing her
review of the stories, Monique visualized abstract rep-
resentations of Cynthia and Russell’s experiences, and
committed them to paper in a drawing (see the journal
cover). Monique describes her talent as “a visual transla-
tion from the written or spoken language into a communi-
cation medium that transcends words.” Although the life
histories were able to provide detailed information about
Cynthia and Russell’s lived experiences, their volatile sub-
stance misuse, and the central role of support in recov-
ery from it, the pictures developed by Monique focused
specically on the role of support in Cynthia and Russell’s
initial and continued recovery.
It is important to acknowledge that Monique’s work as
an artist is from a non-First Nations perspective. However,
central to this visual-arts-based methodology is that the
pictures are “reected upon,” “responded to,” and “inter-
preted” by Cynthia and Russell, as discussed further in the
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122 R. BONE ET AL.
following sections. Cynthia and Russell were encouraged
to point out how the pictures did not resonate with their
own accounts of their lives.
Monique’s visual entry into Cynthia and Russell’s lives
produced two pictures—one of Cynthia’s experiences re-
garding support in her life, recovery, and sustained well-
ness from volatile substance misuse, and the other of Rus-
sell’s. The pictures were presented to Cynthia and Russell
at a day-long meeting in April 2010 to initiate the discus-
sion. Over the course of meeting, Cynthia and Russell re-
acted to the picture, reected on it, and elded questions
from the researchers who attended the original gathering
where they shared their life histories. Describing this pro-
cess, Monique explains:
I do not try to explain the symbols I rst see in my interpretation. I
allow the person who told me their story to explain why I might have
seen these images while I was listening to what they were trying to
explain/show me ...It is important not to dishonor a person’s story
by relating their journey to one traveled by myself.
This ts with Vannini and Gladue’s suggestion that the
process of decolonizing the research design requires
“learning to feel one’s research” (2008, p. 140).
As anticipated, this visual-arts-based process allevi-
ated language, literacy, cultural, and cognitive barriers
(Liamputtong, 2008; Wang, 2008). Our team was aware
of these potential barriers based on Colleen’s relationship
with Cynthia and Russell. Similar to Packard’s (2008) ex-
perience, we found that this process contributed to con-
versations and information transfer that we are condent
would not have occurred to such an extent otherwise;
it tapped into a rich reservoir of information gathering.
We are condent in this observation because prior to
our visual-arts-based discussions, the “standard” inter-
view that was held with Cynthia and Russell about sup-
ports in their lives—past, present, and future—relayed
signicantly less information in comparison to the con-
versation surrounding the drawings. To illustrate, Russell
described in his storytelling event about the shame asso-
ciated with his leg amputations. However, in response to
a representation of a tree within the drawing presented to
him, he spoke in animated detail about a dream he had
in which there were three trees representing his leg loss.
He shared his associated emotions, cultural interpretation,
and the insight the dream provided into his experience of
shame.
On the basis of Cynthia and Russell’s reections,
Monique produced a third picture in which Cynthia and
Russell’s collective story was represented, and a discus-
sion about the picture was once again held with them.
Our team’s initial understanding of support in their lives
was conrmed, and new and expanded areas were uncov-
ered and discussed. The cumulative information collected
throughout the research process was recorded and ana-
lyzed collectively among our team members based on the
joint Western work of Barrera and an Indigenous world-
view of the connections that bring about support. This in-
cluded researcher member checks and verication of the
themes and ndings with Cynthia and Russell.
RESULTS
Applying Barrera’s concept of support to the lived expe-
riences of Cynthia and Russell highlights their signicant
lack of access to individualized supports during their for-
mative childhood, adolescent, and early adult years. Psy-
chological connection to others was not meaningfully de-
veloped and therefore was not sufciently available to
draw upon during times of psychological distress. Their
lack of connections to others in turn negatively impacted
on their perceptions of support available from others and a
willingness to draw upon them (Barrera, 1986; Barrera &
Baca, 1990). Further, when supports were accessed, they
were most often not culturally meaningful. Considering
Cynthia and Russell’s life experiences from within an In-
digenous worldview brings to light the absence of cultur-
ally based communal supports in their lives while grow-
ing up (e.g., understanding their cultural identity), as well
as the harmful impacts of colonization (e.g., experienced
as abject poverty) and imposed Western “supports” (e.g.,
placement in residential school system).
For both Cynthia and Russell, Barrera’s concept of sup-
port surfaced with a major event in their adult lives. For
both of them, this was tied to their long-term hospitaliza-
tion, and for Cynthia, it was also experienced as a result
of her mothering role. The support that both Cynthia and
Russell received as a consequence of these events pro-
vided a point of reference upon which further connections
were experienced, understood, and accepted. An Indige-
nous worldview highlights the importance of Cynthia and
Russell’s connection to themselves (e.g., cultural iden-
tity), the land (e.g., traditional medicine and ceremonies),
and their community (e.g., communal support in the re-
building of Russell’s home). There is also the understand-
ing that with everything being interconnected, support is
reciprocal; it is both accepted and offered back. This un-
derstanding is central to Cynthia and Russell’s sustained
well-being.
Past—Individual Lives
Russell. Barrera’s three forms of psychological support
were limited in Russell’s life story. He experienced
few social connections throughout his childhood and
teen years. Having lost his parents when he was young,
connections to signicant others were difcult to make
as Russell was transferred between residential school and
government foster care. When Russell initiated solvent
misuse at 14 years of age, he increasingly isolated himself
so that he could misuse volatile substances. As it began
to overtake his life, existing connections to others were
further denigrated—his experience with social embed-
dedness was limited. Russell shared that while growing
up, he did not feel that he had reliable connections with in-
dividuals and organizations. His perceived social support
was very limited. As a ward of the state, Russell had little
opportunity to develop meaningful connections in his life.
He shared that he turned to volatile and other substances
to help him cope. Given that Russell did not have reliable
social connections, it follows that enacted support was
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SUPPORT IN RECOVERY FROM VOLATILE SUBSTANCE MISUSE 123
likewise limited in his upbringing. Russell did receive
some forms of support when he asked for it, such as social
assistance; however, it was minimally grounded in estab-
lished and meaningful connections. Further, supportive
“services” were often imposed upon him. For example,
as an adult, Russell “participated” in mandatory pro-
gramming during his prison incarcerations, but he never
actively sought support for his volatile substance misuse.
The evidence of Barrera’s three forms of psychological
support began to surface as a consequence of Russell’s
long-term hospital stay as an adult. During his recovery
from the loss of his legs, enacted support was available
to Russell in various rehabilitative programs and groups.
Russell found himself in a situation where he was forced
to ask others for assistance to help him heal physically,
as well as cope emotionally, mentally, and spiritually, and
some support was available. The elimination of his sub-
stance misuse, 24-hour care, and a safe environment also
removed many of the daily stressors he had to face while
living on the streets. Russell’s perceived social support
likewise improved as he accessed individuals and services
and found them helpful, though he shared that he had a
very difcult time adjusting to the idea that they could
assist him. This was compounded by his personal shame
and reluctance to talk about how he lost his legs. Part way
through Russell’s initial hospital stay, he became friends
with Cynthia. Dealing with volatile substance misuse her-
self, and the shame surrounding her own hospital stay, she
became an important source of empathetic, relevant, and
knowledgeable support for Russell. Social embeddedness
became meaningful for Russell, and possibly for the rst
time in his life in a signicant way.
From an Indigenous worldview, Russell was deeply
disconnected from his cultural heritage as a child, a youth,
and an adult, including knowing himself as an Indigenous
man and understanding his communal connections. His
forced placement in residential school, as an example, was
intended to “take the Indian out of the child,” and to some
extent it was successful.
Cynthia. Barrera’s three forms of psychological sup-
port were also limited in Cynthia’s life story, although they
did emerge to some extent when she became a mother.
Cynthia experienced limited connections in her social en-
vironment while growing up. Unlike Russell, Cynthia’s
childhood consisted of a single-family residence, but con-
nection to her parents and siblings was strained due to
violence and extensive problematic substance use in the
home. Outside her home, Cynthia’s social embeddedness
was further weakened when she stopped attending school
in her early teens and began using volatile substances
heavily. It was not until her 20s that Cynthia developed
some valuable social connections with the birth of her
children. Cynthia also shared that she did not have a strong
sense of perceived social support that could be counted
on while growing up. In fact, Cynthia learned at a young
age that support was often undesirable when it was ac-
cessed, such as government child protective services and
the threat of removal from her home and in particular as an
Indigenous child for whom apprehension rates were high.
However, with the birth of her children, Cynthia perceived
that there was support for her as a mother from organiza-
tions as well as her own mother.
Similar to Russell’s experience, Cynthia spent consid-
erable time in juvenile delinquency facilities growing up
and was provincially incarcerated, where she participated
in mandatory “supportive” programming. She identied
these experiences as “useless,” mainly because her limited
education prevented her from participating. For example,
many of the programs assigned homework, but Cynthia’s
grade 3 level prevented her from reading and writing. She
also shared that when she did seek treatment for her mis-
use of volatile and other substances, it was primarily in re-
sponse to her lack of basic resources, including food and
shelter. Cynthia did recall one experience in which social
support was enacted. Through a court-mandated order,
Cynthia attended a parenting program in which she devel-
oped an authentic relationship with a counselor. This was
contrary to her numerous experiences with “mandatory”
supports in the past. These experiences were described as
different because, as she said, “I could tell that this coun-
sellor really cared about me, not what I had done, but me
as a person.” Also, she spoke about the support she re-
ceived that was associated with her role as a mother, in
particular Cynthia’s own mother assuming legal guardian-
ship for her two children.
In addition to supportive experiences associated with
motherhood, Barrera’s three forms of psychological sup-
port surfaced as a consequence of Cynthia’s long-term
hospital stay. Elements of enacted social support were ex-
perienced with Cynthia’s 24-hour physical care, psychi-
atric care, and the availability of valuable services to assist
with her physical recovery. Cynthia’s perceived social
support likewise extended, including new-formed and re-
liable connections with her sisters Leona and Suzette. Re-
liance upon her mother’s support extended through the
care of Cynthia’s children. In meeting and sharing her ex-
periences with Russell, his own lived experiences enabled
him to become a relevant and trustworthy connection for
Cynthia—a signicant form of social embeddedness.
From an Indigenous worldview, Cynthia was deeply
disconnected from her culture on a personal and commu-
nal level by growing up in an urban environment. Cynthia
was not educated on her cultural background and identity
as an Aboriginal woman. The impacts of colonization also
negatively inuenced her life, including experiences with
poverty, marginalization, and problematic substance use.
Present—Interconnected Lives
Today, Russell and Cynthia have been free from sub-
stance misuse for more than 10 years. In describing
their current lives, Barrera’s forms of psychological
support—connections, perceived ability to draw upon
connections, and the quality of the connections—are ap-
preciably evident. When asked about their most powerful
and meaningful support, Cynthia and Russell both iden-
tify one another. Social embeddedness for Cynthia and
Russell today extends further to their family and relations,
including with Cynthia’s children (one of whom is living
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124 R. BONE ET AL.
with Cynthia and Russell), their immediate and extended
families, close friends living on the reserve and off, and a
local medicine woman.
From an Indigenous worldview, Cynthia and Russell’s
connections within their social environments have been
extended to include a relationship with their cultural
teachings and medicines, the Earth, and the animals that
surround them. With an increasing and reliable presence
of Elders, friends, and family in their life, they began to
reclaim their Indigenous way of understanding their ex-
istence in relation to their worlds. Russell and Cynthia’s
connections to culturally based communal supports serve
as a critical foundation for their sustained well-being.
Cynthia and Russell’s perceived social support has
likewise increased substantially. They both identify the
connections in their lives that they can ask for support
from and rely upon both as individuals and a couple.
This ranges from requesting funds from the Band Chief to
make Indigenous crafts to asking for advice from a family
relation. Possibly, the most notable illustration of Cynthia
and Russell’s increased feeling of reliable connectedness
to others is the Band members’ renovation of Russell’s
home after the re and outtting it as wheelchair accessi-
ble. This made Russell, and later Cynthia, feel very wel-
comed in and connected to their community.
Russell and Cynthia shared their belief that support
exists within their community relations, and this under-
standing is based on their growing cultural awareness.
Cynthia picks traditional medicinal herbs and plants with
an Elder and Russell helps to prepare them. This is par-
ticularly meaningful to Russell because his father was
a medicine man. Russell also participates in traditional
singing and drumming and Cynthia attends sun dances.
Together, Cynthia and Russell craft cultural beadwork
and are now teaching Cynthia’s son. Cynthia has also ex-
pressed interest in learning her native language. Within
an Indigenous worldview, Russell and Cynthia are both
perceiving and receiving support from their culture in the
form of identity and understanding who they are through
traditional cultural practices. This is evident in their ex-
pressed pride in who they are today, as Indigenous people
and a family. For Cynthia, this includes her role as a care-
giver and a mother to her sons.
With their social embeddedness and perceived social
support in place, Cynthia and Russell also spoke of en-
acted support in their lives. For example, Russell attends
a burn conference support group twice a year to receive
support and also offer it. He spoke of how it strengthens
him to learn from others, and to share with them what he
has learned. This is likewise reected in Russell’s rela-
tionship with Cynthia and other connections. For exam-
ple, when Russell and Cynthia have a ashback and feel
the desire to sniff again, they turn to one another for sup-
port and to talk it through; they are able to reach out for
support and receive it from multiple and meaningful con-
nections in their lives, beginning with each other. As Rus-
sell has shared, “She knows me, where I have been, what
I am going through, and that is really important. I do the
same for her. We really do know each other well.”
Both Russell and Cynthia’s current stories share an
overriding theme about “giving back,” and its intercon-
nection in their lives. For example, Cynthia speaks about
not using volatile substances, so she will not further hurt
her boys. Russell shares how making Indigenous crafts
and preparing traditional medicine helps others. He also
shares how he used to be a street ghter (physically), but
now that he no longer has legs, he is a different kind of
ghter, and he ghts with his whole self (physical, men-
tal, emotional, and spiritual) for both himself and others.
As relayed, an Indigenous worldview relates an individ-
ual to everything that surrounds him. An individual simply
cannot exist without these relationships, whether they are
acknowledged and understood, or not. This differs from
a Western worldview, in which it is generally considered
unhealthy to exist without supportive connections, but it
is not impossible. Barrera’s understanding of enacted sup-
port is extended within an Indigenous worldview; support
is reciprocal, it is about receiving and giving back (Banai,
1979).
CONCLUSION
The work of Hopkins and Elder Dumont (2010) on cul-
tural healing practices and medicine for First Nations in
Canada provides a thoughtful illustration of the depth
and complexity of the disconnection between Western
and Indigenous worldviews and the need for a collabora-
tive understanding. They state, “[t]he Midewiwin teach-
ing is that all Creation stories are true. A Western per-
spective would perceive the variation in stories as con-
icting, while an Indigenous perspective would nd links,
similarities and patterns amongst the stories” (p. 6). The
importance of considering the topic of this article from
a joint Western and Indigenous worldview is illustrated
in their unique and collective contributions to the under-
standing provided. It is also reective of the dual worlds
in which Cynthia and Russell live; they have experienced
living with “a foot in each world,” acknowledging that the
emphasis changed over time (from Western to Indigenous)
in sustainment of their well-being.
There should be caution, however, in thinking that we
can easily “combine” worldviews for a complete or holis-
tic understanding. There can be overlap between world-
views, but there are also distinctions that at times are con-
tradictory, such as in the example above. In addition, there
are far-reaching implications in jointly applying world-
views. The work of Nakata (2002) refers to this as a “cul-
tural interface,” and cautions that:
[w]hat the future Indigenous information context will look like is
speculative. What can be certain is that the intersections of dif-
ferent Indigenous [k]nowledges, systems, concerns, and priorities
will converge to inform and develop new practices in this area. As
this unfolds, I would hope that the information profession would
be mindful of just how complex the underlying issues are and just
how much is at stake for us when the remnants of our knowledge,
for some of us all that we have left to us, are the focus of so much
external interest. (p. 289)
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SUPPORT IN RECOVERY FROM VOLATILE SUBSTANCE MISUSE 125
In this article, we applied one point of
interface—support—between the two worldviews to
assist with the understanding that how it contributes to
the lives, recovery, and sustained well-being of Cynthia
and Russell’s lived experiences with volatile substance
misuse. Applying Barrera’s concept of support to the
lived experiences of Cynthia and Russell highlighted their
lack of access to supports during their formative child-
hood, adolescence, and early adult years. An Indigenous
worldview offered an additional understanding about the
absence of culturally based communal supports in their
life. For both Cynthia and Russell, Barrera’s concept
of support surfaced with a major event in their adult
lives; the support they both received as a consequence
of this event provided a point of reference upon which
further connections were experienced, understood, and
embraced. An Indigenous worldview extended this
understanding to include connections for Cynthia and
Russell with their cultural identity, the land, and the
community. There was also an appreciation of support
being reciprocal.
It was important in this article to consider the method-
ological process for examining support from both a West-
ern and Indigenous knowledge base. As a decolonizing
approach, our team applied a culturally signicant visual-
arts-based methodology to address some of the barriers
that the legacy of a traditional Western scientic perspec-
tive has imposed through its disempowering research with
Indigenous people and communities. We also applied a
culturally appropriate oral life history method.
And nally, as mentioned earlier, it is important to ac-
knowledge the impact and intricacies of diversity within
populations. It was apparent, for example, that Cynthia
had a greater number of connections and entry into sup-
port based on her mothering role. And, as mentioned, for
both Cynthia and Russell, such opportunities also surfaced
with a traumatic life event. The key message to be taken
from this, for those who are a part of the recovery and
maintenance support systems of individuals who misuse
volatile and other substances, is that we need to identify
the ways in which we can capitalize upon opportunities
and offer culturally adept responses, before a signicant
life event takes place. It is critical that individuals working
with Indigenous people from a Western knowledge base
do not prioritize their own understanding of the world,
so that important connections with their clients and re-
lations can be made. Equally important is that they rec-
ognize that such interconnections with Indigenous pop-
ulations include “the physical, mental, emotional, and
spiritual aspects of individuals with every living thing, and
with the Earth, the star world, and the universe” (Lavallee,
2009, p. 23). Without this understanding, only part of an
individual’s lived experiences and collective knowledge is
recognized.
Declaration of Interest
The authors report no conicts of interest. The authors
alone are responsible for the content and writing of the
article.
THE AUTHORS
Russell Bone was raised in
foster homes throughout Western
Canada and is a survivor of
residential schooling. He also
survived a terrible accident
in which he lost both his
legs due to the misuse of
volatile substances. With
vigorous rehabilitation, personal
determination, and a solid base
of social support, Russell is able
to walk on his prosthetic limbs.
Russell’s many years of battling
and conquering his addictions have provided him with unique
insights into personal well-being. Russell is currently serving on
the Advisory Committee for a research project undertaken by
the Saskatoon Team for Research & Evaluation of Addictions
Treatment and Mental Health Services.
Colleen Anne Dell, Ph.D., is
an Associate Professor and
Research Chair in Substance
Abuse at the University of
Saskatchewan in the Department
of Sociology and School of
Public Health. She is also a
Senior Research Associate
with the Canadian Centre on
Substance Abuse, Canada’s
national addictions agency.
Her research is grounded in a
community-based participatory
approach. Her research interests include the relationship between
identity and healing from drug addiction, most specically among
Aboriginal populations and criminalized women. She has worked
extensively at the community and national levels, including
with the Elizabeth Fry Society of Manitoba and the Senate of
Canada.
Monique Koskie, B.A., is
an artist and undergraduate
student at the University of
Saskatchewan and has practical
experience in the area of
chemical technology, in which
she is working toward her
diploma. Since being assessed
with a learning disability and
attention decit hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD) a few years
ago, she has drawn upon art
to visually represent her own
and others’ stories. Monique has volunteer experience as a
Student Ambassador and with the Sexual Assault Information
Center at the University of Saskatchewan. She also hosts a
local radio show, titled “Let’s Be Real”; her show talks about
coping strategies for life stressors. Monique currently serves on
the Advisory Committee for the Saskatoon Team for Research
& Evaluation of Addictions Treatment and Mental Health
Services.
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126 R. BONE ET AL.
Michelle Kushniruk, B.A.,
is the Research Coordinator
of the Saskatchewan Team
for Research & Evaluation
of Addictions Treatment and
Mental Health Services. She
recently obtained her 3-year
B.A. from the University of
Saskatchewan and completed
the Aboriginal Justice and
Criminology program that is
offered by the Department
of Sociology. Michelle has
volunteer experience with the Saskatoon Food Bank, CHEP,
Quint Development, and Saskatchewan Abilities Council, as
well as practical academic experience at the Prince Albert Grand
Council Spiritual Healing Lodge on Wapheton First Nation, and
the Research Department at the Regional Psychiatric Centre in
Saskatoon.
Cynthia Shorting was raised
in a home where domestic
abuse and alcoholism were an
everyday part of her world. As
an adult, Cynthia underwent
a lengthy recovery and
rehabilitation period following
a 67-foot fall. Cynthia has
battled and overcome a life-long
addiction to volatile substances,
and her experience has provided
her with a unique perspective
on the topics of addictions,
treatment, and recovery. Since returning to her home reserve
nearly a decade ago, Cynthia has gained great knowledge of her
Indigenous cultural arts and spiritual practices. She is currently
serving on the Advisory Committee for a research project
undertaken by the Saskatoon Team for Research & Evaluation
of Addictions Treatment and Mental Health Services.
GLOSSARY
Historical trauma: “Intergenerational or multigenera-
tional trauma happens when the effects of trauma are
not resolved in one generation, allowing patterns of
abuse to continue. The patterns of abuse that are passed
from one generation to the next include not only physi-
cal and sexual abuse but also low self-esteem, anger,
depression, violence, addictions, unhealthy relation-
ships, fear, shame, compulsiveness, lack of good par-
enting skills, body pain, and panic attacks” (Aboriginal
Healing Foundation, 2005, p. 26).
Residential school: The residential school system in
Canada attended by Aboriginal students. This may in-
clude industrial schools, boarding schools, homes for
students, hostels, billets, residential schools, residential
schools with a majority of day students, or a combina-
tion of any of the above (Aboriginal Healing Founda-
tion, 2006). Historical trauma is a consequence of the
residential school system in Canada.
Sun dance: A cultural ceremony involving preparation,
fasting, dancing, feasting, and visioning. Practices and
protocols are specic to each tribe.
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