ArticlePDF Available

Defining and Targeting Health Care Access Barriers

Authors:
  • Hackensack Meridian Health

Abstract and Figures

The impact of social and economic determinants of health status and the existence of racial and ethnic health care access disparities have been well-documented. This paper describes a model, the Health Care Access Barriers Model (HCAB), which provides a taxonomy and practical framework for the classification, analysis and reporting of those modifiable health care access barriers that are associated with health care disparities. The model describes three categories of modifiable health care access barriers: financial, structural, and cognitive. The three types of barriers are reciprocally reinforcing and affect health care access individually or in concert. These barriers are associated with screening, late presentation to care, and lack of treatment, which in turn result in poor health outcomes and health disparities. By targeting those barriers that are measurable and modifiable the model facilitates root-cause analysis and intervention design.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Access Provided by University Of Southern California at 07/01/11 4:51PM GMT
Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved 22 (2011): 562–575.
ORIGINAL PAPER
Dening and Targeting Health Care Access Barriers
J. Emilio Carrillo, MD, MPH
Victor A. Carrillo, MPA
Hector R. Perez, BA
Debbie Salas-Lopez, MD, MPH, FACP
Ana Natale-Pereira, MD, MPH
Alex T. Byron, BA
Abstract: e impact of social and economic determinants of health status and the exis-
tence of racial and ethnic health care access disparities have been well-documented. is
paper describes a model, the Health Care Access Barriers Model (HCAB), which provides
a taxonomy and practical framework for the classication, analysis and reporting of those
modiable health care access barriers that are associated with health care disparities. e
model describes three categories of modiable health care access barriers: nancial, struc-
tural, and cognitive. e three types of barriers are reciprocally reinforcing and aect health
care access individually or in concert. ese barriers are associated with screening, late
presentation to care, and lack of treatment, which in turn result in poor health outcomes
and health disparities. By targeting those barriers that are measurable and modiable the
model facilitates root-cause analysis and intervention design.
Key words: Health disparities, cultural competence, racial/ethnic disparities, health care
access barriers, cause of disparities, access barriers model.
The impact of social and economic determinants of health status and the existence
of racial and ethnic health care access disparities have been well-documented.1,2,3
Increasingly, multifactorial models are being presented to explain the causes for such
disparities.4,5,6,7 Health care access barriers play an important role in understanding the
causes of disparities.8 is paper describes a model, the Health Care Access Barriers
Model (HCAB), which provides a taxonomy and practical framework for the clas-
sication, analysis and reporting of those health care access barriers frequently faced
by populations that exhibit adverse health disparities. e model is equally applicable
across all racial and ethnic groups and specically targets those access barriers which
J. Emilio Carrillo and ViCtor Carrillo are aliated with NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital,
Weill Medical College of Cornell University, in New York City. Dr. Carrillo can be reached there at 177
Fort Washington Ave., Room IHS-228, New York, NY 10032; (212) 305-1079 (oce); ecarrill@nyp.org.
HECtor PErEz is aliated with Columbia University Medical Center, DEbbiE SalaS-loPEz
with Lehigh Valley Hospital and Health Network (Lehigh, Penn.), ana natalE-PErEira with the
University of Medicine & Dentistry of New Jersey in Newark, and alEx byron with Weill Cornell
Medical College.
563
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
are modiable in order to support the design of community-based interventions that
may lead to reduced disparities.
e HCAB model has been used to design community-based health interventions
to reduce the complications of diabetes mellitus in a high prevalence community
and to improve cancer screening among Latinas.9,10 In our community health work,
we used the HCAB model to facilitate the realignment of prevention and health care
services provided by a major academic medical center, NewYork-Presbyterian Hospi-
tal, to a large community of Latino immigrants in Washington Heights Inwood.11 A
community health needs assessment, linked with an analysis of nancial, structural
and cognitive barriers guided the development of Patient Centered Medical Homes,
Information Technology communication strategies and cultural competence training
of ambulatory care sta.
Health Care Access Models
While many health care access barriers have been described in the literature, they have
generally not been incorporated into models that set access barriers as units of analysis;
classify barriers; and provide frameworks that facilitate measurement, analysis, and
reporting.12,13,14,15 We have not identied models in the literature that specically target
modiable health care access barriers. However, a few examples of analytic frameworks
tie health care access barriers to adverse health outcomes and disparities. DeVoe et al.
have presented a typology of barriers to health care access for low-income families
that includes no health insurance coverage, no access to care, and inability to aord
co-payments and other costs even if insured.16
Andersen’s Behavioral Model of Health Services Use is a well-known and frequently
applied model of access to care.17,18 is model sets the individual as the unit of analysis
and suggests that the individuals’ use of health services is a function of their need and
predisposition to use them.19 Andersen’s model serves as a framework for large scale
studies and incorporates a comprehensive and wide array of determinants. Determinants
include demographic factors (age and gender), social structure (education, occupa-
tion, ethnicity, and other factors measuring status in the community, as well as coping
and the health of the physical environment), and health beliefs (attitudes, values, and
knowledge that might inuence perceptions of need and use of health services). e
Model serves as a tool for the study of a broad set of determinants, both modiable
and not modiable. A number of variations of the Andersen model have evolved over
the years, but all subscribe to the same fundamental characteristics.17 e Andersen
model was built on the basis of quantitative national health surveys and oers a broad
framework for the analysis of data from large datasets.20
e Health Care Access Barriers Model
e Health Care Access Barriers (HCAB) Model facilitates the design of community
health interventions by targeting measurable and modiable determinants of health
status. is is dierent from the Andersen Model, which provides a broad framework of
modiable and non-modiable determinants and is ideal for large scale studies of health
564 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
services utilization. e HCAB is not a comprehensive model that attempts to include
all determinants; rather it targets modiable health care access barriers in order to serve
as a practical tool for root-cause analysis and community-based interventions.
e HCAB Model is summarized in Figure 1. e model provides a nomenclature
and framework for identifying, categorizing, and targeting health care access barri-
ers. It describes three categories of modiable health care access barriers (nancial,
structural, and cognitive). We will demonstrate that these three types of health care
access barriers are associated with decreased screening, late presentation to care, and
lack of treatment, which in turn result in poor health outcomes and health disparities.
By targeting those barriers that are measurable and modiable, the model facilitates
root-cause analysis and intervention design.
Over a number of years, the lead author and colleagues have developed a health
care access barriers model that is rooted in the social and cultural barriers that limit
doctor-patient interactions.21,22 Multiple health care access barriers facing Hispanics
were noted through interviews and focus group studies supported by the Robert Wood
Johnson Foundation in 2001.23 ese access barriers have been classied and sorted into
categories.24 In addition, a review of the literature yielded three intermediary variables
that link these access barriers with poor health outcomes.25 Here we articulate a model
oriented specically to health care access barriers that proposes mechanistic links
between three categories of access barriers and subsequent health disparities.
e fundamental characteristics of the HCAB model are classication of health care
access barriers; identication of barriers that are measurable, modiable, and identi-
ed using the best available evidence; and recognition of intermediary factors that link
barriers with health outcomes.
e HCAB model sets health care access barriers as the units of analysis and provides
an approach that focuses on the causal pathways between the access barriers and the
adverse health outcomes. is dierentiates HCAB model from the Andersen model,
which sets the individual as the unit of analysis.18 We propose a taxonomy that describes
three categories of health care access barriers: Financial—cost of care and health insur-
ance status barriers; Structural—including institutional and organizational barriers;
Cognitive—knowledge and communication barriers. e previously cited DeVoe model
addresses nancial and structural barriers, but it does not explore cognitive barriers,
which have also been shown to limit access.16,26,27,28 ese three categories of barriers
are reciprocally reinforcing and aect health care access individually and in concert.
For example, cognitive barriers may aggravate or compound nancial and structural
barriers. Similarly, nancial barriers may lead to structural or cognitive barriers.
e HCAB model also denes three intermediary variables (prevention, timely care,
treatment) that can serve as intermediary measures reecting the impact of access
barriers.
Financial, Structural, and Cognitive Health Care Access Barriers
Financial barriers to health care access arise in vulnerable populations when patients
are uninsured or underinsured.24 Research has demonstrated that the impact of being
uninsured and underinsured disproportionately aects Latinos and African Americans
565
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
Figure 1. e health care access barriers (HCAB) model.
Health Outcomes
Disparities
Late Presentation Decreased
Prevention Decreased Care
Financial Barriers Cognitive Barriers
Structural Barriers
by limiting access to doctors when ill, going without a prescription for needed medi-
cations, or foregoing recommended tests or treatments.29 e uninsured population
includes many undocumented immigrants who are least likely to receive coverage from
federal and state health reform eorts. According to a 2002 study conducted by the
Commonwealth Fund, 34.1% of Hispanics and 21.6% of African Americans under age
65 in the United States are uninsured, compared with 12.5% for Whites.30
Individuals who are insured or who pay for their care by other means may never-
theless be subject to other access barriers that are not as tangible as insurance status.
566 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
Structural barriers are dened by the health care system’s availability. Such barriers may
be found within or outside of health care facilities. ese barriers act independently or
concurrently with nancial barriers already facing those without insurance. Structural
barriers may occur externally to the processes of care, as when people seek access to
health care services. ese barriers, as dened by recent studies, include but are not
limited to availability and proximity of facilities, transportation, child care, and structural
characteristics of care.31,32,33 Structural barriers are oen experienced within the health
care facility. Barriers such as excessive waiting times may aect care-seekers who are
have low incomes and live in neighborhoods of social and economic distress.14 Financial
and structural barriers may be further compounded by cognitive access barriers that
may, alone or in combination, adversely aect disease prevention and health care.
Box 1 provides examples of nancial, structural and cognitive barriers. Cogni-
tive barriers are rooted in the patient’s beliefs and knowledge of disease, prevention,
and treatment, as well as in the communication that occurs in the patient-provider
encounter.21,26–28,34,35 A patient’s lack of awareness of accessible health services may also
compound health barriers. Limited health literacy, as well as linguistic and cultural bar-
riers, may further prevent the patient from understanding and acquiring the necessary
knowledge to carry out therapeutic directions.36
Evidence-based Identication of
Barriers that are Measurable and Modiable
e HCAB model focuses on those health care access barriers that are associated with
adverse health care circumstances leading to health disparities. Many examples of such
discrete barriers can be found in the literature.12,13 ese barriers must be measurable in
order to facilitate quantitative analysis and evaluation. Furthermore, the models barriers
must be amenable to intervention, improvement, or correction: action can be taken to
eliminate, ameliorate, or prevent the barrier. For example, lack of health insurance has
been linked to health disparities and is readily measurable.29 Similarly, the structural
barriers and the cognitive barriers listed in Box 1 are all measurable and modiable.
Unlike HCAB, several of the components of the Andersen model, including demo-
graphic factors and social structure, have a low degree of mutability.19 e HCAB model
targets health care access barriers that are modiable and can be the subject of public
health and clinical interventions.
Recognition of Intermediary Factors that Link
Barriers with Health Outcomes
All three categories of health care barriers are associated with a number of intermedi-
ary factors that are known to result in poor health outcomes and disparities.16,35,37–39
Decreased use of preventive measures, delayed presentation and recognition of disease,
and lack of treatment or insucient treatment are all associated with poor health out-
comes.16,35,37–39 For example, in patients with low health literacy, there is a demonstrated
association with less use of preventive health services.40 Box 2 lists examples of associa-
tions between the three types of health care access barriers and the three intermediary
567
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
Box 1.
EXAMPLES OF STRUCTURAL, FINANCIAL, AND
COGNITIVE BARRIERS TO HEALTH CARE ACCESS
Examples of Structural Barriers
Availability: Medical Home Waiting time
Transportation to health care facility Multiple locations for tests and specialists
Telephone access to providers Continuity of care
Lack of child care resources Multi-step care processes
Street safety Operating hours of health care facility
Examples of Financial Barriers
No health insurance
Underinsured
Examples of Cognitive Barriers
Knowledge Barriers Communication Barriers
Awareness of prevention facts Availability: interpreter services
Awareness of health resources Language concordance of signage
Health literacy Availability: cross-cultural communication
Understanding of diagnosis skills
Understanding of treatment Availability: translated materials
Racial/ethnic concordance of provider
Sources, as listed in the Notes at the end of this paper: 19, 21, 28, 29, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43,
44, 45, 46, 47, 48.
factors. ese three intermediary factors represent pathways that facilitate root-cause
analyses of episodes of health disparities and may aid in the design of local interven-
tions targeting disparities reduction.
Application of Health Care Access Barriers Model
e proposed HCAB model provides a nomenclature and taxonomy that facilitates the
discussion of health care access barriers. By dening categories and sub-categories of
health care access barriers, we establish a reference point and terminology for future
discussions. e taxonomy serves as a reminder of less evident barriers that might
otherwise be overlooked. For example, if one is focused on nancial barriers, reference
to the HCAB framework would lead to simultaneous considerations of the structural
and cognitive barriers.
e model is pragmatic, as it directs us to seek out those discrete and specic barriers
that are both measurable and modiable. Barriers that are not measurable or modi-
able should be noted and considered; however, for such barriers there is no point in
pursuing an analytic process that is directed toward solutions.
568 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
e HCAB model provides a systematic approach for conducting the root-cause
analyses of demonstrated disparities. By systematically identifying the presence of
nancial, structural and systemic, or cognitive barriers we can set up hypotheses that
can be tested. For example, an administrator may wonder what may be causing a dis-
Box 2.
EXAMPLES OF ASSOCIATED HEALTH OUTCOMES
Financial, Structural and
Cognitive Barriers
•  Decreased Prevention
•  Late Presentation
•  Decreased Care
•  Financial: No Insurance Screening test
Child immunization
Delayed HIV care
Delayed diagnosis (breast, melanoma,
colon, cervical cancer)
Delayed MI presentation
Care (prenatal, child, adolescent)
Diabetes care
•  Structural: Continuity of care Breast cancer screening
Immunization
Delayed recognition of psychosocial
diagnosis
•  Structural: Use of low performance
hospital Delayed percutaneous and thrombolytic
cardiac care
•  Structural: No medical home Preventive care reminders
•  Structural: Excessive waiting times Pediatric care
•  Cognitive: Breast Cancer
diagnostic and treatment knowledge Delayed breast cancer presentation
•  Cognitive: Literacy skill Cancer screening
•  Cognitive: Health literacy Breast and cervical cancer screening
Flu vaccination
•  Cognitive: Interpreter Services Colon cancer screening
•  Language Concordance Asthma & ER use
•  Doctor-Patient Communication HTN Care
Sources, as listed in the Notes at the end of this paper: 14, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53,
54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65.
569
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
parity noted in an oncology clinic. e administrator noted that 25% of all patients
found to have solitary lung nodules in routine screening chest x-ray (CXR) did not go
on to have denitive diagnosis and treatment. A systematic approach to this question
would spell out the various health care barriers that may have intervened between the
CXR nding and denitive treatment at the oncology center. e administrator might
use the HCAB model to evaluate the barriers faced by the adherent group and the
non-adherent group so as to nd the source of the problem.
Box 3 suggests the lines of inquiry that the administrator might pursue in this case.
With a thorough comparison of the barriers faced by the adherent group and the
non-adherent group the administrator would be well equipped to target the relevant
problem areas.
e HCAB model also facilitates the design of interventions addressing racial and
ethnic disparities by identifying those barriers that could arise for the target population.
ese barriers should be addressed by specic components of the intervention.
To illustrate how the HCAB model could bring about the development of interven-
tions, the following case scenario is provided. When establishing a community-based
intervention targeting type 2 diabetes mellitus, the planners would be aided by sys-
tematically addressing the three barrier categories that face the population in question.
Box 3.
IDENTIFICATION GUIDE FOR
HYPOTHETICAL ONCOLOGY SCENARIO
Financial Barriers—Health Insurance
What is insurance prole of a sample of patients who followed through with
evaluation?
What is the insurance prole of patients who did not complete evaluation?
What are the insurance requirements of diagnostic center?
Structural Barriers
Working telephone? Continuity of care?
Proximity to oncology center? Pre-authorization requirements?
Transportation? Signage?
Interpreters-sta access?
Working during hours of operation?
Cognitive Barriers
Knowledge
Evidence of patient understanding per chart review
Evidence of literacy per form completion
Communication
Language concordance?
Materials provided in patients language?
570 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
In this case, working with a health plan that provides governmental health insurance
access or with a local federally qualied health center might help address nancial
access barriers. Furthermore, given the presence of multiple structural barriers, the
introduction of patient navigators or community health workers might help overcome
structural barriers. Training the providers in skills-based cultural competence and
health literacy strategies might help reduce some cognitive barriers.
In the second case, the HCAB model provides an analytic framework that facilitates
research using factor analysis and regression analysis. e presence or absence of a
particular barrier can serve as the basic units of analysis for both qualitative and quan-
titative methods. e three intermediary variables (prevention, timely care, treatment)
can serve as outcome measures reecting the impact of access barriers. In this way
we may measure the impact of single barriers and multiple barriers. For example, we
can design a study of the impact of health access barriers on prevention and care for a
population of recent Mexican immigrants to a New York City neighborhood. A survey
instrument can be constructed using a set of nancial, structural, and cognitive barri-
ers and the results can be entered as variables along with routine socio-demographic
characteristics. Logistic regression analyses can help determine the impact of individual
barriers and various permutations of dierent types of barriers on preventive care
services, delay in initiation of care, and lack of necessary care.
e HCAB model may be tested by examining its usefulness in providing a nomen-
clature and framework for the classication, analysis, and reporting of modiable health
care access barriers. Early applications of the model by NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital
in Northern Manhattan have demonstrated such usefulness and practicality.11 e model
may also be tested by studying the impact of access barriers on three intermediary
measures (prevention, timely care, treatment) in interventions facilitated by HCAB.
Limitations
e HCAB model does not capture the overlap among multiple health care determi-
nants of disparities. e barriers dened by HCAB may occur simultaneously as well
as sequentially in real time. By postulating linear relationships in the HCAB model we
risk losing sight of the overlap and simultaneity of the complex web of determinants.
Furthermore, by concentrating the framework around access barriers to the exclusion
of other social and cultural determinants, we may not have encompassed the entirety of
causes of disparities. However, the identication of an evidence-based pathway between
measurable and modiable health care access barriers and health outcomes makes the
HCAB model a useful and practical tool for analysis and intervention.
Conclusion
As health care and public health professionals we have a special opportunity and respon-
sibility to target a particular determinant of disparities—health care access barriers.
Recognition, measurement, analysis and reporting of these barriers are prerequisites to
quality improvement and the design and evaluation of eective corrective interventions
to existing processes of care.
571
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
Despite the fact that many types of health care access barriers have been widely
cited as root causes of poor health outcomes, we have lacked an eective taxonomy
and practical framework to help us measure, analyze and report modiable barriers.
We have articulated a methodology that denominates and classies health care access
barriers and provides a framework that allows us simultaneously to consider such dis-
parate variables as health insurance, transportation, and knowledge of risk factors. By
dening and targeting specic barriers that are measurable, modiable, and supported
by the evidence, we provide a formula that generates uniform standards and facilitates
the design of interventions. e adoption of a common set of descriptive terms and
uniform standards in the assessment of health care access barriers makes comparability
among studies possible. e use of a framework that provides for standardization and
comparability may also accelerate the pace of research in this area of critical need.
One can never capture a complex system with one model or taxonomy; much
depends on the questions one wants to ask.41 By capturing this slice of the complex
multifactorial interactions leading to adverse health outcomes we can answer certain
questions that may lead to practical and eective interventions.41 e more we learn
about the impact of these barriers, singly or combined, the more eective we will be
in reducing health disparities.
Our review of the literature substantiates and early applications of the model suggest,
that the Health Care Access Barriers Model provides a unique taxonomy and a practical
and eective framework for the classication, analysis, and reporting of modiable health
care access barriers. e model’s specic targeting of modiable barriers facilitates the
design of interventions that may lead to reduced disparities. is innovative categori-
zation format and practical analytic framework supports interventions that can help
reduce modiable health care access barriers faced by the poor and underserved.
Acknowledgments
is research project was supported by the Network for Multicultural Research on
Health and Healthcare, Department of Family Medicine—UCLA David Geen School
of Medicine, funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Support was also pro-
vided by the Redes En Acción program of the National Cancer Institute. e authors
thank Marilyn Aguirre-Molina, EdD, Pamela S. Dickson, MBA, Joseph R. Betancourt,
MD, Alexander R. Green, MD, Michael Rodriguez, MD, and William A. Vega, PhD
for their multiple contributions.
Notes
1. Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Closing the gap in a generation:
health equity through action on the social determinants of health. Final Report of
the Commission on Social Determinants of Health. Geneva, Switzerland: World
Health Organization, 2008. Available at: http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/
9789241563703_eng.pdf.
2. Smedley BD, Stith AY, Nelson AR, eds. Unequal treatment: confronting racial and
ethnic disparities in health care. Washington, DC: Institute of Medicine, National
Academies Press, 2003.
572 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
3. Ahemed AT, Mohammed SA, Williams DR. Racial discrimination and health: path-
ways and evidence. Indian J Med Res. 2007 Oct;126(4):318–27.
4. Shavers VL, Brown ML. Racial and ethnic disparities in the receipt of cancer treat-
ment. J Natl Cancer Inst. 2002 Mar 6;94(5):334–57.
5. Robinson JC. Disparities in health: expanding the focus. Health A. 2008 Mar;27(2):
318–9.
6. Willams DR, Collins C. Racial residential segregation: a fundamental cause of racial
disparities in health. Public Health Rep. 2001 Sep–Oct;116(5):404–16.
7. Freeman HP. Poverty, culture, and social injustice: determinants of cancer disparities.
CA Cancer J Clin. 2004 Mar–Apr;54(2):72–7.
8. Einbinder LC, Schulman KA. e eect of race on the referral process for invasive
cardiac procedures. Med Care Res Rev. 2000;57 Suppl 1:162–80.
9. New York State Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Building bridges, build-
ing knowledge, building health: community partnership grant 2006–2011. New York,
NY: New York State Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2011. Available at:
http://www.sisterlink.com/programs12.html.
10. National Latino Cancer Research Network. Redes En Acción 2005–2010. San Antonio,
TX: Institute for Health Promotion Research, 2010. Available at: http://www.redesen
accion.org/.
11. NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital. e community of care: a report on serving the
health needs of our community. New York, NY: Columbia University Medical Center,
2007.
12. Flores G, Vega LR. Barriers to health care access for Latino children: a review. Fam
Med. 1998 Mar;30(3):196–205.
13. Fitzpatrick AL, Powe NR, Cooper LS, et al. Barriers to health care access among the
elderly and who perceives them. Am J Public Health. 2004 Oct;94(10):1788–94.
14. Flores G, Abreu M, Olivar MA, et al. Access barriers to health care for Latino children.
Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 1998 Nov;152(11):1119–25.
15. Ponce NA, Ku L, Cunningham WE, et al. Language barriers to health care access
among Medicare beneciaries. Inquiry. 2006 Spring;43(1):66–76.
16. DeVoe JE, Baez A, Angier H, et al. Insurance 1 access not equal to health care:
typology of barriers to health care access for low-income families. Ann Fam Med.
2007 Nov–Dec;5(6):511–8.
17. Goldsmith L. A critical history of Andersen’s Behavioral Model of health services use:
a reection of how we study access to health care. Presented at: Academy for Health
Services Research and Health Policy Meeting, Washington (DC), Feb 2002.
18. Andersen RM, Yu H, Wyn R, et al. Access to medical care for low income persons: how
do communities make a dierence? Med Care Res Rev. 2002 Dec;59(4):384–411.
19. Andersen RM. Revisiting the behavioral model and access to medical care: does it
matter? J Health Soc Behav. 1995 Mar;36(1):1–10.
20. Andersen RM. National health surveys and the behavioral model of health services
use. Med Care. 2008 Jul;46(7):647–53.
21. Carrillo JE, Green AR, Betancourt JR. Cross-cultural primary care: a patient based
approach. Ann Intern Med. 1999 May 18;130(10):829–34.
22. Betancourt JR, Carrillo JE, Green AR. Communication barriers and compliance in
minority hypertensives. Curr Hypertens Rep. 1999;1:482–84.
23. Aguirre-Molina M, Carrillo JE. Latinos’ access to primary and preventive services:
barriers, need and a proposed course of action. Princeton, NJ: Robert Wood Johnson
Foundation, 2001.
573
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
24. Carrillo JE, Treviño FM, Betancourt JR, et al. Latino access to health care: the role
of insurance, managed care, and institutional barriers. In: Aguirre M, Molina CW,
Zambrana RE, eds. Health issues in the Latino community. San Francisco, CA:
Jossey-Bass, 2001; 55–73.
25. Carrillo JE. An analytic framework dening barriers to health care access: health
care access model. Presented at: Health Disparities Interest Group Seminar Series,
Bethesda (MD), Nov 2005.
26. Haynes RB. A critical review of the “determinants” of patient compliance with
therapeutic regimens. In: Sackett DL, Hayes RB, eds. Compliance with therapeutic
regimens. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976; 26–39.
27. Stanton AL. Determinants of adherence to medical regimens by hypertensive patients.
J Behav Med. 1987 Aug;10(4):377–94.
28. Stiles WB, Putnam SM, Wolf MH, et al. Interaction exchange structure and patient
satisfaction with medical interviews. Med Care. 1979;17:667–79.
29. Levy H, Meltzer D. e impact of health insurance on health. Annu Rev Public Health.
2008;29:399–409.
30. Dotty MM, Holmgren AL. Health care disconnect: gaps in coverage and care for
minority adults. Findings from the Commonwealth Fund Biennial Health Insurance
Survey. New York, NY: e Commonwealth Fund, 2006.
31. Stoddard JJ, St. Peter RF, Newacheck PW. Health insurance status and ambulatory
care for children. N Engl J Med. 1994 May 19;330(20):1421–5.
32. Beal AC, Doty MM, Hernandez SE, et al. Closing the divide: how medical homes
promote equity in health care. Results from e Commonwealth Fund 2006 Health
Care Quality Survey. New York, NY: e Commonwealth Fund, 2007.
33. Hernandez SE, Beal AC. e Commonwealth Fund: program on health care disparities.
Presented at: e Commission to End Health Care Disparities, Detroit (MI), Oct 2008.
Available at: http://www.ama-assn.org/ama1/pub/upload/mm/433/commonwealth-
fund.pdf.
34. Betancourt JR, Green AR, Carrillo JE. Cultural competence in health care: emerging
frameworks and practical approaches. New York, NY: e Commonwealth Fund,
2002. Available at: http://www.azdhs.gov/bhs/cchc.pdf.
35. Bach PB, Cramer LD, Warren JL, et al. Racial dierences in the treatment of early-
stage lung cancer. N Engl J Med. 1999 Oct 14;341(16):1198–205.
36. National Quality Forum (NQF). A comprehensive framework and preferred practices
for measuring and reporting cultural competency: a consensus report. Washington,
DC: NQF, 2009. Available at: http://www.qualityforum.org/Publications/2009/04/
A_Comprehensive_Framework_and_Preferred_Practices_for_Measuring_and_
Reporting_Cultural_Competency.aspx.
37. Cunningham WE, Hays RD, Duan N, et al. e eect of socioeconomic status on
the survival of people receiving care for HIV infection in the United States. J Health
Care Poor Underserved. 2005 Nov;16(4):655–76.
38. Luepker RV, Raczynski JM, Osganian S, et al. Eect of a community intervention on
patient delay and emergency medical service use in acute coronary heart disease:
e Rapid Early Action for Coronary Treatment (REACT) Trial. JAMA. 2000 Jul 5;
284(1):60–7.
39. Ramirez AG, Suarez L, McAlister A, et al. Cervical cancer screening in regional
Hispanic populations. Am J Health Behav. 2000 Jun;24(3):181–92.
40. Scott TL, Gazmararian JA, Williams MU, et al. Health literacy and preventive health
574 Dening and targeting health care access barriers
care use among Medicare enrollees in a managed care organization. Med Care. 2002
May;40(5):395–404.
41. Angier N. Scientists and philosophers nd that ‘gene’ has a multitude of meanings.
e New York Times, 2008 Nov 9. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/11/
science/11angi.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1.
42. Copper LA, Roter DL, Johnson RL, et al. Patient centered communication, ratings
of care, and concordance of patient and physician race. Ann Intern Med. 2003 Dec;
139(11):907–15.
43. American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP), American Academy of Pediatrics
(AAP), American College of Physicians (ACP), American Osteopathic Association
(AOA). Joint principles of the patient centered medical home. Washington, DC:
Patient Centered Primary Care Collaborative, 2007. Available at: http://www.pcpcc
.net/.
44. Baker DW, Parker RM, Williams MV, et al. e relationship of patient reading abil-
ity to self-reported health and use of health services. Am J Public Health. 1997 Jun;
87(6):1027–30.
45. Cornelius LJ. Barriers to medical care for White, Black, and Hispanic American
children. J Natl Med Assoc. 1993 Apr;85(4):281–8.
46. Fernandez A, Schillinger D, Grumbach K, et al. Physician language ability and cultural
competence. An exploratory study of communication with Spanish-speaking patients.
J Gen Intern Med. 2004 Feb;19(2):167–74.
47. Flores G. e impact of medical interpreter services on the quality of health care: a
systemic review. Med Care Res Rev. 2005 Jun;62(3):255–99.
48. Valdez RB, Giachello A, Rodriguez-Trias H, et al. Improving access to health care in
Latino communities. Public Health Rep. 1993 Sep–Oct;108(5):534–9.
49. Milberg J, Sharma R, Scott F, et al. Factors associated with delays in accessing HIV
primary care in rural Arkansas. AIDS Patient Care STDS. 2001 Oct;15(10):527–32.
50. Rodewald LE, Szilagyi PG, Holl J, et al. Health insurance for low-income working
families. Eect on the provision of immunizations to preschool-age children. Arch
Pediatr Adolesc Med. 1997 Aug;151(8):798–803.
51. Bentley JR, Delno RJ, Taylor TH, et al. Dierences in breast cancer stage at diagnosis
between non-Hispanic white and Hispanic populations, San Diego County 1988–1993.
Breast Cancer Res Treat. 1998 Jul;50(1):1–9.
52. Lannin DR, Mathews HF, Mitchell J, et al. Inuence of socioeconomic and cultural
factors on racial dierences in late-stage presentation of breast cancer. JAMA. 1998
Jun 10;279(22):1801–7.
53. Roetzheim RG, Pal N, Tennant C, et al. Eects of health insurance and race on early
detection of cancer. J Natl Cancer Inst. 1999 Aug 18;91(16):1409–15.
54. Sheifer SE, Rathore SS, Gersh BJ, et al. Time to presentation with acute myocardial
infarction in the elderly: associations with race, sex, and socioeconomic characteristics.
Circulation. 2000 Oct 3;102(14):1651–6.
55. Lave JR, Keane CR, Lin CJ, et al. Impact of a children’s health insurance program on
newly enrolled children. JAMA. 1998 Jun 10;279(22):1820–5.
56. Newacheck PW, Stoddard JJ, Hughes DC, et al. Health insurance and access to primary
care for children. N Engl J Med. 1998 Feb 19;338(8):513–9.
57. Chin MH, Zhang JX, Merrell K. Diabetes in the African-American Medicare
population. Morbidity, quality of care, and resource utilization. Diabetes Care. 1998
Jul;21(7):1090–5.
575
J Carrillo, V Carrillo, Perez, Salas-Lopez, Natale-Pereira, and Byron
58. Bindman AB, Grumbach K, Osmond D, et al. Primary care and receipt of preventive
services. J Gen Intern Med. 1996 May;11(5):269–76.
59. Flocke SA, Stange KC, Zyzanski SJ. e association of attributes of primary care with the
delivery of clinical preventive services. Med Care. 1998 Aug;36(8 Suppl):AS21–30.
60. Kelleher KJ, Childs GE, Wasserman RC, et al. Insurance status and recognition
of psychosocial problems. A report from the Pediatric Research in Oce Settings
and the Ambulatory Sentinel Practice Networks. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 1997
Nov;151(11):1109–15.
61. Zambrana RE, Ell K, Dorrington C, et al. e relationship between psychosocial
status of immigrant Latino mothers and use of emergency pediatric services. Health
Soc Work. 1994 May;19(2):93–102.
62. Hull S, Hagdrup N, Hart B, et al. Boosting uptake of inuenza immunisation: a ran-
domised controlled trial of telephone appointing in general practice. Br J Gen Pract.
2002 Sep;52(482):712–6.
63. Coronado G, ompson B. Rural Mexican American mens attitudes and beliefs about
cancer screening. J Cancer Educ. 2000 Spring;15(1):41–5.
64. Doak CC, Doak LG, Fried ell GH, et al. Improving comprehension for cancer patients
with low literacy skills: strategies for clinicians. CA Cancer J Clin. 1998 May–Jun;
48(3):151–62.
65. Manson A. Language concordance as a determinant of patient compliance and emer-
gency room use in patients with asthma. Med Care. 1998 Dec;26(12):1119–28.
... (Paul, 1963) Quantitative studies, on the other hand, have leveraged survey data and statistical analyses to examine the associations between cultural variables, socioeconomic factors, and health outcomes across diverse populations. (Carrillo et al., 2011) The integration of these complementary methods, as advocated by Parrott and Kreuter, can yield a more comprehensive understanding of the complex interplay between culture, gender, and health. (Kreps, 2008) ...
... This method is particularly useful for exploring sensitive health topics that may be influenced by cultural taboos or stigmas. Carrillo et al. (2011) utilized in-depth interviews to understand the barriers Hispanic communities face in accessing healthcare. The findings highlighted how cultural perceptions of illness, shaped by heritage, directly impacted healthcare-seeking behaviours. ...
... They are particularly useful for measuring the prevalence of health behaviours, beliefs, and outcomes across different cultural groups. A notable example is the study by Carrillo et al. (2011), which used surveys to assess healthcare access barriers among Hispanic populations in the United States. The study found that cultural factors, such as language barriers and traditional health beliefs, significantly impacted health outcomes. ...
Article
Full-text available
Traditional gender roles dictate that men engage in physically demanding activities while women are often relegated to domestic tasks, a dynamic that profoundly impacts health behaviours and outcomes in many cultures. This paper delves into the intricate confluence of gender identities and cultural heritage, scrutinizing their collective influence on health behaviours and social determinants. It posits that both gender norms and cultural expectations are pivotal in shaping individual lifestyle choices, risk behaviours, and overall health outcomes. Through a comprehensive review of existing literature, this study elucidates how intersecting identities create a complex web of influences that either exacerbate or mitigate health disparities. By analysing diverse cultural contexts, the paper highlights how specific cultural practices and gender roles interplay to affect physical activity, dietary habits, mental health, and substance use. The findings underscore the necessity for culturally sensitive public health strategies that acknowledge and address these multifaceted interactions. Moreover, the study advocates for a nuanced understanding of intersectionality to inform policy interventions aimed at reducing health inequities. This research contributes to the broader discourse on health equity, offering insights that are crucial for developing inclusive health.
... The literature shows that culturally and linguistically diverse populations have low access to healthcare and experience challenges at multiple levels in the health and social care systems. [34][35][36] Disproportionate high service costs illustrate another shortcoming of health systems across the globe, as around 100 million individuals are pushed into extreme poverty due to health expenses, having to survive with only $1.90 or less a day. 37 This dimension describes the costs encountered by the individuals that are unbalanced to the care received and are not explained by the skills, devices, technologies or consumables needed for treatment. ...
... Moreover, disproportionately high costs are one of the main reasons why people delay seeking care. 34,38 The expert discussions unfolded for the current paper guided the defining process and aimed to forge a definition that may both assist policymakers and researchers in quantifying a medical desert and accurately depicts all its relevant dimensions. Some of the questions that arose in the process and are in need of an answer are 'Are the existence of healthcare facilities enough to accommodate all healthcare needs?', 'An adequate number of human resources in health translates in no medical deserts?' and 'How can we measure healthcare needs?'. ...
Article
Background Medical deserts represent a pressing public health and health systems challenge. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated the gap between people and health services, yet a commonly agreed definition of medical deserts was lacking. This study aims to define medical deserts through a consensus-building exercise, explaining the phenomenon to its full extent, in a manner that can apply to countries and health systems across the globe. Methods We used a standard Delphi exercise for the consensus-building process. The first phase consisted of one round of individual online meetings with selected key informants; the second phase comprised two rounds of surveys when a consensus was reached in January 2023. The first phase-the in-depth individual meetings-was organized online. The dimensions to include in the definition of medical deserts were identified, ranked and selected based on their recurrence and importance. The second phase-the surveys-was organized online. Finally, external validation was obtained from stakeholders via email. Results The agreed definition highlights five major dimensions: ‘Medical deserts are areas where population healthcare needs are unmet partially or totally due to lack of adequate access or improper quality of healthcare services caused by (i) insufficient human resources in health or (ii) facilities, (iii) long waiting times, (iv) disproportionate high costs of services or (v) other socio-cultural barriers’. Conclusions The five dimensions of access to healthcare: insufficient human resources in health or; facilities; long waiting times; disproportionate high costs of services and; other socio-cultural barriers, ought to be addressed to mitigate medical deserts. The term medical deserts might not be the most appropriate term for defining areas with insufficient access to health services as it excludes essential domains, such as access to public health and preventive services. Key messages • Medical deserts directly and negatively impact the health outcomes of the people living in it. • Medical deserts might not be the most appropriate term for defining areas with insufficient access to medical services, as it excludes public health and preventive services.
... The critical component of financial barriers in the HCAB model is the cost of healthcare (Carrillo et al., 2011). Outof-pocket medical care costs may lead individuals to delay or forgo needed care (such as doctor visits, dental care, and medications) (Pryor and Gurewich, 2004), and medical debt is common among both insured and uninsured individuals. ...
... Families experiencing housing instability encounter financial, structural, and cognitive barriers to healthcare access and service utilization. 34 These barriers include limited health insurance, lack of a primary care provider, and difficulty navigating the healthcare system, which disrupt the continuity of care for children. To overcome these barriers to care and address mental health disparities among marginalized populations, prior work has highlighted the potential for digital mental health (DMH) solutions due to their accessibility, scalability, and cost effectiveness. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Housing instability is a widespread phenomenon in the United States. In combination with other social determinants of health, housing instability affects children's overall health and development. Drawing on data from the 2022 National Survey of Children's Health, we employed multiple logistic regression models to understand how sociodemographic factors, especially housing instability, affect mental health outcomes and treatment access for youth aged 6-17 years. Our results show that youth facing housing instability have a higher likelihood of experiencing anxiety (OR: 1.42, p<0.001) and depression (OR: 1.57, p<0.001). Furthermore, youth experiencing both mental health conditions and housing instability are significantly less likely to receive mental health services in the past year, indicating the substantial barriers they face in accessing mental health care. Based on our findings, we highlight opportunities for digital mental health interventions to provide children experiencing housing instability with more accessible and consistent mental health services.
... 4 Studies have found this area has a high percentage of developmentally vulnerable children. [21][22][23][24][25] A study by the local health authority reported that residents within the catchment area primarily accessed care through ambulance pickups, emergency rooms, street nurses, and police officers rather than through primary care. 26 Additionally, due to community health resources currently focusing on meeting the needs of street-involved adults, there are a limited number of clinics within walking distance where families feel safe accessing care, particularly with children. ...
Article
Full-text available
Introduction/Objectives Exposure to adverse social determinants of health (SDoH) in childhood is associated with poorer long-term health outcomes. Within structurally marginalized populations, there are disproportionately high rates of developmentally vulnerable children. The RICHER (Responsive, Intersectoral, Child and Community Health, Education and Research) social pediatric model was designed to increase access to care in marginalized neighborhoods. The purpose of this study was to describe the children and youth engaged with the RICHER model of service and characterize the needs of the population. Methods A retrospective chart review was conducted on children and youth who accessed primary care services through the program between January 1, 2018 and April 30, 2021. Basic descriptive data analysis was done using Stata v15.1. Results A total of 210 charts were reviewed. The mean age in years at initial assessment was 6.32. Patients most commonly identified their race/ethnicity as Indigenous (33%) and 15% were recent newcomers to Canada. Evidence of at least 1 adverse SDoH was noted in 41% of charts; the most common included material poverty (34%), food insecurity (11%), and child welfare involvement (20%). The median number of diagnoses per patient was 4. The most frequently documented diagnoses were neurodevelopmental disorders (50%) including developmental delay (39%), ADHD (32%), and learning disability (26%). The program referred 72% of patients to general pediatricians and/or other subspecialists; 34% were referred for tertiary neuropsychological assessments and 35% for mental health services. Conclusions Our data suggests that this low-barrier, place-based primary care RICHER model was able to reach a medically, developmentally, and socially complex population living in disenfranchised urban neighborhoods. Half of the patients identified in our review had neurodevelopmental concerns and a third had mental health concerns, in contrast to an estimated 17% prevalence for mental health, behavioral, or developmental disorders in North American general pediatric aged populations. This highlights the impact adverse SDoH can have on child health and the importance of working with community partners to identify developmentally vulnerable children and support place-based programs in connecting with children who may be missed, overlooked, or disadvantaged through traditional models of care.
Article
Full-text available
Racial and ethnic minoritized (REM) youth are at greater risk for depression and suicide than their White peers. Despite this, REM youth are much more likely than their White peers to prematurely dropout of treatment. Culturally tailored and scalable engagement models to improve mental health treatment retention among REM youth with depressive symptoms and suicidal thoughts and behaviors (STB) are urgently needed. Strategic Treatment Assessment for Youth (STAY) is a theoretically-driven, culturally tailored measurement-based care (MBC) approach to treatment engagement for REM youth with depressive symptoms and suicide risk. Specifically, STAY uses MBC feedback processes to reduce perceptual barriers to treatment, thus improving treatment retention and ultimately, client outcomes among REM youth. In addition to standard MBC components, STAY includes a greater emphasis on providing a client-centered rationale for MBC which includes assessing and discussing treatment expectations, the use of individualized progress measures and alliance measures, and cultural competence training. The goal of this manuscript is to describe the STAY model based on initial theoretical development and preliminary clinician-informed refinements. Further, a case example of STAY is presented with a particular focus on the use of feedback processes. Finally, the current and future directions to empirically examine STAY as a treatment retention strategy with REM populations are provided.
Article
Full-text available
The release of radioactive water from Fukushima in 2023 emerged as a significant nuclear issue, particularly affecting Taiwanese perceptions. This study aimed to investigate the willingness of Taiwanese people to consume seafood following the 2023 Fukushima2 incident, using an extended Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) model. A total of 204 Taiwanese respondents completed an online questionnaire comprising 28 TPB indicators. The results from Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) revealed that subjective norms had the strongest positive influence on the intention to eat seafood, followed by personal attitudes and financial considerations. Interestingly, perceived behavioral control was found to negatively impact the intention to consume seafood. This research is among the first to explore seafood consumption intentions in the wake of the Fukushima water release and provides a robust theoretical foundation for stakeholders aiming to promote seafood consumption, particularly among Taiwanese consumers.
Article
This study examines the economic barriers to healthcare access, focusing on their impact on vulnerable populations. The study presents the Health Care Access Barriers (HCAB) model and explores financial, structural, and cognitive barriers. Literature analysis and interviews were used to reveal the economic barriers. Results indicate that financial barriers, such as high deductibles and co-pays, are particularly burdensome for low-income individuals. Structural barriers, including limited access to transportation and healthcare facilities, exacerbate these challenges, particularly in rural and underserved areas. Cognitive barriers, such as health literacy and fear of medical debt, further hinder healthcare-seeking behaviors. Understanding the complex interplay of these barriers is crucial for developing effective interventions to improve healthcare access and equity. Expert analysis adds new views such as lost productivity, travel costs, management challenges, or economic disparities.
Article
Full-text available
More than 9 million Latino children currently live in the United States. Latinos will soon be the largest minority group in the country, but little is known about access barriers to health care faced by Latino children. We reviewed the literature to define specific barriers to care for Latino children, identify methodologic problems, and highlight the clinical and research implications of the identified barriers. We did a MEDLINE search, using combinations of the key words Hispanic, children, and access. Study exclusion criteria included "not an original research article," "enrolled only adult subjects," "no separate data analysis for children," and "dental care focus." The search yielded 497 citations, of which 27 met the inclusion criteria. Of the 32 potential barriers identified, 21 had good supportive evidence. Lack of health insurance was a consistent barrier; recent data revealed that 26% of Latino children are uninsured, compared with 10% of white children and 14% of African-American children. Latino children also are at greater risk for episodic insurance coverage, low rates of private insurance, and loss of employee-based coverage. Parent beliefs about the etiology and treatment of their child's illness, use of home remedies, choice of sources of advice, and folk medicine practices may also influence how health care is obtained. Few data are available on differences in access among major Latino subpopulations, and no studies focused primarily on barriers as perceived by Latino parents. Evidence is equivocal or lacking that the following are barriers for Latino children: immigration status, duration of parent residency in the United States, and acculturation. Several barriers were identified that originate with practices and behaviors of health care providers, including reduced screening, missed vaccination opportunities, decreased likelihood of receiving prescriptions, and poor communication. Lack of health insurance and lack of a regular source of care are major access barriers for Latino children, but many other barriers were identified that also can have a substantial effect on health care. In addition, the behaviors and practices of both health care providers and parents can affect access to care. Too little is known about what parents perceive to be the major barriers, access differences among Latino subpopulations, the roles of language and culture, and the causes of obstacles resulting from the actions of providers.
Article
Full-text available
The verbal interaction between patients and physicians in 52 initial interviews in a university hospital screening clinic was studied using a new discourse coding system. Factor analysis of category frequencies showed that each interview segment, medical history, physical examination, and conclusion, consisted mainly of two or three types of verbal exchange. Patient satisfaction with the interviews, assessed with a questionnaire that yields separate scores for satisfaction with cognitive and affective aspects, was found to be associated with exchanges involving the transmission of information in particular interview segments. Affective satisfaction was associated with transmission of information from patient to physician in "exposition" exchanges during the medical history, in which patients told their story in their own words. Cognitive satisfaction was associated with transmission of information from physician to patient in "feedback" exchanges during the conclusion segment, in which physicians gave patients information about illness and treatment.
Article
A disproportionate number of cancer deaths occur among racial/ethnic minorities, particularly African Americans, who have a 33% higher risk of dying of cancer than whites. Although differences in incidence and stage of disease at diagnosis may contribute to racial disparities in mortality, evidence of racial disparities in the receipt of treatment of other chronic diseases raises questions about the possible role of inequities in the receipt of cancer treatment. To evaluate racial/ethnic disparities in the receipt of cancer treatment, we examined the published literature that addressed access/use of specific cancer treatment procedures, trends in patterns of use, or survival studies. We found evidence of racial disparities in receipt of definitive primary therapy, conservative therapy, and adjuvant therapy. These treatment differences could not be completely explained by racial/ethnic variation in clinically relevant factors. In many studies, these treatment differences were associated with an adverse impact on the health outcomes of racial/ethnic minorities, including more frequent recurrence, shorter disease-free survival, and higher mortality. Reducing the influence of nonclinical factors on the receipt of cancer treatment may, therefore, provide an important means of reducing racial/ethnic disparities in health. New data resources and improved study methodology are needed to better identify and quantify the full spectrum of nonclinical factors that contribute to the higher cancer mortality among racial/ethnic minorities and to develop strategies to facilitate receipt of appropriate cancer care for all patients.
Article
Context.— Although there is considerable interest in decreasing the number of US children who do not have health insurance, there is little information on the effect that health insurance has on children and their families.Objective.— To determine the impact of children's health insurance programs on access to health care and on other aspects of the lives of the children and their families.Design.— A before-after design with a control group. The families of newly enrolled children were interviewed by telephone using an identical survey instrument at baseline, at 6 months, and at 12 months after enrollment into the program. A second group of families of newly enrolled children were interviewed 12 months after the initial interviews to form a comparison sample.Setting.— The 29 counties of western Pennsylvania, an area with a population of 4.1 million people.Subjects.— A total of 887 families of newly enrolled children were randomly selected to be interviewed; 88.3% agreed to participate. Of these, 659 (84%) responded to all 3 interviews. The study population consists of 1031 newly enrolled children. The children were further classified into those who were continuously enrolled in the programs. The 330 comparison families had 460 newly enrolled children.Main Outcome Measures.— The following access measures were examined: whether the child had a usual source of medical or dental care; the number of physician visits, emergency department visits, and dentist visits; and whether the child had experienced unmet need, delayed care, or both for 6 types of care. Other indicators were restrictions on the child's usual activities and the impact of being insured or uninsured on the families.Results.— Access to health care services after enrollment in the program improved: at 12 months after enrollment, 99% of the children had a regular source of medical care, and 85% had a regular dentist, up from 89% and 60%, respectively, at baseline. The proportion of children reporting any unmet need or delayed care in the past 6 months decreased from 57% at baseline to 16% at 12 months. The proportion of children seeing a physician increased from 59% to 64%, while the proportion visiting an emergency department decreased from 22% to 17%. Since the comparison children were similar to the newly enrolled children at enrollment into the insurance programs, these findings can be attributed to the program. Restrictions on childhood activities because of lack of health insurance were eliminated. Parents reported that having health insurance reduced the amount of family stress, enabled children to get the care they needed, and eased family burdens.Conclusions.— Extending health insurance to uninsured children had a major positive impact on children and their families. In western Pennsylvania, health insurance did not lead to excessive utilization but to more appropriate utilization.
Article
To test the hypothesis that the ability of physicians to speak the same language as asthmatic patients promotes patient compliance and the use of scheduled office appointments in preference to emergency services, the charts of 96 Spanish-speaking patients with asthma were reviewed. Of these patients, 65 were cared for by seven Spanish-speaking bilingual physicians and 31 were cared for by 23 non-Spanish speaking physicians. Compared with patients with language concordant physicians, patients with language discordant physicians were only slightly more likely to omit medication, to miss office appointments, and to make at least one emergency room visit. Subgroup analysis showed that, with extended follow-up, patients cared for by a language discordant physician were more likely to omit medication (rate ratio: 3.24; p = 0.08), more likely to miss office appointments (rate ratio: 3.06; P = 0.01), and were slightly more likely to make an emergency room visit (rate ratio: 2.07; P = 0.12) than patients with language concordant physicians. Cox regression analyses taking account of differences in follow-up time, age, gender, pay-status, and severity of disease confirmed these findings. These data suggest that patient compliance and more cost-effective use of ambulatory care services may be associated with the ability of physicians to speak the same language as their patients.