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The Essential Implications of Gender in Human Behavioral Endocrinology Studies

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Carney et al. (2010) recently published a study in which they examined the effect of assuming “high- and low-power” body postures on changes in testosterone levels in men and women. To do so, they randomly assigned participants to two groups (high-power and low-power), and then placed them in two successive 1-min poses appropriate for their group. They reported that “high-power” poses produced testosterone increases in participants and “low-power” poses produced testosterone decrements, while collapsing over gender in their analyses. This study tested an important hypothesis regarding the effects of dominance posturing on endocrine changes that may be critical precursors to dominance competition, in which dominance posturing could lead to pre-competition changes in testosterone that influence the impending dominance competition (Mazur, 1985; Salvador et al., 2003; Gleason et al., 2009; Edwards and Kurlander, 2010). While Carney et al. (2010) asked an important research question, there are a number of methodological and analytical factors regarding gender and testosterone that must be considered in greater detail before their data can be fully understood and used to motivate future research.
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Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience www.frontiersin.org March 2011 | Volume 5 | Article 9 | 1
BEHAVIORAL NEUROSCIENCE
GENERAL COMMENTARY
published: 08 March 2011
doi: 10.3389/fnbeh.2011.00009
The essential implications of gender in human behavioral
endocrinology studies
Steven J. Stanton1,2*
1 Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, Duke University, Durham, NC, USA
2 Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, Duke University, Durham, NC, USA
*Correspondence: steven.stanton@duke.edu
A commentary on
Power posing: brief nonverbal displays
affect neuroendocrine levels and risk
tolerance
by Carney, D. R., Cuddy, A. J. C., and Yap,
A. J. (2010). Psychol. Sci. 21, 1363–1368. doi:
10.1177/0956797610383437
Carney et al. (2010) recently published a
study in which they examined the effect
of assuming “high- and low-power” body
postures on changes in testosterone levels in
men and women. To do so, they randomly
assigned participants to two groups (high-
power and low-power), and then placed
them in two successive 1-min poses appro-
priate for their group. They reported that
“high-power” poses produced testosterone
increases in participants and “low-power”
poses produced testosterone decrements,
while collapsing over gender in their analy-
ses. This study tested an important hypoth-
esis regarding the effects of dominance
posturing on endocrine changes that may
be critical precursors to dominance compe-
tition, in which dominance posturing could
lead to pre-competition changes in testoster-
one that influence the impending domi-
nance competition (Mazur, 1985; Salvador
et al., 2003; Gleason et al., 2009; Edwards and
Kurlander, 2010). While Carney et al. (2010)
asked an important research question, there
are a number of methodological and analyti-
cal factors regarding gender and testoster-
one that must be considered in greater detail
before their data can be fully understood and
used to motivate future research.
Gender differences in
testosterone responses to
dominance situations
Before commenting on specific aspects of the
work of Carney et al. (2010), it is informative
and relevant to consider gender differences
in testosterone responses to dominance situ-
ations (e.g., sports, laboratory competitions)
found in past studies. Generally, across many
studies, mens testosterone levels change in
response to dominance competitions by
rising after a dominance victory and falling
after a defeat (reviewed in Mazur and Booth,
1998; Archer, 2006; e.g., Stanton et al., 2009).
Although, recent studies have also suggested
that individual differences and context are
relevant in accurately predicting men’s tes-
tosterone responses (e.g., Schultheiss et al.,
2005; Carre, 2009) and others have shown
null results of competition (e.g., Carre et al.,
2009). In contrast, women do not have dif-
ferential testosterone responses to winning
or losing a dominance contest (Mazur and
Booth, 1998; Archer, 2006; Stanton and
Schultheiss, 2007), but a single recent study
has challenged this conclusion (Oliveira
et al., 2009).
The commonly observed gender differ-
ence in testosterone responses to dominance
situations is likely due to the different source
glands for testosterone in men and women.
In men, the vast majority of testosterone
comes from the testes (and the adrenal
glands to a lesser extent). In women, testo-
sterone is principally released by the adrenal
glands (and the ovaries to a lesser extent).
This difference in testosterone source glands
makes symmetrical testosterone responses in
both genders unlikely1. Even if the adrenals
were the source of testosterone change in
both genders, one would then expect corti-
sol changes (also produced by the adrenals)
to be in the same direction as testosterone
changes. Yet, Carney et al. (2010) report that
cortisol changes in the same participants
moved in the opposing direction to testo-
sterone changes, such that “high-power”
poses were associated with decrements in
cortisol and “low-power” poses were associ-
ated with increases in cortisol2. This suggests
that the testosterone changes were not driven
by the adrenals and makes it less likely that
the testosterone responses would have been
the same in each gender since the adrenals
are the main testosterone-producing gland
shared between the genders.
It is notable that Carney et al. (2010) do
not discuss the gender-specific mechanisms
of testosterone production and release or
the empirical history of gender differences
in testosterone responses. The gender dif-
ference in testosterone source glands and
lack of prior positive findings in women do
not mandate that testosterone responses to
“power poses” would also differ between the
genders, but greater consideration of the
effects of gender are essential due to these
fundamental neuroendocrine differences
between the genders.
collapsinG over Gender
Carney et al. (2010) collapsed over gender
in all testosterone analyses. Testosterone
conforms to a bimodal distribution when
including both genders (see Figure 13;
Sapienza et al., 2009). Raw testosterone
cannot be considered a normally distrib-
uted dependent or independent variable
1Another potential confound: Carney et al. (2010)
provided no information on oral contraceptive use
by the female participants, which significantly alters
endogenous testosterone levels (e.g., Schultheiss et al.,
2005) and may alter hormone × behavior associations
(Josephs, 2009; Stanton and Edelstein, 2009).
2Mean cortisol levels for all participants were reported
as 0.16 ng/mL pre-posing and 0.12 ng/mL post-posing,
thus showing that for all participants there was an
average decrease of 0.04 ng/mL from pre- to post-
posing, regardless of condition. Yet, Figure 4 of Carney
et al. (2010) shows that low-power posers had mean
cortisol increases of roughly 0.025 ng/mL and high-
power posers had mean cortisol decreases of roughly
0.03 ng/mL. It is unclear given the data in Figure 4 how
the overall cortisol change for all participants could
have been a decrease of 0.04 ng/mL.
3The University of Michigan’s Institutional Review
Board and Duke University’s Institutional Review Board
approved all of the experiments in which the saliva
samples were collected and testosterone was assayed.
Stanton Gender in human behavioral endocrinology
Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience www.frontiersin.org March 2011 | Volume 5 | Article 9 | 2
tion of dominance situations that was noted
above.
maGnitude of testosterone
chanGe
Men tend to have baseline testosterone lev-
els three to seven times greater than women
on average (Dabbs, 1990; Liening et al.,
2010). Despite reporting that testosterone
levels were significantly higher in men than
women via a t-test, Carney et al. (2010) do
not report the mean testosterone levels sep-
arately for each gender at baseline or post-
manipulation, which are essential for the
interpretation of magnitude of testosterone
change. Without reporting the testosterone
changes separately for each gender, we sim-
ply cannot deduce the real magnitude of
the effect for men and women, since their
baseline testosterone levels are so different.
In conclusion, Carney et al. (2010) used
a novel manipulation to ask an important
question, but the degree to which their find-
ings can be fully understood and imple-
mented into future research is questionable
without more complete analyses.
references
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Carney, D. R., Cuddy, A. J. C., and Yap, A. J. (2010).
Power posing: brief nonverbal displays affect neu-
roendocrine levels and risk tolerance. Psychol. Sci.
21, 1363–1368.
Carre, J. M. (2009). No place like home: testosterone
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Carre, J. M., Putnam, S. K., and McCormick, C. M. (2009).
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Dabbs, J. M. Jr. (1990). Salivary testosterone measure-
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Gleason, E. D., Fuxjager, M. J., Oyegbile, T. O., and Marler, C.
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Josephs, R. A. (2009). Moving beyond dichotomies
in research on oral contraceptives: a comment on
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Liening, S. H., Stanton, S. J., Saini, E. K., and Schultheiss, O. C.
(2010). Salivary testosterone, cortisol, and progesterone:
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very low testosterone level would be hard
to identify because he could fall within the
normal range when including women.
In their statistical analyses, the Carney
et al. (2010) reported “participant sex was
included as a covariate in all analyses. But,
they did not report whether or not partici-
pant sex accounted for a significant portion
of the variance in any analyses, which leaves
open the possibility that the effects are driven
principally by one sex, or that the sexes might
have exhibited divergent patterns of testo-
sterone response. Ideally for such analyses,
it would be best to report the effect size and
p-value for the main effect of gender as well
as a potential gender × power pose condition
interaction. While the authors use residual
change in their statistical tests of testoster-
one change (which is a valid, well-chosen
technique) and include gender as a covariate,
again, the bimodal distribution of raw testo-
sterone is a statistical issue, since raw post-
competition testosterone is their dependent
variable and raw pre-competition testoster-
one is their covariate, both collapsing over
gender. Additionally, Carney et al. (2010)
had a small sample size for a human behav-
ioral endocrinology study (N = 42) that
was predominantly composed of women
(N = 26), which makes the reported effects
of power posing on testosterone change even
more surprising given the common lack of
testosterone changes in women as a func-
when including both genders. Thus, Carney
et al. (2010) violated a basic assumption of
the statistical analyses that they reported,
because they used raw testosterone from
pre- and post-power posing as independent
and dependent variables, respectively, with
all subjects (male and female) included.
Additionally, Carney et al. (2010)
excluded a single subject (presumably of
the 16 men) for having testosterone levels
above 3 SD from the mean. But, was this
the mean and SD for all subjects? Such
exclusions should only occur when com-
puting means and SDs within each sex.
This is because when considering the
exclusion of high-testosterone cases (likely
men), the mean and SD for the whole sam-
ple (including men and women) would
be artificially low and small, respectively,
as compared to the mean and SD for just
men. Using the whole sample mean and
SD would make it easy to exclude a high-
testosterone male subject that is not really
an outlier within their own sex, which is
what is most important to identify for tes-
tosterone analyses. As an additional cau-
tionary note, using the mean and SD for
the whole sample would also mean that a
woman who is a significant high outlier
would likely not be excluded, since she
could easily fall within the normal range
when including men. The same is true for
low values in men, such that a man with a
FIGURE 1 | Shown is a depiction of the bimodal distribution of raw, baseline salivary testosterone
values (in pg/mL) when including both men (N = 360) and women (N = 407). All saliva samples were
collected and assayed by the present author using radioimmunoassay (Schultheiss and Stanton, 2009). The
displayed testosterone data were aggregated from several past studies by the author, and for graphical
purposes only, exclude eight male participants with testosterone levels between 150 and 230 pg/mL.
Stanton Gender in human behavioral endocrinology
Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience www.frontiersin.org March 2011 | Volume 5 | Article 9 | 3
Mazur, A., and Booth, A. (1998). Testosterone and domi-
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(2009). Testosterone responsiveness to winning
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dynamic relationships between implicit power motiva-
tion and estradiol in women. Horm. Behav. 52, 571–580.
Received: 28 September 2010; accepted: 21 February 2011;
published online: 08 March 2011.
Citation: Stanton SJ (2011) The essential implications of
gender in human behavioral endocrinology studies. Front.
Behav. Neurosci. 5:9. doi: 10.3389/fnbeh.2011.00009
Copyright © 2011 Stanton. This is an open-access arti-
cle subject to an exclusive license agreement between the
authors and Frontiers Media SA, which permits unrestricted
use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, pro-
vided the original authors and source are credited.
... While these practices were common in 2010, they had in the meantime become more broadly recognized as biases that contribute to the non-replicability of published results (Ferguson & Heene, 2012;Nosek, Spies, & Motyl, 2012). Additionally, a critical comment by Stanton (2011) remarked that the sample size of n=42 (26 women) of the study was small for human endocrinology, and that collapsing across gender for the analysis of testosterone was problematic for two reasons. First, it ignores fundamental biological differences with regard to testosterone production in men and women, and second, it violates the assumptions of the applied statistical tests because testosterone levels across both genders follow a bimodal distribution. ...
... In addition, Carney et al.'s study (2010) had several methodological shortcomings. First, its sample was small, particularly with regard to the endocrine measures, which vary considerably between and even within subject (Stanton, 2011). Second, the study did not consider menstrual cycle and oral contraceptive use and instead simply controlled for gender statistically, which is invalid given the inherent biological sex differences concerning the production of testosterone (Stanton, 2011). ...
... First, its sample was small, particularly with regard to the endocrine measures, which vary considerably between and even within subject (Stanton, 2011). Second, the study did not consider menstrual cycle and oral contraceptive use and instead simply controlled for gender statistically, which is invalid given the inherent biological sex differences concerning the production of testosterone (Stanton, 2011). Before systematically exploring postural feedback effects on the processing of facial threat, it thus seemed necessary to verify whether they actually affected endocrine levels. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Expansive and constrictive body postures serve a primary communicative function in humans and other animals by signalling power and dominance. Whether adopting such “power postures” influences the agent’s own perception and behaviour is currently a subject of debate. In this PhD thesis, I therefore explored effects of adopting power postures on behaviours closely related to the postures’ primary function of social signalling by focusing on responses to faces as particularly salient social signals. In a series of experiments, I utilized reverse correlation methods to visualize mental representations of preferred facial traits. Mental representations of implicitly as well as explicitly preferred faces evoked an affiliative and slightly dominant impression, but revealed no replicable effects of power postures. Two further separate experiments investigated posture effects on the perception of threatening facial expressions, and approach vs. avoidance actions in response to such social signals. While postures did not influence explicit recognition of threatening facial expressions, they affected approach and avoidance actions in response to them. Specifically, adopting a constrictive posture increased the tendency to avoid angry individuals. Finally, an attempt to replicate posture effects on levels of testosterone and cortisol demonstrated that even repeatedly adopting a power posture in a social context does not elicit hormonal changes. Altogether, these findings suggest that our body posture does not influence our mental representations and perception of other people’s faces per se, but could influence our actions in responses to social signals.
... This decision was due to the study being part of a larger project on power poses [64], which began before it was clear that effects on cortisol and testosterone did not replicate. We initially suspected hormonal mechanisms to underlie the poses' effects on social behavior, and biological differences in the production of testosterone and the menstrual cycle require separate hormonal analyses by gender [97]. Therefore, most studies in the project focused only on men, whereas those that included women observed gender effects in face perception [64,Chapter 4]. ...
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Individuals’ opportunities for action in threatening social contexts largely depend on their social power. While powerful individuals can afford to confront aggressors and dangers, powerless individuals need others’ support and better avoid direct challenges. Here, we investigated if adopting expansive or contracted poses, which signal dominance and submission, impacts individuals’ approach and avoidance decisions in response to social threat signals using a within-subject design. Overall, participants more often chose to avoid rather than to approach angry individuals, but showed no clear approach or avoidance preference for fearful individuals. Crucially, contracted poses considerably increased the tendency to avoid angry individuals, whereas expansive poses induced no substantial changes. This suggests that adopting power-related poses may impact action decisions in response to social threat signals. The present results emphasize the social function of power poses, but should be replicated before drawing strong conclusions.
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... These were the only available effect sizes for posture effects on hormone levels when we conducted our study. Given inherent biological differences in testosterone and progesterone production between men and women, analyses of these hormones need to be done separately for each sex (Stanton, 2011). Therefore, we included only male participants to achieve sufficient power with the maximum sample size possible under our feasibility constraints. ...
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... These were the only available effect sizes for posture effects on hormone levels when we conducted our study. Given inherent biological differences in testosterone and progesterone production between men and women, analyses of these hormones need to be done separately for each sex (Stanton, 2011). Therefore, we included only male participants to achieve sufficient power with the maximum sample size possible under our feasibility constraints. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Background. Adopting expansive versus constrictive postures related to high versus low levels of social power has been suggested to induce changes in testosterone and cortisol levels, and thereby to mimic hormonal correlates of dominance behavior. However, these findings have been challenged by several non-replications recently. Although there is thus more evidence against than for such posture effects on hormones, the question remains as to whether repeatedly holding postures over time and/or assessing hormonal responses at different time points would yield different outcomes. The current study assesses these methodological characteristics as possible reasons for previous null-findings. By testing effects of repeated but short posture manipulations in a social context while using a cover-story, it further fulfills the conditions previously raised as potentially necessary for the effects to occur. Methods. 82 male participants repeatedly adopted an expansive or constrictive posture for 2 minutes in between blocks of a task that consisted in categorizing faces based on first impressions. Saliva samples were taken at two different time points in a time window in which hormonal responses to stress, competition and other manipulations are known to be strongest. Results. Neither testosterone and cortisol levels linked to dominance behaviors, nor progesterone levels related to affiliative tendencies, changed from before to after adopting expansive or constrictive postures. The present results establish that even repeated power posing in a context where social stimuli are task-relevant does not elicit changes in hormone levels.
... Given these highly mixed results, coupled with the low power in many of these studies, whether women exhibit endocrine changes in response to rank contests remains to be empirically established. Conceptually, gender differences in T responses to competition are perhaps to be expected given sexual dimorphism in the relevant physiological mechanisms (Granger, Shirtcliff, Booth, Kivlighan, & Schwartz, 2004;Stanton, 2011). ...
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Preprint
Background. Adopting expansive versus constrictive postures related to high versus low levels of social power has been suggested to induce changes in testosterone and cortisol levels, and thereby to mimic hormonal correlates of dominance behavior. However, these findings have been challenged by several non-replications recently. Although there is thus more evidence against than for such posture effects on hormones, the question remains as to whether repeatedly holding postures over time and/or assessing hormonal responses at different time points would yield different outcomes. The current study assesses these methodological characteristics as possible reasons for previous null-findings. By testing effects of repeated but short posture manipulations in a social context while using a cover-story, it further fulfills the conditions previously raised as potentially necessary for the effects to occur. Methods. 82 male participants repeatedly adopted an expansive or constrictive posture for 2 minutes in between blocks of a task that consisted in categorizing faces based on first impressions. Saliva samples were taken at two different time points in a time window in which hormonal responses to stress, competition and other manipulations are known to be strongest. Results. Neither testosterone and cortisol levels linked to dominance behaviors, nor progesterone levels related to affiliative tendencies, changed from before to after adopting expansive or constrictive postures. The present results establish that even repeated power posing in a context where social stimuli are task-relevant does not elicit changes in hormone levels.
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