Les origines du capitalisme moderne
... -Henri Sée (1926) Les origines du capitalisme moderne, Paris, Colin, 210 p., et Idem (1929) « Hat Manufacturing in Rennes, 1776-1789: Its Financial and Commercial Organization », Journal of Economic and Business History, vol. 1, february, p. 208-240. Cet historien (1864-1936 Concernant le champ anglais, il montre que, si des linéaments de théorie du management existent dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle et du début du dixneuvième, ce n'est pas avant 1821-1832 que des textes publiés présenteront le nouveau management industriel de l'économie britannique. ...
... Praticiens Historiens Fréminville (1913) Fayol (1916) Carlioz (1921 Mattern (1925) Le Châtelier (1928) Colson (1930) Razous (1935) Detoeuf (1938 Coutrot (1940) Liesse (1919) Wilbois (1919) Edom (1923) Chambonnaud (1926 Rimailho (1928) Dubreuil (1929) Elvinger (1934 Abt (1935) Ballot (1923) Bourgin (1923) Barody (1924) Sée (1926) Palewski (1928 Leduc, G. (1934) Lucius (1936) Gignoux (1942) Lavergne (1943) 2.2.1. La saga des millionnaires spontanés Sauf erreur, le premier livre à succès écrit par un millionnaire (en dollars) et traduit en français est, en 1902, celui d'Andrew Carnegie : L'empire des affaires. ...
... März 1913(Munich, 1916; Fritz Rörig, Hansische Beiträge zur deutschen Wirtschaftsgeschichte, mit einem Plan both Marxists like Henri Hauser and anti-Marxists like Henri Sée disputed the importance given by Weber to Calvinism and by Sombart to Judaism. 16 André Sayous impugned Sombart's blanket generalizations about the artisanal, small-scale, precapitalist nature of the late medieval European economy and faulted the German scholar for ignoring or misreading several contributions that had appeared between the first (1902) and second (1916) editions of his Modern Capitalism, including Sayous's own studies of commenda contracts from twelfth-and thirteenth-century Genoa. 17 In Italy, Gino Luzzatto published an abridged translation of Sombart's Modern Capitalism in 1925 and heralded it as a masterpiece but also criticized it for downplaying the advances of late medieval Italy. ...
From the 1940s to the 1970s, the commercial revolution of the Middle Ages was a historiographical concept with considerable traction. This article revisits the literature that brought about and engaged with that concept, with specific reference to Florence. In so doing, it draws attention to the place once held by business history in the study of Europe's takeoff. It also discusses the preliminary results of an ongoing project on limited partnerships in early modern Tuscany, which reaffirms the relevance of business history for understanding preindustrial economies but steers away from a teleological search for the origins of modern capitalism.
... Ce déplacement des lieux de pouvoir à partir de la maîtrise informationnelle représente une grande mutation dans des espaces comme l'Europe où depuis le 19 e siècle l'essentiel des régulations importantes s'organisait autour des États. L'architecture vers laquelle nos sociétés semblent tendre, avec un partage plus explicite des missions entre les États et de grands acteurs privés, est susceptible de nous ramener quelques siècles plus avant, à une période où les gouvernants partageaient leurs pouvoirs avec quelques maisons privées qui commandaient le grand commerce et une part de l'industrie, leur prêtaient de l'argent et oeuvraient comme mécène dans le domaine des arts (See, 1980 ;Le Goff, 2003). ...
Ce dossier se propose de mettre en lumière le rôle de quelques acteurs qui au-delà de leurs fonctions techniques constituent de nouveaux lieux de pouvoir du monde contemporain. L'actualité de la décennie écoulée marquée par des grands programmes de privatisations, une globalisation des marchés, quelques faillites et autres scandales1 a fait ressortir des acteurs qui a défaut d'être en première ligne participent souvent de façon décisive à l'exercice du pouvoir, soit qu'ils le détiennent en propre, soit qu'ils l'exercent par délégation des fonctions régaliennes : des banques d'affaires, des fonds d'investissement, des sociétés militaires, des sociétés d'ingénierie et de conseil, des think tanks. Nous pourrions ajouter à cette liste quelques institutions juridiques internationales [Premières lignes].
... Toutes les étapes de la fabrication de toiles, depuis la production du chanvre jusqu'à la transformation en produit fini, sont assurées par les paysans, les marchands ne participant guère au processus. Dans le deuxième type défini par Sée au contraire, régions prospères et à l'industrie urbaine vigoureuse comme la Flandre, la Picardie ou la Haute-Normandie, l'industrie rurale mène à l'industrie capitaliste par la transformation du négociant-entrepreneur en patron industriel (39). ...
Rural History and the French Revolution in Japan of the Land Reform (1926-1953)This article discusses the early development of rural history studies in Japan through analysis of the dominant agrarian structures and the importance of the community's role and proposes rural history as fertile ground for studies on revolution. Mention is given to Georges Lefebvre's role in inspiring Takahashi Kôhachirô's research themes and methods. At least until the 1960's, Japanese historiography concerning the rural aspect of revolution is marked by observations on feudal rent and on the Japanese Land Reform of 1946. Centered on the transition from feudalism to capitalism, Japanese historiography diverges from French historiography in that, focusing more on the use of common land and overlooking the rural communities' demand for political autonomy, it considers the peasant first and foremost as a farmer and not as an active player in the revolutionary process.
As part of the course I took in "Historical Geography of Ancient and Modern Times", I chose to deal for this assignment with the question of the role of geographical, cartographic, and cosmological knowledge in the closure of the world as a finite, circulatable, and shareable globe, and the stakes of the representation of geographical knowledge through the geographical atlas, as a “general form of representation of knowledge”. Considering that the "implementation of a norm of systematicity and standardization of the presentation of geographical knowledge" develops simultaneously with the appearance of the "form-atlas" in the 16th century in Europe according to Jean-Marc Besse, wondering about how this process of normativization of information and knowledge takes place and makes it possible to question the passage to “the modern era”. If current historiography makes modernity coincide with the period of the great discoveries, 1492 and the rediscovery of the American continent being the pivotal date, it is interesting to question both what this notion of modernity represents for geographers and cartographers, producers of geographical knowledge, and for the “forms-objects” represented by geographical atlases in modern times, to use the Aristotelian concept of form and matter, which greatly influenced medieval philosophy and the perception of the world.
During the past fifty years, economic historians trained in economics have turned Max Weber into a champion of the cultural foundations of economic growth that he was not. The article examines the reasons and consequences of this misappropriation. It begins by highlighting Weber’s aversion to monocausal explanations and identifies two lines of argument in his voluminous writings on the historical development of Western capitalism: one stressing religious values and one focusing on political and legal institutions. While Weber never fully reconciled these two lines of argument, he considered them complementary rather than mutually exclusive. The article continues by tracing the engagement (or lack thereof) with Weber in the work of Douglass C. North and in a recent flurry of papers on the “economics of religion” that ostensibly tests the empirical validity of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905). It then discusses the return of interest in the coevolution of cultural and institutional processes of change among some economists and political scientists. Throughout, the article signals how this reception history went hand in hand with a decline in exchanges between economists and scholars in other disciplines. Ultimately, it argues for the importance of incorporating the history of disciplines in our disciplinary practices. More specifically, it stresses the continued relevance of Weber’s research agenda for the comparative and historical study of capitalisms (in the plural), in spite of the fact that many of his conclusions appear now outdated.
This essay positions the philosophical trope of “responsibility” as a complement to John Mackey and Raj Sisodia’s third tenet of Conscious Capitalism: viz., “conscious leadership” (Mackey and Sisodia, Conscious capitalism: liberating the heroic spirit of business. Harvard Business Review Press, Cambridge, 2013, pp 177–214; Mackey et al., Conscious leadership: elevating humanity through business. Portfolio, New York, 2020). We suggest “responsibility” as a conceptual tool for reframing popular leadership models and stakeholder theories. The notion of “The Responsible Leader,” we propose, adds a critical dimension to Mackey’s and Sisodia’s articulation of acting well within the complex realities of a market economy.KeywordsResponsibilityLeadershipDietrich BonhoefferEthics
Der Schwerpunkt der europäischen Mystik verlagert sich während des 14. Jahrhunderts von Italien dorthin, wo der Aufschwung von Handel und Wirtschaft nach Italien am stärksten im Mittelalter in Erscheinung tritt, nämlich in den großen Handelsstädten der südlichen Niederlande und des Nieder- und Oberrheins. So verwundert es nicht, auch hier auf die ›Selbst- und Eigenliebe‹ zu stoßen und zwar erstmals bei dem Dominikaner Meister Eckhart als eigen-minne; die Varianten der einzelnen Handschriften verzeichnen auch die Schreibweisen eigen lieb und geeigent minne [1]. Da das Alt- und Mittelhochdeutsche vor Eckhart nur Komposita mit selbst-kennt, um ein Hervortreten des Individuums zu markieren (z. B. and. sëlp-uuillo »Eigenwille«), dürfte kaum ein Zweifel daran bestehen, daß eigen minne und geeigent minne Lehnübersetzungen der über die Alpen gedrungenen Termini amor proprio und amore appropriato sind. Ein zweiter solcher Weg führt von Italien zum Prager Frühhumanismus und auch dort taucht einmal die aigne lieb als Mutter der ›superbia‹ in den Reimreden des Österreichers Heinrich des Teichners auf [2]. Von den Nachfolgern Eckharts führt nur Tauler die Tradition der eigen minne (ir selbes) weiter, die von ihm meist in einem Atemzug mit dem eigenwillen verdammt wird [3].
Despite political support and reiterated calls for re-industrialization, the German model (defined as a strong industry backed by the banking sector; greater cooperation between trade unions, the government and corporate boards; an export-driven economy) has remained unachievable in France. The industrial sector and exports have been receding since the 1970s; industrial relations have deteriorated and the ‘National champions’ policy (that is, picking winners, for example, Airbus, or creating them via mergers, subsidizing large-scale pivotal industries, for example, IT Plan of 1968, coal and steel industries) was abandoned in the 1980s. Did that vacuum let the British model slowly take root in France? Are France and the United Kingdom heading toward greater convergence, or do elements of differentiation remain? This article argues that despite some changes to a more liberal political economy in France, British-modelled ‘active’ labor policies, and a shift to international and financial capitalism remains stronger in France than in the United Kingdom. The current crises help highlight persistent differences.
Despite political support and reiterated calls for re-industrialization, the German model (defined as a strong industry backed by the banking sector; greater cooperation between trade unions, the government and corporate boards; an export-driven economy) has remained unachievable in France. The industrial sector and exports have been receding since the 1970s; industrial relations have deteriorated and the ‘National champions’ policy (that is, picking winners, for example, Airbus, or creating them via mergers, subsidizing large-scale pivotal industries, for example, IT Plan of 1968, coal and steel industries) was abandoned in the 1980s. Did that vacuum let the British model slowly take root in France? Are France and the United Kingdom heading toward greater convergence, or do elements of differentiation remain? This article argues that despite some changes to a more liberal political economy in France, British-modelled ‘active’ labor policies, and a shift to international and financial capitalism remains stronger in France than in the United Kingdom. The current crises help highlight persistent differences.
After having eliminated a purely descriptive approach to the problem, M.C. underlines the fact that the “Marxists” of the dynamic approach tend to negate the problem. Marx and Engels proved themselves less dogmatic than their “disciples.” The latter have, it is true, ignored the essential texts of their masters concerning rural facts outside of occidental capitalism. However, the “asiatic exception” at die end of the 19th century appears today much more general. The 3 paradigms: Hesiodic, Homeric and Aristophanic of C. C. Zimmermann furnish, according to M.C, a useful instrument for a dynamic approach to the problem. The author used them to integrate his own observations, those of the Africanists, Americanists and other ethnologists (e.g.: E. Boserup) in the analyses of integrated rural development and attitudes about the environment. According to M.C. a “superior form” of the “archaic mode of production,” satisfying Hesiodic aspirations, would bring an answer to the most serious questions posed by the current crisis of the merchant society.
Réumé
Après avoir écarté une approche purement descriptive du problème, M.C. souligne que les tenants «marxistes» de ľapproche dynamique ont, quant à eux, tendance à nier le problème. Marx et Engels se sont montrés moins dogmatiques que ces «disciples». Ceux‐ci ont, il est vrai, ignoreé les textes essentiels de leurs maîtres sur les faits ruraux en dehors du capitalisme occidental. Or, «ľexception asiatique» de la fin du XlXème siècle apparaît aujourd'hui beaucoup plus générale. Les 3 paradigmes: Hésiodique, Homérique et Aristophanique, de C. C. Zimmermann, fournissent selon M.C. un utile instrument pour une approche dynamique du problème. Ľauteur les a utihsés afin ?intégrer ses propres observations, celles des africanistes, américanistes et autres ethnologues (e.g.: E. Boserup) dans des analyses du développement rural intégré et des attitudes vis‐à‐vis de ľenvironnement. Selon M.C. une «forme supérieure» du «mode archaïque de production», répondant aux aspirations hésiodiques, apporterait une réponse aux plus graves questions posées par la crise actuelle de la société marchande.
Zusammenfassung
Nachdem der Verfasser einen rein deskriptiven Zugang zum Problem abgelehnt hat, unterstreicht er, daß die «marxistischen“ Befürworter des dynamischen Zuganges selbst die Tendenz haben, das Problem zu negieren. Marx und Engels haben sich weniger dogmatisch gezeigt als ihre «Schüler” Letztere haben tatsächlich die wesentlichen Texte ihrer Lehrmeister über die ländliche Wirklichkeit außerhalb des west‐lichen Kapitalismus ignoriert. «Die asiatische Ausnahme“ vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts scheint heute in der Wirklichkeit viel allgemeinere Bedeutung zu haben. Die drei Paradigmen: das hesiodische, das homerische und das aristophanische von C. C. Zimmermann bieten nach dem Verfasser ein nützliches Instrument für einen dynamischen Zugang zum Problem. Der Verfasser hat diese benutzt, um seine eigenen Beobachtungen und die von Afrikanisten, Amerikanisten und anderen Ethnologen (z.B. E. Boserup) in Analysen der integrierten ländlichen Entwicklung und der Haltungen gegenüber der Umwelt zu integrieren. Eine «höhere Form” der archaischen Produktions‐weise, die den hesiodischen Ansprüchen entspricht, würde eine Antwort auf die schwierigsten Fragen ermöglichen, die schon der gegenwärtigen Krise der marktwirtschaftlichen Gesellschaft gestellt werden.
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