Article

Consequences of "Minimal" Group Affiliations in Children

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

Three experiments (total N=140) tested the hypothesis that 5-year-old children's membership in randomly assigned "minimal" groups would be sufficient to induce intergroup bias. Children were randomly assigned to groups and engaged in tasks involving judgments of unfamiliar in-group or out-group children. Despite an absence of information regarding the relative status of groups or any competitive context, in-group preferences were observed on explicit and implicit measures of attitude and resource allocation (Experiment 1), behavioral attribution, and expectations of reciprocity, with preferences persisting when groups were not described via a noun label (Experiment 2). In addition, children systematically distorted incoming information by preferentially encoding positive information about in-group members (Experiment 3). Implications for the developmental origins of intergroup bias are discussed.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.

... Decades of research have revealed adults' ready tendency to evaluate one's own membership group (the in-group) more favorably than a nonmembership group (the out-group) and the prejudice and discrimination that typically accompany such a bias (Allport, 1954;Hewstone et al., 2002;Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Developmental studies reveal that such biases emerge in early childhood (Bigler & Liben, 2007;Buttelmann & Böhm, 2014;Dunham et al., 2011;McLoughlin & Over, 2017;Nesdale, 2007), and possibly even in infancy (Pun et al., 2018;Xiao et al., 2018). The goal of the present studies was to tap onto a novel manifestation of a conceptual bias arguably underlying children's intergroup bias and assess a way to curb it. ...
... However, a second line of research shows that differently from nonsocial domains (e.g., animals), in the social domain, children's requests and processing of information is biased by the group membership of the target people. For instance, 5-to 10year-old children better recalled stories in which characters displayed gender stereotype-consistent than inconsistent behaviors (Bigler & Liben, 1992), 5-year-olds remembered more positive behaviors of an in-group member and negative behaviors of outgroup members (Dunham et al., 2011), and when given the choice to seek out information, 5-and 6-year-old children chose to hear a story that contained positive information about their own group and negative information about another group (Over et al., 2018). In sum, these lines of research highlight that (a) children have a biased preference for categorical information about novel nonsocial entities and (b) children's intergroup attitudinal biases impact their information seeking preferences. ...
... Regarding children, the early-emerging attitudinal biases found with regard to various groups (Baron & Banaji, 2006;Dunham et al., 2011;McLoughlin & Over, 2017) is arguably exacerbated by the fact that the information children receive about in-and outgroups is often times biased (Aboud & Amato, 2001;Bar-Tal et al., 2017;Castelli et al., 2009), especially when groups are in conflict (Nasie et al., 2016). In fact, simply labeling or using generic terms to refer to groups, has been associated with children's tendency to essentialize differences between groups (Rhodes et al., 2012;Segall et al., 2015), which in turn may lead to negative attitudes (Diesendruck & Menahem, 2015;Rhodes et al., 2018). ...
Article
Children's intergroup attitudes arguably reflect different construals of in- and out-groups, whereby the former are viewed as composed of unique individuals and the latter of homogeneous members. In three studies, we investigated the scope of information (individual vs. category) Jewish-Israeli 5- and 8-year-olds prefer to receive about "real" in-group ("Jews") and out-group members ("Arabs" and "Scots") (Study 1, N = 64); the scope of information Jewish and Arab Israeli 8-year-olds prefer to receive about minimal in- and out-groups (Study 2, N = 64); and how providing such information affects children's intergroup attitudes (Study 3, N = 96). The main findings were that (a) 8-year-olds requested category information more about out-groups than in-groups, and vice-versa regarding individual information-for both, "real" and minimal groups, and (b) providing individual information about a "conflict" out-group reduced attitudinal biases. These findings highlight children's differential construal of in- and out-groups and suggest ways for remedying biases toward out-groups. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... Studies have documented that infants and preschool children already show intergroup biases where they show more favorable attitudes toward members of their social groups than toward outgroup members (Baron & Banaji, 2006;Dunham, Baron, & Carey, 2011;Guerin, 1999;Hailey & Olson, 2013;Hamlin, Mahajan, Liberman, & Wynn, 2013;McLoughlin & Over, 2017;Nesdale, Durkin, Maass, & Griffiths, 2005;Over, Eggleston, Bell, & Dunham, 2018;Yu, Zhu, & Leslie, 2016). Older children (5-6 years) treat in-group members and out-group members differently compared with younger children (3-4 years), who show lower in-group favoritism (Yu et al., 2016). ...
... At the beginning, a female experimenter greeted the children and explained that she would be reading a picture book about children belonging to either an orange or green group. Next, using a procedure validated by Dunham et al. (2011), group membership was manipulated. The experimenter asked the children to draw a lot from a box: ''Let's see which group you will be in." ...
... To increase group identification, the experimenter gave them an orange sticker to wear and said, ''See, members of the orange team wear an orange sticker here [pointing at the drawing]." Wearing a group symbol enhances the perceived belonging (Dunham et al., 2011). All the children put the sticker on without any hesitation. ...
Article
Full-text available
Research on empathy in intergroup contexts among children in collectivistic cultures is limited. To address this gap, this study examined empathic responding in two group contexts (intergroup and intragroup) among Japanese children by taking into account the collectivistic cultural context. Children aged 4 to 6 years participated in an experimental session (N = 50, M age = 65.11 months). They listened to two versions of narratives about children of their age who were saddened because of a nasty wind that had blown their sand mountains away. The group membership and in-group status of the characters were manipulated. In the task, children rated the extent to which the characters were feeling sadness (af-fective perspective taking) and indicated the number of stars (em-pathic concern) for the characters. Age-related differences were found, with older children showing more affective perspective taking than younger children. Children of all age groups tended to express less empathic concern for the odd one out among friends (a loner in the group) than for the majority. Findings suggest that empathic responding is in part shaped by socialization, and cultural variations in empathy may emerge early in life.
... Following the random assignment procedures in Dunham et al. (2011), children were shown a green token and an orange token, which were then hidden behind the experimenter's back and shuffled. The experimenter brought her hands forward, with one token in each hand, and asked the child to select a hand. ...
... Stimuli were sixteen full-color head and shoulders photographs of European American children (eight boys and eight girls) between the ages of 5 and 7, with photographs matched with participant gender (following past literature on minimal group biases in children, e.g., Dunham et al., 2011). Photographs were edited using image-editing software such that half the children in each gender wore green and the other half wore orange t-shirts (for a total of four boys and four girls per minimal group). ...
... Photographs were edited using image-editing software such that half the children in each gender wore green and the other half wore orange t-shirts (for a total of four boys and four girls per minimal group). Preliminary adult ratings collected for a prior study employing these stimuli (Dunham et al., 2011; asking for ratings on attractiveness using a Likert-like scale and estimations of age) indicated the target children in each group were approximately equal in attractiveness and age. ...
Article
Full-text available
Experimentally created “minimal” social groups are frequently used as a means to investigate core components of intergroup cognition in children and adults. Yet, it is unclear how the effects of such arbitrary group memberships compare to those of salient real-world group memberships (gender and race) when they are directly pitted against each other in the same studies. Across three studies, we investigate these comparisons in 4–7-year-olds. Study 1 (N = 48) establishes the minimal group paradigm, finding that children develop ingroup preferences as well as other forms of group-based reasoning (e.g., moral obligations) following random assignment to a minimal group. Study 2 (N = 96) and Study 3 (N = 48) directly compare this minimal group to a real-world social group (gender or race) in a cross-categorization paradigm, in which targets are participants' ingroups in terms of the minimal group and outgroups in terms of a real-world social group, or vice versa. The relative strength of the minimal group varies, but in general it either has a similar effect or a stronger effect as compared to race and in some cases even gender. Our results support the contention that an abstract tendency to divide the world into “us” and “them” is a central force in early intergroup cognition.
... In addition, five-year-old American children who spoke English wanted to be friends with English-speaking peers more than French-speaking peers and preferred those who spoke English in their native accent more than those who spoke with a French accent (Kinzler et al., 2009). Furthermore, in a minimal group task in which children were randomly assigned to groups (teams) by a temporary minimal criterion, five-year-olds rated their liking for in-group members higher than out-group members (Dunham et al., 2011;Sudo, 2021). ...
... Group membership can also play a role in young children's resource allocation. Three-to six-year-old children distributed more resources to in-group than out-group members in groups assigned according to gender (Dunham et al., 2011), race (Renno and Shutts, 2015), or a combination of accent and race (Spence and Imuta, 2020). In minimal group contexts, young children distributed resources in favor of their in-group members (Sparks et al., 2017) although the tendency failed to reach statistical significance in a few studies (Dunham et al., 2011;Plötner et al., 2015a;Sudo, 2021). ...
... Three-to six-year-old children distributed more resources to in-group than out-group members in groups assigned according to gender (Dunham et al., 2011), race (Renno and Shutts, 2015), or a combination of accent and race (Spence and Imuta, 2020). In minimal group contexts, young children distributed resources in favor of their in-group members (Sparks et al., 2017) although the tendency failed to reach statistical significance in a few studies (Dunham et al., 2011;Plötner et al., 2015a;Sudo, 2021). ...
Article
Full-text available
This study investigated five-year-olds’ priority between shared preference and group membership in resource allocation, social preference, and social evaluation. Using a forced-choice resource allocation task and a friend choice task, we first demonstrate that five-year-old children distribute more resources to and prefer a character who shares a preference with them when compared to a character who has a different preference. Then, we pitted the shared preference against group membership to investigate children’s priority. Children prioritized group membership over shared preference, allotting more resources to and showing more preference toward characters in the same group who did not share their preferences than those from a different group who shared their preferences. Lastly, children evaluated resource allocation and social preference in others that prioritized group membership or shared preference. Children regarded prioritization of group membership more positively than prioritization of shared preference from the perspective of a third person. The results suggest that children by five years of age consider group membership as of greater importance than shared preference not only in their own resource allocation and social preference, but also in their evaluation of others’ resource allocation and liking.
... For example, around 3-years White children prefer to befriend peers belonging to their gender in-group (Shutts et al., 2013) and around 4 years of age White children evaluate White children more positively than children belonging to racial out-groups (Raabe & Beelmann, 2011). Even when groups are based on novel arbitrary categories (i.e., minimal groups), like T-shirt color, in-group preferences emerge in children as young as 5 years (i.e., Dunham et al., 2011). ...
... A central finding is that children often give away more resources to those belonging to their in-group. Such an in-group bias has been found for children's sharing and resource distribution behavior within group contexts based on arbitrary group boundaries (i.e., from 4 years onward; e.g., Benozio & Diesendruck, 2015;Böhm & Buttelman, 2016;Buttelmann & Böhm, 2014;Dunham et al., 2011;Gummerum et al., 2009;Sparks et al., 2017), racial and gender groups (e.g., Mandalaywala et al., 2021;Renno & Shutts, 2015;Zinser et al., 1981), groups based on language or accent (Angerer et al., 2016;Kinzler et al., 2012) and classroom or daycare groups (e.g., Bindra et al., 2020;Fehr et al., 2008). ...
... Lastly, while group stereotypes might be influential in prosocial contexts that involve group boundaries pertaining to real life groups, it is less likely that they play a role when minimal or novel group contexts are involved. Intergroup prosociality in which group membership is based on arbitrary features also solely lead to in-group biases in children's prosociality (Benozio & Diesendruck, 2015;Böhm & Buttelman, 2016;Buttelmann & Böhm, 2014;Dunham et al., 2011;Gummerum et al., 2009;Sparks et al., 2017) and prosocial outgroup biases have so far not been documented. This further corroborates the idea that such intergroup contexts involve different underlying mechanisms for why children help or share. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Children are prosocial from a young age onward but their prosocial actions are not necessarily egalitarian – especially with regard to others’ group membership. From around four years of age children tend to help and share more with in-group members compared to out-group members. However, a growing body of findings also suggest that sometimes children act more prosocially toward out-group members. How can we reconcile such seemingly contradicting behaviors? In this chapter, I describe how the salience of group stereotypes might shed light on these inconsistent findings. Specifically, different helping contexts can activate different group stereotypes. These different stereotypes could lead children to sometimes act more prosocially toward in-group peers, but sometimes show out-group bias in their helping or sharing behavior. For example, contexts that involve reciprocity could increase salience of a stereotype that out-groups are less trustworthy and thus children might be less inclined to share their resources with the out-group (i.e., in-group bias). Whereas an academic helping context might make a stereotype salient that entails out-groups are less competent and thus needing more help (i.e., out-group bias). Taking into account group stereotypes in children’s prosocial behavior will provide us with a deeper understanding of the underlying motivations that lead to selective prosociality in children. In the long run, such insights can contribute to combating discrimination and prejudice early in life.
... Like adults, children show in-group favoritism in behaviors related to care and fairness emerging in the preschool years (Over, 2018). Between 3-and 5 years of age, children show greater generosity to race-matched peers (Zinser et al., 1981;Renno and Shutts, 2015) and also share more with gender-matched peers (Dunham et al., 2011(Dunham et al., , 2016Renno and Shutts, 2015). Although younger children (5-6 years of age) show a preference for their racial in-group, older children (6-11 years of age) appear to overcome this bias in favor of equity across groups (Olson et al., 2011;Rizzo et al., 2018), suggesting that principles of equity may overcome in-group bias as children move into middle childhood. ...
... The current study sought to investigate how in-group bias impacts the emergence of concerns for fairness and care. We assigned children between 4 and 9 years of age to groups using a minimal group technique (Dunham et al., 2011). Participants were then presented with a resource allocation task wherein a hypothetical peer was identified as either an in-group or out-group member who would be the recipient of participant's allocation decisions. ...
... The procedure began with a minimal group induction with the participant randomly assigned to one of two "teams" based on green or red T-shirt color (adapted from Dunham et al., 2011). The induction began as the researcher presented the participant two coins (green and red) corresponding to a green team and a red team. ...
Article
Full-text available
One of the most remarkable features of human societies is our ability to cooperate with each other. However, the benefits of cooperation are not extended to everyone. Indeed, another hallmark of human societies is a division between us and them. Favoritism toward members of our group can result in a loss of empathy and greater tolerance of harm toward those outside our group. The current study sought to investigate how in-group bias impacts the developmental emergence of concerns for fairness and care. We investigated the impact of in-group bias on decisions related to care and fairness in children (N = 95; ages 4–9). Participants made decisions about how to allocate resources between themselves and a peer who was either an in-group or out-group member. In decisions related to care, participants were given two trial types on which they could decide whether to give or throw away a positive or negative resource. In decisions related to fairness participants and peer partners each received one candy and participants decided whether to allocate or throw away an extra candy. If the extra candy was distributed it would place either the participant or their recipient at a relative advantage, whereas if the extra candy was thrown away the distribution would be equal. We found that on fairness trials children’s tendency to allocate resources was similar toward in-group and out-group recipients. Furthermore, children’s tendency to allocate resources changed with age such that younger participants were more likely to allocate extra candies to themselves, whereas older participants were more likely to allocate extra candies to their recipient. On trials related to care we did observe evidence of in-group bias. While distribution of positive resources was greater than negative resources for both in-group and out-group recipients, participants distributed negative resources to out-group recipients more often compared to in-group recipients, a tendency that was heightened for young boys. This pattern of results suggests that fairness and care develop along distinct pathways with independent motivational supports.
... Thus, mere group membership shapes child behaviour and cognition early in development [11], maximizing the benefits of group membership [11,12]. Of particular importance in this aspect are situations in which individuals can revoke or grant the benefits of group membership for others through social exclusion and social inclusion, respectively [13]. ...
... Previous studies have used such procedures to establish minimal groups in experimental studies (e.g. [12,33,45]). ...
Article
Full-text available
This study investigates how culture and priming 3- to 7-year-old children ( N = 186) with third-party social exclusion affects their subsequent inclusion of out-group members. Children in societies that tend to value social independence (Germany, New Zealand) and interdependence (Northern Cyprus) were randomly assigned to minimal groups. Next, they watched video stimuli depicting third-party social exclusion (exclusion condition) or neutral content (control condition). We assessed children's recognition of the social exclusion expressed in the priming videos and their understanding of the emotional consequences thereof. We furthermore assessed children's inclusion behaviour in a ball-tossing game in which participants could include an out-group agent into an in-group interplay. Children across societies detected third-party social exclusion and ascribed lower mood to excluded than non-excluded protagonists. Children from Germany and New Zealand were more likely to include the out-group agent into the in-group interaction than children from Northern Cyprus. Children's social inclusion remained unaffected by their exposure to third-party social exclusion primes. These results suggest that children from diverse societies recognize social exclusion and correctly forecast its negative emotional consequences, but raise doubt on the notion that social exclusion exposure affects subsequent social inclusion.
... This is also counter to other research documenting that children rectify unequal gender-based pay to the same extent regardless of the gender of the disadvantaged group (Corbit et al., 2021). Third, as with many assessments of bias, these differences were subtle (see Dunham et al., 2011). That is, the magnitude of the difference in allocations to disadvantaged girls and to disadvantaged boys was small, but still significant nonetheless, indicating a gender-stereotypic bias that participants may not be fully aware they hold (Smeding, 2012). ...
... Findings from the current study also make significant contributions to the broader literature on resource allocation and moral development in childhood and adulthood. Previous research has found that in some contexts children hold ingroup preferences in their resource allocations (Dunham et al., 2011;Renno & Shutts, 2015) and perpetuate status-based resource inequalities between racial and novel groups (Olson et al., 2011), yet in other contexts rectify race-based inequalities of medical and school resources . Concerns for fairness are prevalent in the early childhood years (Blake & McAuliffe, 2011;Li et al., 2014;Mulvey et al., 2014), with evidence that children as young as 3 years of age reject unfair resource allocations (Baumard et al., 2012). ...
Article
Full-text available
In response to some resource inequalities, children give priority to moral concerns. Yet, in others, children show ingroup preferences in their evaluations and resource allocations. The present study built upon this knowledge by investigating children's and young adults’ (N = 144; 5–6-year-olds, Mage = 5.83, SDage = .97; 9–11-year-olds, Mage = 10.74, SDage = .68; and young adults, Mage = 19.92, SDage = 1.10) evaluations and allocation decisions in a science inequality context. Participants viewed vignettes in which male and female groups received unequal amounts of science supplies, then evaluated the acceptability of the resource inequalities, allocated new boxes of science supplies between the groups, and provided justifications for their choices. Results revealed both children and young adults evaluated inequalities of science resources less negatively when girls were disadvantaged than when boys were disadvantaged. Further, 5- to 6-year-old participants and male participants rectified science resource inequalities to a greater extent when the inequality disadvantaged boys compared to when it disadvantaged girls. Generally, participants who used moral reasoning to justify their responses negatively evaluated and rectified the resource inequalities, whereas participants who used group-focused reasoning positively evaluated and perpetuated the inequalities, though some age and participant gender findings emerged. Together, these findings reveal subtle gender biases that may contribute to perpetuating gender-based science inequalities both in childhood and adulthood.
... We also assessed children's inter-group attitudes: Once following the group assignment (pre-manipulation), and the other following the Cyberball game (post-manipulation). Children were presented with a member from each color group and were asked how much they liked each agent on a 6-point Likert scale which was paired with incrementally happy-to-sad cartoon faces (really like = 6, really don't like = 1, adapted from Dunham et al., 2011). ...
... Specifically, with age, children were more likely to selectively learn from the in-group member, had higher proximity scores for their own group, and lower proximity scores for the out-group. This stronger in-group bias in older children is consistent with prior evidence showing that children's in-group favoritism became robust both in social evaluation measures (Dunham et al., 2011;GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION Dunham & Emory, 2014) and testimonial learning measures (Reyes-Jaquez & Echols, 2013) between the age of five and six. ...
Article
Full-text available
Here, we used high- and low-stakes testimonial learning tasks to better understand two important types of social influence on children’s learning decisions: group membership and social ostracism. Children (4- and 5-year-olds; N = 100) were either included or excluded by in-group or outgroup members in an online ball tossing game. Then, children were asked to selectively learn new information from either an in-group or out-group member. They also received counterintuitive information from an in-group or out-group member that was in conflict with their own intuitions. When learning new information, children who were excluded were more likely to selectively trust information from their in-group member. In contrast, when accepting counterintuitive information, children relied only on group membership regardless of their exclusion status. Together, these findings demonstrate ways in which different forms of testimonial learning are guided not only by epistemic motivations but also by social motivations of affiliation and maintaining relationships with others.
... Affiliation with popular peers, for instance, can enhance one's own social standing (Dijkstra et al., 2010). Children expect wealthy peers to share more resources than non-wealthy peers and also allocate more resources to peers who they expect to share with them and help them (Dunham et al., 2011;Renno and Shutts, 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
Children’s understanding of status and group norms influence their expectations about social encounters. However, status is multidimensional and children may perceive status stratification (i.e., high- and low-status) differently across multiple status dimensions (i.e., wealth and popularity). The current study investigated the effect of status level and norms on children’s expectations about intergroup affiliation in wealth and popularity contexts. Participants (N = 165; age range: 5–10 years; Mage = 7.72 years) were randomly assigned to hear two scenarios where a high- or low-status target affiliated with opposite-status groups based on either wealth or popularity. In one scenario, the group expressed an inclusive norm. In the other scenario, the group expressed an exclusive norm. For each scenario, children made predictions about children’s expectations for a target to acquire social resources. Novel findings indicated that children associated wealth status to some extent, but they drew stronger inferences from the wealth dimension than from the popularity dimension. In contrast to previous evidence that children distinguish between high- and low-status groups, we did not find evidence to support this in the context of the current study. In addition, norms of exclusion diminished children’s expectations for acquiring social resources from wealth and popularity groups but this effect was more pronounced between wealth groups. We found age differences in children’s expectations in regards to norms, but not in regards to status. The implications of how these effects, in addition to lack of effects, bear on children’s expectations about acquiring resources are discussed.
... Dunham et al. (8) found that children as young as 5 years of age are susceptible to the minimal group paradigm and display in-group/out-group biases. Even when explicit categorical labels are not applied to groups, 5-yearolds can exhibit in-group/out-group biases, as measured by explicitly recorded attitudes, implicit attitudes, resource allocation, expectations of reciprocity, and information distortion, to favor the in-group (8). Even at this young age, children appear to act in accordance with social identity theory, which posits that they are motivated to see in-groups as positive and distinct from out-groups (9). ...
Article
Biological psychiatry, like many other scientific fields, is grappling with the challenge of revising its practices with an eye towards promoting diversity, equity, and inclusivity (DEI). One arena in which much of this work will have significant impact is in developmental science generally, and the study of adolescence specifically. Adolescence is a critical period during human development during which important social, neural, and cognitive maturation processes take place. It is also a time marked by risky behaviors and the onset of a range of mental disorders. Social and developmental research has provided insight into the cognitive and neural processes by which perceptions of identity-related differences emerge. Clinical research aimed at understanding how individuals from diverse backgrounds navigate the transition period of adolescence is critical for identifying the unique factors underlying risk and resilience in minoritized populations. Taking a developmental perspective, we review processes by which the brain understands group differences and how the developmental timing of this can influence antecedents of psychological distress. We close with a call to action, pointing to important understudied areas within the field of biological psychiatry that are critical for supporting mental health among diverse adolescent populations.
... One explanation is that these associations reflect an in-group preference, whereby White American children associate their in-group (i.e., other White individuals) with positive attributions and their out-group (i.e., Black individuals) with negative attributions (Dunham et al., 2008). Indeed, several studies have demonstrated that, young White American children (e.g., 5 years and older) and adults quickly form associations between their assigned in-group and positive emotions/traits (Baron & Dunham, 2015;Dunham, 2011;Dunham et al., 2011;Lazerus et al., 2016;Richter et al., 2016). However, Black American children do not demonstrate a similar in-group preference (Dunham et al., 2013;Gibson et al., 2017;Newheiser et al., 2014;Newheiser & Olson, 2012)-that is, Black children do not associate their in-group (i.e., other Black individuals) with positive attributions and their out-group (i.e., White individuals) with negative attributions. ...
Preprint
For decades, affective scientists have examined how adults and children reason about others’ emotions. Yet, our knowledge is limited regarding how emotion reasoning is impacted by race—that is, how individuals reason about emotions displayed by people of other racial groups. In this review, we examine the developmental origins of racial biases in emotion reasoning, focusing on how White Americans reason about emotions displayed by Black faces/people. We highlight how racial biases in emotion reasoning, which emerge as early as infancy, likely contribute to miscommunications, inaccurate social perceptions, and negative interracial interactions across the lifespan. We conclude by discussing promising interventions to reduce these biases as well as future research directions, highlighting how affective scientists can decenter Whiteness in their research designs. Together, this review highlights how emotion reasoning is a potentially affective component of racial bias among White Americans.
... This initial, often immediate, response from children in our sample that kindness should be directed towards kin and ingroup supports the notion of an in-group bias in prosociality in this age group (Hay, 2009;Eisenberg and Spinrad, 2015;Laible and Karahuta, 2015;Martin and Olson, 2015), and fits with experimental evidence that children aged 2 to 9 show more prosocial behaviour towards friends, family, and in-groups (in some cases even towards minimal groups created in the lab) than towards strangers, non-friends, and out-groups (Fehr et al., 2008;Olson and Spelke, 2008;Moore, 2009;Dunham et al., 2011;Paulus and Moore, 2014;Benozio and Diesendruck, 2015;Flook et al., 2019;Hilton et al., 2021), that children's moral reasoning is contingent on the group status of those involved (Decety and Cowell, 2014), and that children aged 5-13 believe there is a greater obligation to help racial in-groups (Weller and Lagattuta, 2013). ...
Article
Full-text available
Although there is much interest in the development of prosocial behaviour in young children, and many interventions that attempt to cultivate kindness in children, there is a paucity of research exploring children’s lived experiences of kindness and including their voices. In this study, children’s understanding of kindness is approached through qualitative interviews using puppets. Interviews were conducted with 33 children aged 5-6 years in 3 schools in the United Kingdom. Through thematic analysis, 4 themes were developed: (a) doing things for others, (b) relating with others, (c) rules and values, and (d) kindness affects us. These themes are examined in light of current thinking on prosocial and sociomoral development, and several key insights are highlighted, including types of prosocial behaviour, social connection, kindness-by-omission and defending, in-group bias, universal kindness versus personal safety, self-image, and a desire to improve the condition of society. These findings have implications for future research on prosocial development and for the design of kindness-based interventions, as well as providing an ecologically valid method of inquiry for use with young children.
... Third, given that racial majority status (White) children are more likely to display bias and stereotypes than are racial minority status children (Aboud & Brown, 2013;Brown, 2017;Cooley et al., 2019;Dunham et al., 2011;Killen et al., 2007), we predicted that while the DIY program would increase positive attitudes among children of all racial groups, it would produce larger increases for racial numeric majority status children than for racial/ethnic numeric minority status children (H3). ...
Article
Full-text available
The Developing Inclusive Youth program is a classroom-based, individually administered video tool that depicts peer-based social and racial exclusion, combined with teacher-led discussions. A multisite randomized control trial was implemented with 983 participants (502 females; 58.5% White, 41.5% Ethnic/racial minority; Mage = 9.64 years) in 48 third-, fourth-, and fifth-grade classrooms across six schools. Children in the program were more likely to view interracial and same-race peer exclusion as wrong, associate positive traits with peers of different racial, ethnic, and gender backgrounds, and report play with peers from diverse backgrounds than were children in the control group. Many approaches are necessary to achieve antiracism in schools. This intervention is one component of this goal for developmental science.
... Experiment 4 took into account the gender differences we found in Experiment 3 and partially in Experiment 2. It cannot be ruled out that the participants implicitly defined group membership based on the protagonists' gender, which was male in these experiments. A previous study revealed that preschoolers' gender bias was much stronger than the bias based on minimal group characteristics (Dunham et al., 2011). To examine whether the protagonists' gender led to the differences we found between boys and girls, we conducted an experiment that considered male and female protagonists. ...
Article
The ability to infer beliefs and thoughts in interaction partners is essential in social life. However, reasoning about other people’s beliefs might depend on their characteristics or our relationship with them. Recent studies indicated that children’s false-belief attribution was influenced by a protagonist’s age and competence. In the current experiments, we investigated whether group membership influences the way children reason about another person’s beliefs. We hypothesized that 4-year-olds would be less likely to attribute false beliefs to an ingroup member than to an outgroup member. Group membership was manipulated by accent (Experiments 1–3) and gender (Experiment 4). The results indicated that group membership did not consistently influence children’s false-belief attribution. Future research should clarify whether the influence of group membership on false-belief attribution either is absent or depends on other cues that we did not systematically manipulate in our study.
... In particular, with experience infants gradually identify additional social contexts in which a principle is expected to override another principle. This context-sensitive ordering is observed in infancy and toddlerhood (Bian et al., 2018;Ting & Baillargeon, 2021;Ting, Dawkins, et al., 2019), as well as in preschool age (Dunham et al., 2011;Lee & Warneken, 2022;Olson & Spelke, 2008;Paulus & Moore, 2014). A second fixed point is that experience may create an understanding of new social norms and conventions (Dahl, 2019;Dahl & Waltzer, 2020; for review see Hawkins et al., 2019). ...
Article
Full-text available
The principle of fairness is very important in social life and plays an important role in socio-moral evaluation; in the last decade, the amount of research on this topic is increasing and suggests different considerations about its origin whether this principle is present at birth or constructed later in development. This article presents some of these considerations focused on the common aspects of innatist and constructivist views and sheds light on the role of experience. The conclusions suggest a more integrated approach, supporting that experience seems to instantiate and model an abstract representation that can be presumably innate. The pursuit of this approach could help researchers to address questions in the field.
... A theoretical integration of the authority relations approach, particularly the group engagement model, and cognitive developmental perspective indicates that cognitive enhancements should enable children to more critically evaluate the actions of police against their burgeoning moral codes (Cohn et al., 2010;Gibbs, 2019;Kagan, 2008;Turiel, 2002), thereby changing children's relationships with legal authority. It has long been understood that children's intergroup biases manifest across a wide variety of domains, including attributing second-hand descriptions of behavior to certain groups (Dunham et al., 2011), allocating resources (Buttelmann & Böhm, 2014), and trust (MacDonald et al., 2013). Indeed, there appears to be age-related differences in the activation of the bilateral amygdala when rating in-group versus out-group members that may underlie what is seen as a developmentally normative increase in the salience of group membership (Guassi Moreira et al., 2017). ...
Article
Full-text available
Police must rely on the public, however youths’ views of police are historically low. To understand the dynamics of these intergroup relations, this study integrates two theoretical perspectives: the cognitive developmental perspective, which posits that age-graded cognitive enhancements enable children to begin critically evaluating police, and the group engagement model, which suggests that views of police impact law-related behavior. Utilizing a sample of 424 community youth (37.97% Hispanic/Latinx; 19.81% Native American), this study tested four novel hypotheses: H1) age is negatively associated with youths’ willingness to cooperate (WTC) with police; H2) age is negatively associated with normative alignment with police; H3) normative alignment is positively associated with WTC; and H4) normative alignment is more strongly associated with older youths’ WTC. All four hypotheses were supported. The article discusses the implications of both the integration of these theoretical perspectives and the findings for understanding the effects of these intergroup dynamics.
... Many studies have shown that 5-year-old children are more generous in the presence of peers than when no one is present. When they are with different people, they make different allocation decisions (Dunham et al., 2011;Engelmann et al., 2012;Leimgruber et al., 2012). Children aged 6-8 years may be more concerned with their social reputation, making it more likely that they will behave fairly when their peers are present or when experimenters can learn of their choices. ...
Article
Full-text available
Distribution and sharing are social preference behaviors supported and shaped by selection pressures, which express individuals’ concern for the welfare of others. Distributive behavior results in distributive justice, which is at the core of moral justice. Sharing is a feature of the prosocial realm. The connotations of distribution and sharing are different, so the principles, research paradigms, and social functions of the two are also different. Three potential causes of confusion between the two in the current research on distribution and sharing are discussed. First, they share common factors in terms of individual cognition, situation, and social factors. Second, although they are conceptually different, prosocial sharing and distribution fairness sensitivity are mutually predictive in individual infants. Similarly, neural differences in preschoolers’ perception of distribution fairness predict their subsequent sharing generosity. Finally, similar activation regions are relevant to distribution and sharing situations that need behavioral control on a neural basis.
... One explanation is that these associations reflect an in-group preference, whereby White American children associate their in-group (i.e., other White individuals) with positive attributions and their out-group (i.e., Black individuals) with negative attributions (Dunham et al., 2008). Indeed, several studies have demonstrated that, young White American children (e.g., 5 years and older) and adults quickly form associations between their assigned in-group and positive emotions/traits (Baron & Dunham, 2015;Dunham, 2011;Dunham et al., 2011;Lazerus et al., 2016;Richter et al., 2016). However, Black American children do not demonstrate a similar in-group preference (Dunham et al., 2013;Gibson et al., 2017;Newheiser et al., 2014;Newheiser & Olson, 2012)-that is, Black children do not associate their in-group (i.e., other Black individuals) with positive attributions and their out-group (i.e., White individuals) with negative attributions. ...
Article
Full-text available
For decades, affective scientists have examined how adults and children reason about others’ emotions. Yet, our knowledge is limited regarding how emotion reasoning is impacted by race—that is, how individuals reason about emotions displayed by people of other racial groups. In this review, we examine the developmental origins of racial biases in emotion reasoning, focusing on how White Americans reason about emotions displayed by Black faces/people. We highlight how racial biases in emotion reasoning, which emerge as early as infancy, likely contribute to miscommunications, inaccurate social perceptions, and negative interracial interactions across the lifespan. We conclude by discussing promising interventions to reduce these biases as well as future research directions, highlighting how affective scientists can decenter Whiteness in their research designs.Together, this review highlights how emotion reasoning is a potentially affective component of racial bias among White Americans.
... In this study, we developed hypothetical scenarios in which a rival peer group within the school had harmed the participants' group. From an early age, children display psychological biases, such as ingroup favoritism, in relation to both naturally occurring groups (e.g., gender) and experimentally manipulated groups based on minimal differences (e.g., t-shirt color; Dunham et al., 2011). Categorizing individuals in groups can promote intergroup prejudice by accentuating between-group differences and minimizing within-group differences (Dovidio, 2013;Rutland & Killen, 2015). ...
Article
This mixed‐methods study examined how adolescents understand and evaluate different ways to address intergroup harms in schools. In individual interviews, 77 adolescents (M age = 16.49 years; 39 girls, 38 boys) in Bogotá, Colombia, responded to hypothetical vignettes wherein a rival group at school engaged in a transgression against their group. Adolescents reported that students who were harmed should and would talk to school authorities, but also noted they would likely retaliate. In terms of teacher‐sanctioned responses to harm, youth endorsed compensation most strongly, followed by apologies, and rated suspension least positively. Youths' explanations for their endorsement of different disciplinary practices reflected varied concerns, including their perceptions of how justice is best achieved and how restoration could be attained.
... Furthermore, already at 3 years of age, and more robustly by 5, children prefer members of known ingroups (e.g., religion, race, gender) over members of known outgroups (Castelli & Carraro, 2020;Heiphetz et al., 2013;Shutts, 2015), as well as members of artificial ingroups (vs. outgroups) based on arbitrary cues such as randomly assigned group color (Dunham et al., 2011;Richter et al., 2016). In societies characterized by violent intergroup conflict, preschoolers can also identify ingroup and outgroup political symbols 14 and report strong negative emotions (such as fear and anger) toward the outgroup ( Bar-Tal & Teichman, 2005). ...
Article
Full-text available
Research in political psychology largely ignores early childhood. This is likely due to the assumption that young children lack the cognitive capacity and social understanding needed for political thought. Challenging this assumption, we argue that research with young children is both possible and important for political psychologists. We focus on the topic of political ideology to demonstrate our argument. We review recent evidence revealing that social cognition in early childhood—and even infancy—is already oriented toward group living in ways that set the foundation of political thought. Young children notice key dimensions of group living (e.g., group boundaries, hierarchies, norms) and use them to guide their reasoning and behavior. Beyond these basic proto-political sensitivities, young children also display proto-political attitudes: valenced and/or prescriptive cognitions about dimensions of group living that have political significance (e.g., disliking nonconforming group members, believing that hierarchy between groups is wrong). Even more reminiscent of mainstream political psychology, young children’s proto-political sensitivities and attitudes exhibit systematic individual differences that can roughly be mapped onto three ideological orientations common among adults: authoritarianism, social dominance, and hawkish ideology. We discuss ways in which research with young children is critical for a complete understanding of adult political psychology.
... Moreover, recent studies showed that children allocated fewer resources to essentialized social categories (i.e., social categories introduced with generic claims) compared to categories that were not essentialized (i.e., introduced with specific language) (Leshin et al., 2021;Rhodes, Leslie, Saunders, et al., 2018). These studies extend previous findings: While previous research using minimal group paradigms showed that children allocate more resources to their in-group in comparison to an out-group (see for e.g., Benozio & Diesendruck, 2015;Dunham et al., 2011;Plötner et al., 2015), Leshin et al.'s (2021) and Rhodes, Leslie, Saunders, et al.'s (2018) studies revealed that children tend to refrain from allocating resources to essentialized categories. Altogether, there is considerable evidence that generic language fosters essentialist beliefs. ...
Article
Full-text available
Social categorization involves two crucial processes: First, children seek properties on which they can categorize individuals, i.e., they learn to form social categories; then children make inferences based on social category membership and might develop affective responses toward social categories. Over the last decade, a growing number of research in developmental psychology started to use novel social categories to investigate how children learn and reason about social categories. To date, three types of cues have been put forward as means to form social categories, namely linguistic, visual, and behavioral cues. Based on social category membership, children draw inferences about the shared properties of social category members and about how social category members ought to behave and interact with each other. With additional input, children might apply essentialist beliefs to social categories and develop affective responses toward social categories. This article aims to provide key insights on the development of stereotypes and intergroup biases by reviewing recent works that investigated how children learn to form novel social categories and the kind of inferences they make about these novel social categories.
... Studies have shown that, from an early age, children start to understand social mechanisms and become aware of group life (Smetana, 2006). They start to affiliate with groups, develop group identities, and show ingroup bias and loyalty toward ingroups (Nesdale, 2004;Dunham et al., 2011;Misch et al., 2016). With age, and into later childhood and adolescence, an advanced understanding of group identity and group loyalty emerges (Horn, 2003;Abrams and Rutland, 2008), Frontiers in Psychology 03 frontiersin.org ...
Article
Full-text available
We examined developmental changes in British children’s (8- to 10-year-olds) and adolescents’ (13- to 15-year-olds, N = 340; Female N = 171, 50.3%) indirect bystander reactions (i.e., judgments about whether to get help and from whom when witnessing social exclusion) and their social-moral reasoning regarding their reactions to social exclusion. We also explored, for the first time, how the group membership of the excluder and victim affect participants’ reactions. Participants read a hypothetical scenario in which they witnessed a peer being excluded from a school club by another peer. We manipulated the group membership of the victim (either British or an immigrant) and the group membership of the excluder (either British or an immigrant). Participants’ likelihood of indirect bystander reactions decreased from childhood into adolescence. Children were more likely to get help from a teacher or an adult than getting help from a friend, whereas adolescents were more likely to get help from a friend than getting help from a teacher or an adult. For both indirect bystander reactions, children justified their likelihood of responding by referring to their trust in their teachers and friends. Adolescents were more likely to refer to group loyalty and dynamics, and psychological reasons. The findings support and extend the Social Reasoning Developmental (SRD) approach by showing the importance of group processes with age in shaping children’s judgments about how to respond indirectly by asking for help from others, when they are bystanders in a situation that involves exclusion. The findings have practical implications for combating social exclusion and promoting prosocial bystander behavior in schools.
... Importantly, the enforcement of a fairness norm can also be significantly influenced by the group membership of the various actors. Indeed, children soon start to display an ingroup bias, namely a favouritism for one's own group, in both pre-existing [18][19][20][21][22][23][24] and experimentally-created [25][26][27] intergroup settings. ...
Article
Full-text available
Although children are overall sensitive to inequality and prefer fair allocation of resources, they also often display ingroup favouritism. Inquiring about the factors that can shape the tension between these two driving forces in children, we focused on the role of parents. Extending the limited literature in this field, the present work examined whether individual differences in 3-to 11-year-old White children’s (N = 154, 78 boys) evaluations of fair versus pro-ingroup behaviours in an intergroup context vary as a function of both mothers’ and fathers’ social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and moral foundations. Parents completed a questionnaire. Children were presented with a scenario in which two ingroup members distributed candies to two other children, one White and one Black, either in an egalitarian way or displaying a clear ingroup favouritism. Afterwards, their attitudes towards the two ingroup members who had distributed the candies were assessed through both an Implicit Association Test and explicit questions. Although children displayed on average an explicit preference for the fair over the pro-ingroup target, this preference did not emerge at the implicit level. Most importantly, both children’s explicit and implicit attitudes were related to mothers’ SDO, indicating that at increasing level of mothers’ SDO children’s inequality aversion tended to drop. Overall, these results emphasize the relevance of mothers’ support for social hierarchy in relation to the way in which children balance the two competing drives of equality endorsement and pro-ingroup bias.
... Our longitudinal study revealed both developmental changes in sharing behaviour and differences between only children and the children with siblings in treating ingroup vs. outgroup members. Ingroup favouritism is widely observed among children (Aboud, 2003;Dunham et al., 2011). Ingroup bias in sharing behaviour emerges in children as young as 3-4 years old. ...
Article
Full-text available
This study examined the development of children's sharing behaviour towards friends and strangers using dictator games with a longitudinal design in a sample of rural Chinese children (n = 589, 47.0% girls) at 3-4 years old and 2 years later (n = 453, 44.2% girls). Results showed that the willingness to share and the amount of sharing changed over time and were affected by family structure. Only children shared fewer stickers than non-only children at ages 3-4, but the amount they shared did not differ at ages 5-6. Only children may develop reciprocal friendships at an older age due to their lack of experience with siblings. Children shared more stickers with friends than strangers at ages 3-4, and such ingroup bias became stronger at ages 5-6. K E Y W O R D S ingroup bias, only child, reciprocity, sharing behaviour, siblings
Article
Intergroup contact has long been lauded as a key intervention to reduce prejudice and improve intergroup attitudes among youth. In this review, we summarize classic perspectives and new developments in the intergroup contact literature, highlighting both prospects and challenges associated with achieving desired youth outcomes through contact. First, we review literature showing how positive intergroup outcomes can be facilitated through cultivating optimal conditions for contact, as well as by attending to youth’s emotional responses to contact. We then discuss how desired contact outcomes may be inhibited by limited understanding of ways in which contact strategies may affect youth across developmental stages, as well as by limited focus on societal inequalities and intergroup conflict, which require examination of outcomes beyond prejudice reduction. We also review growing bodies of research on indirect contact strategies—such as extended contact, vicarious contact, and online contact—showing many options that can be used to promote positive relations among youth from diverse backgrounds, beyond the contact literature’s traditional focus on face-to-face interaction. We conclude this review by acknowledging how understanding both prospects and challenges associated with implementing contact strategies can enhance our capacity to prepare youth to embrace group differences and build more inclusive societies.
Article
In three studies (N = 854), including one pre‐registered study, we examined factors that might influence American parents’ decisions to side with owners versus promote prosociality or sharing when thinking about children's property conflicts. We found that parents’ thinking about property conflicts was affected by the relationships among the parents and their children. Namely, parents were most likely to side with owners when their child was described as transgressing upon another's property. Conversely, when the parents’ child was the owner, they were more likely to encourage sharing. Parents’ explanations revealed that their decisions were a reflection of their personal beliefs about the importance of personal rights and/or promoting prosociality. The findings also suggested that some parents were reasoning in nuanced ways about the importance of teaching children about consent and its link to ownership. The findings from these studies have bearing on the potential role of parental input in young children's appreciation of owners’ rights. These results suggest that parents may be providing children with some informative input regarding the nature of ownership rights such as when they matter most.
Chapter
The year of “conversational boot camp” with my colleagues Tamas and Zoltán resulted in the 19 conversations included in this book and has inspired each of us to place our disciplines into a context that includes the other as well as a much broader range of “real-world” topics. This is quite an accomplishment because our disciplines are conventionally so different, and our domains of expertise are so specialized that often relevance to life issues such as education, general health, and well-being across the life span, general medicine and disease, psychiatric and developmental disorders, and social organization remains outside the bounds of what we do. However, over the course of our 19 conversations we discovered that, actually, they are not. Extending the parable of the Blind Men and the Elephant, we can conceptualize a grand circle that encloses a central space. The circle is formed by the disciplines that we represent, human development, human neural physiology, and social connections between humans, and suggests a cycle from procreation and human development to human physiology and neuroendocrinology, and onto social interactions. These disciplines relate many common questions and aims that are enclosed within this conceptual framework, including developmental disorders, psychiatric disease, general medicine, individual health and well-being, education, and social organization. Extending this conceptual framework, one can imagine that the circle can include many other disciplines but with similar topics and questions included in the center. Our wondering conversations in the aggregate addressed them all by infusing contributions from each of our points of view. Being challenged within this relatively undirected and intense experience of just talking and listening to Zoltán and Tamas has shaped and expanded my appreciation of these “bigger pictures.” Perhaps together we have discovered a partial solution to the “elephant dilemma” which is to connect each of the interrogators combining their experiences. In the case of the elephant, combining the experiences of the wall, the spear, the snake, the tree, the fan, and the rope could jointly lead to the construction of an elephant. By analogy, the emerging inclusion of the “center realities” enclosed within our “circle” has enriched and extended each of our representations of our respective disciplines.
Article
Past work suggests that children have an overly rosy view of rich people that stays consistent across childhood. However, adults do not show explicit pro-rich biases and even hold negative stereotypes against the rich (e.g., thinking that rich people are cold and greedy). When does this developmental shift occur, and when do children develop more complex and differentiated understandings of the wealthy and the poor? The current work documents the developmental trajectory of 4- to 12-year-old primarily American middle-class children's conceptualizations of the wealthy and the poor (total N = 164). We find: 1) age-related decreases in pro-rich preferences and stereotypes relative to the poor; 2) domain-sensitive stereotypes across prosociality, talent, and effort; 3) resource-specific behavioral expectations such that with age children increasingly expect the wealthy to contribute more material resources but not more time than the poor; 4) an increasing recognition of the unfairness of the wealth gap between the wealthy and the poor; and 5) a developing understanding of the link between wealth and power. In sum, this work illuminates the emergence of more complex understandings of wealth, poverty, and inequality. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved
Article
From an early age, children act generously towards one another, but the situational features that promote generous decision‐making remain under investigation. The current study tests the impact of being identifiable—as a recipient of generosity, a giver, or both—on children's generosity. Six‐year‐old children (N = 129) allocated resources to a recipient during a video chat paradigm. Children were most generous when both they and the recipient could identify one another (i.e., in the case of mutual identification). Children were less generous in an anonymous situation and in ‘one‐sided’ situations in which only the recipient or only the giver was identifiable to the other child. These results illustrate that mutual identification, an ecologically valid experience of being able to identify and be identified by a recipient of one's generous action, is an especially powerful contributor to generous decision‐making in childhood. Further, insofar as increasing generosity among children is a goal, these results indicate that increasing identifiability among givers and recipients may be an effective way to achieve this goal.
Article
Full-text available
Ingroup favoritism and fairness are two potentially competing motives guiding intergroup behaviors in human. Here, we investigate if and how limited resources can modulate the way these two motives affect individuals’ decisions in intergroup situation. In the present study, participants (N = 58) were asked to accept or reject three types of resource allocation proposals generated by a computer: the ingroup advantageous condition, outgroup advantageous condition, and neutral condition. In general, participants were more willing to accept the proposals in the ingroup advantageous condition than the outgroup advantageous or the neutral conditions, and also in the moderate inequality than the extreme inequality condition. This may indicate that people sought a careful balance between ingroup favoritism and fairness, although we also found marked individual differences in their preferences for ingroup favoritism or fairness. Importantly, as predicted, participants were more likely to show ingroup favoritism only when limited resources affect the well-being of ingroup members. The present study provides novel insights into the situational and personality factors affecting human intergroup behaviors, shedding light on motives underlying intergroup conflicts prevalent in human societies.
Article
The current work asked how preschool-age children (N = 200) weigh accuracy against partisanship when seeking information. When choosing between a story that favored the ingroup but came from an unreliable source and a story that favored the outgroup but came from a reliable source, children were split between the two; although they tracked both reliability and bias, they were conflicted about which one to prioritize. Furthermore, children changed their opinions of the groups after hearing the story they had chosen; children who heard an unreliable ingroup-favoring story ended up more biased against the outgroup even while recognizing that the story’s author was not a trustworthy source of information. Implications for the study of susceptibility to misinformation are discussed.
Article
From an early age, children are willing to pay a personal cost to punish others for violations that do not affect them directly. Various motivations underlie such “costly punishment”: People may punish to enforce cooperative norms (amplifying punishment of in-groups) or to express anger at perpetrators (amplifying punishment of out-groups). Thus, group-related values and attitudes (e.g., how much one values fairness or feels out-group hostility) likely shape the development of group-related punishment. The present experiments ( N = 269, ages 3−8 from across the United States) tested whether children’s punishment varies according to their parents’ political ideology—a possible proxy for the value systems transmitted to children intergenerationally. As hypothesized, parents’ self-reported political ideology predicted variation in the punishment behavior of their children. Specifically, parental conservatism was associated with children’s punishment of out-group members, and parental liberalism was associated with children’s punishment of in-group members. These findings demonstrate how differences in group-related ideologies shape punishment across generations.
Article
In four experiments, we explored children’s use of shared clothing style to infer grouplevel knowledge. In Experiment 1, 3-and 4-year-olds and 6-and-7-year-olds inferred that those wearing identical clothing (i.e., same style, color, and pattern) were likely to share the same knowledge, while those who wore different clothing were not. In Experiment 2, we introduce variation into the clothing to make it more difficult for children to use a similarity heuristic. In this case, 6-and-7-year-olds but not 3- and 4-year-olds, used clothing style to make inferences about shared knowledge. Using the same varied clothing styles, Experiment 3 demonstrates that 3-and 4-year-olds use clothing style to make other social inferences (i.e., about friendship choices), demonstrating that younger children are capable of making some social inferences based on shared clothing style. Finally, Experiment 4 tested the mechanism underlying older children's judgments. Namely, we manipulated the ownership status of the garment and found that when the same clothing style was worn by an owner, but not a borrower, older children inferred shared knowledge.
Article
Beginning in infancy, children expect individuals in a group to care for and be loyal to in-group members. One prominent cue that children use to infer that individuals belong to the same group is similarity. Does any salient similarity among individuals elicit an expectation of in-group preference, or does contextual information modulate these expectations? In Experiments 1 and 2, 12-month-old infants expected in-group preference between two individuals who wore the same novel outfit, but they dismissed this similarity if one of the outfits was used to fulfill an instrumental purpose. In Experiment 3, 26-month-old toddlers expected in-group preference between two individuals who uttered the same novel labels, but they dismissed this similarity if the labels were used to convey incidental as opposed to categorical information about the individuals. Together, the results of these experiments ( N = 96) provide converging evidence that from early in life, children possess a context-sensitive mechanism for determining whether similarities mark groups.
Article
Language that uses noun labels and generic descriptions to discuss people who do science (e.g., "Let's be scientists! Scientists discover new things") signals to children that "scientists" is a distinctive category. This identity-focused language promotes essentialist beliefs and leads to disengagement from science among young children in experimental contexts. The extent to which these cues shape the development of children's beliefs and behaviors in daily life, however, depends on (a) the availability of identity-focused language in children's environments and (b) the power of these cues to shape beliefs over time, even in the noisier, more variable contexts in which children are exposed to them. Documenting the availability of this language, linguistic coding of children's media (Study 1) and prekindergarten teachers' language from one science lesson (Study 2; n = 103; 98 female, one male, four unknown; 66% White, 8% African American, 6% Asian/Asian American, 3% mixed/biracial; 21% of the sample, of any race, identified as Hispanic/Latinx) confirmed that identity-focused language was the most common form of science language in these two samples. Further, children (Study 3; n = 83; Mage = 4.36 years; 43 female, 40 male; 64% White, 12% Asian/Asian American, 24% mixed/biracial; 36% of the sample, of any race, identified as Hispanic/Latinx) who were exposed to lower proportions of identity-focused language from their teachers developed increasingly inclusive science beliefs and greater science engagement over time. These findings suggest that linguistic input is an important mechanism through which exclusive beliefs about science are conveyed to children in daily life. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
Article
Desde temprana edad, los niños muestran conocimientos complejos sobre el funcionamiento de los grupos sociales y las disposiciones morales de los individuos que los integran. Los niños de preescolar son capaces de inferir características compartidas por miembros de un mismo grupo social, y de generalizar disposiciones morales entre ellos. La actual investigación buscó comprender mejor las condiciones de generalización de disposiciones morales en diferentes tipos de agrupaciones de individuos. A lo largo de dos estudios (n = 180), y mediante un paradigma de generalización inductiva, se indagó la manera como niños de cinco y siete años de edad generalizan disposiciones morales, variando las características de los grupos sociales presentados. Los resultados mostraron que los niños no utilizan únicamente la presencia de etiquetas verbales comunes entre los miembros para guiar la generalización; por el contrario, este proceso parece más restringido, en función de las características observadas del grupo social. Estos hallazgos revelan que la identificación de disposiciones morales y su generalización en los individuos de un grupo social es un proceso de emergencia relativamente temprana en el desarrollo y de naturaleza compleja.
Article
In this study, we describe the design and implementation of a CML (critical machine learning) education program for children between the ages of 9 and 13 at an after-school center. In this participatory design-based research, we collected learner artifacts, recordings of interactions, and pre/post drawings and written responses to model children’s developing knowledge and practices related to critical machine learning. Drawing from constructionist and critical pedagogical perspectives, our research questions are: (1) How do children develop machine learning knowledge grounded in social, ethical, and political orientations in a CML education program? and (2) What computational practices do children engage in when developing robots for social good in a CML education program? We found that (1) children made more sophisticated connections with socio-political orientations and ML content as they progressed through the program, and (2) they engaged in computational practices, such as experimenting and iterating, testing and debugging, reusing and remixing, and abstracting and modularizing. Further, our findings indicate that a critical lens to ML education can be characterized by posing and answering questions about the roles of AI technologies producers and consumers and identifying how these technologies are designed to apply this knowledge to build applications for marginalized populations. This study suggests that a critical lens is an effective approach towards engaging young children in designing their own machine learning tools in socially responsible ways.
Article
Full-text available
Promoting prosocial behavior toward those who are dissimilar from oneself is an urgent contemporary issue. Because children spend much time in same-gender relationships, promoting other-gender prosociality could help them develop more inclusive relationships. Our goal in the present research was to better understand the extent to which elementary-school age children consider their own and the recipient’s gender in prosocial behavior. Participants included 515 3rd, 4th, and 5th graders (263, 51.1% boys, Mageinyears = 9.08, SD = 1.00) surveyed in the fall (T1) and spring (T2). We assessed children’s prosociality using peer nominations. We found that gender mattered: children showed an ingroup bias in prosociality favoring members of their own gender group. Having other-gender friendships positively predicted children’s prosocial behavior toward other-gender peers. Children’s felt similarity to other-gender peers was not directly, but indirectly, related to their prosocial behavior toward other-gender peers. Findings shed light on potential pathways to fostering school-age children’s gender-based prosociality.
Article
Háttér és célkitűzések A csoporton belüli, illetve csoportközi együttműködés témáját már régóta intenzív érdeklődés övezi mind az evolúciós, mind a szociálpszichológia képviselői körében. Napjainkra hasonlóan kiterjedt szakirodalommal rendelkezik a Sötét Triád személyiségjegyekkel rendelkező emberek társas dilemma helyzetben jellemző viselkedésének elemzése. Kutatásunkban egy újfajta kísérleti játék kétféle változatával kívánjuk górcső alá venni a csoporthoz tartozás élményének, valamint a sötét személyiségjegyeknek a csoportközi együttműködésre gyakorolt hatását. Módszer A kutatás résztvevői egy saját fejlesztésű, innovatív csoportközi társas dilemmát szimuláló kísérleti játékban vettek részt, melyben két eltérő (1. vizsgálat, n = 236), illetve két azonos színű (2. vizsgálat, n = 147) falu lakói készülődtek az árvízi védekezésre. A résztvevőknek a játék mindkét fordulójában el kellett dönteniük, hogy milyen (önző, saját csoportot preferáló, vagy közös együttműködést támogató) stratégia szerint osztják szét homokzsákjaikat. A vizsgálat végén a résztvevőket az SD3 kérdőív kitöltésére is megkértük. Eredmények Kutatásunk fő eredménye, hogy az azonos színű házakat bemutató kondíció második fordulójában – a különböző színű házakat látó résztvevőkhöz képest – szignifikánsan magasabb csoportközi együttműködést mértünk. A sötét személyiségvonások befolyásolták a résztvevők allokációit, ugyanakkor a várakozásainkkal ellentétben a magas sötét személyiségvonások nem mindig az önző választásokkal jártak együtt. Következtetések Kutatásunk igazolta, hogy már a másik csoportról kapott minimális információk – a házak színei – is képesek befolyásolni a csoportközi együttműködés mértékét egy társas dilemma helyzetben. Eredményeinket a törzsi ösztön hipotézis, valamint a minimális csoport paradigma elméleti keretében tárgyaljuk.
Article
Much has been made about the ways that implicit biases and other apparently unreflective attitudes can affect our actions and judgments in ways that negatively affect our ability to do right. What has been discussed less is that these attitudes negatively affect our freedom. In this paper, I argue that implicit biases pose a problem for free will. My analysis focuses on the compatibilist notion of free will according to which acting freely consists in acting in accordance with our reflectively endorsed beliefs and desires. Though bias presents a problem for free action, I argue that there are steps agents can take to regain their freedom. One such strategy is for agents to cultivate better self‐knowledge of the ways that their freedom depends on the relationship between their conscious and unconscious attitudes, and the way these work together to inform action and judgment. This knowledge can act as an important catalyst for agents to seek out and implement short‐ and long‐term strategies for reducing the influence of bias, and I offer four proposals along these lines. The upshot is that though bias is a powerful influence on our actions, we need not resign ourselves to its negative effects for freedom.
Article
Racism and intergroup discrimination are pervasive problems in human societies. Whereas several studies have shown that children show bias in the context of many kinds of groups, much less is known about how and when general psychological tendencies and contextual factors contribute to the manifestation of intergroup bias across development, and whether individual differences play a role. In the present study, we pursue these questions by investigating and comparing the developmental trajectories of intergroup bias in 5- to 10-year-old (mostly) White children (n = 100). We assessed children's liking and preferences towards 4 racial groups (White, East Asian, Black, and Middle Eastern) and towards 2 gender groups (male and female) in a within-subject design. We found that the young children in our sample showed a significant racial and gender ingroup bias, speaking to an early and strong manifestation of intergroup bias on the basic ingroup-outgroup distinction. This bias decreased with age. At the same time, we found considerable differences between the different types of outgroups from early on. Furthermore, there were remarkable differences between the developmental trajectories of gender and racial intergroup bias, highlighting the role of both social and contextual influences. Finally, our results did not reveal consistent evidence for the influence of individual differences on children's intergroup bias.
Article
Children’s motivation for the egalitarian allocation of resources is reflected in their allocation of positive and negative resources between themselves and others. In the present study, 6- ( n = 29) and 8-year-olds ( n = 25) could choose between different allocations of positive and negative resources to themselves and others in a series of games. The other player was either an ingroup member or an outgroup member. Results revealed that, overall and irrespective of resource valence, 8-year-olds were more likely to choose an egalitarian allocation of resources than 6-year-olds. 8-year-olds also shared more positive resources with the outgroup member than 6-year-olds. Children’s egalitarianism is discussed in light of theories of prosocial development.
Article
This study examined the development of children’s sharing behavior towards friends and strangers using dictator games with a longitudinal design in a sample of rural Chinese children (n = 589, 47.0% girls) at 3‐4 years old and two years later (n = 453, 44.2% girls). Results showed that the willingness to share and the amount of sharing changed over time and were affected by family structure. Only children shared fewer stickers than non‐only children at ages 3‐4, but the amount they shared did not differ at ages 5‐6. Only children may develop reciprocal friendships at an older age due to their lack of experience with siblings. Children shared more stickers with friends than strangers at ages 3‐4, and such ingroup bias became stronger at ages 5‐6.
Chapter
Girls and women have matched boys and men in academic achievements. However, the gender disparity in representation favoring men over women persists in many careers and domains. This chapter focuses on the sociocultural factors shaping women’s participation in the STEM domain and beyond. In particular, I highlight two classes of stereotypes that may contribute to this phenomenon: (1) stereotypes against women’s and girls’ intellectual abilities and (2) stereotypes about the culture of the field. Throughout the chapter, I introduce the two clusters of stereotypes, describe the early emergence of the gender stereotypes about intelligence, illustrate three potential mechanisms working against women’s engagement, and discuss the means through which parents, educators, and society can counter these stereotypes as well as the downstream consequences. Overall, this chapter sheds light on the developmental roots of the gender imbalance across different fields and provides insights on potential interventions remedying this problem.KeywordsGender imbalanceEducationAchievementStereotypesSTEM
Article
To successfully navigate their social worlds, children must adapt their behaviors to diverse situations and do so in a fluid fashion. The current study explored preschool-aged children’s sensitivity to a gameplay context (cooperative/competitive) and messages from another (fictional) player (team-oriented/self-oriented) while distributing gameplay resources. To understand children’s approach to social behavior within these contexts, we focused on whether these factors affected 1) the number of resources children provided to the other player and 2) children’s verbal responses to other players. Children (4 to 6 years-old, N = 118) first provided verbal responses to audio messages, then completed a resource distribution task. Children’s verbal responses were influenced by both context and the other players’ messages; however, there was a greater influence of players’ messages in a competitive context. In contrast, children’s resource distributions were influenced primarily by the context (greater sharing of resources in the cooperative context). Children with better ToM showed a greater shift in their distributive behavior across conditions, specifically, distributing more items to the other players within a cooperative context relative to a competitive context. Also, within a cooperative context, children with better EF generated more prosocial comments for the other player. Together, the findings highlight the interplay between contextual and interpersonal factors with children’s cognitive skills for prosocial behavior.
Article
The present study investigated implicitracial bias among Chinese people toward Black people. To address this question, we used implicit associatin test (IAT) among 44 Chinese adults. The results suggested that Chinese people do not have racial bias against Black people. The investigation contributed to the study of implicit method and racial bias and point to the future work to further assess individual difference in racial bias.
Article
Full-text available
Models postulating 2 distinct processing modes have been proposed in several topic areas within social and cognitive psychology. We advance a new conceptual model of the 2 processing modes. The structural basis of the new model is the idea, supported by psychological and neuropsychological evidence, that humans possess 2 memory systems. One system slowly learns general regularities, whereas the other can quickly form representations of unique or novel events. Associative retrieval or pattern completion in the slow-learning system elicited by a salient cue constitutes the effortless processing mode. The second processing mode is more conscious and effortful; it involves the intentional retrieval of explicit, symbolically represented rulesfrom either memory system and their use to guide processing. After presenting our model, we review existing dual-process models in several areas, emphasizing their similar assumptions of a quick, effortless processing mode that rests on well-learned prior associations and a second, more effortful processing mode that involves rule-based inferences and is employed only when people have both cognitive capacity and motivation. New insights and implications of the model for several topic areas are outlined.
Article
Full-text available
Previous research on the minimal intergroup discrimination effect suggests that (a) apparently random social categorization may be sufficient to induce differential responses toward similarly and dissimilarly categorized others and (b) perceived categorical similarity (or intragroup vs intergroup comparisons) may be the basis for the effect. Four experiments were conducted with 227 undergraduates to provide 2 independent tests of the hypotheses. Exps I and II demonstrated that social categorization resulting from a lottery procedure was sufficient to elicit differential allocation of chips to and differential social evaluation of in- and out-group members. Exp III and IV demonstrated that both information about the reward value of the in-group and information about the reward value of the out-group had an impact on Ss' discriminatory behavior. The directions of the effects were opposite: rewards from the in-group increased and those from the out-group decreased discriminatory behavior. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Full-text available
Two experiments examined whether novel, minimal ingroups are automatically associated with positive affect while outgroups do not elicit such positive evaluative default. Participants were assigned to social categories in a typical minimal group setting and subsequently administered a masked priming task, i.e. prime words were not consciously recognized. Following either the presentation of a priori positive or negative words or the presentation of the group labels, participants classified adjectives with regard to their valence (positive/negative). In Experiment 1, a standard affective priming paradigm was realized with response latencies as dependent measures; in Experiment 2, a response window technique was used, with errors as crucial measure. In both studies, significant affective congruency effects emerged similarly for standard primes and category labels, indicating ingroup bias on an implicit level. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Article
Full-text available
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotype group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the efforts of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Three experiments provided evidence that intergroup bias occurs automatically under minimal conditions, using the Implicit Association Test (IAT; A. G. Greenwald, D. E. McGhee, & J. L. K. Schwartz, 1998). In Experiment 1, participants more readily paired in-group names with pleasant words and out-group names with unpleasant words, even when they were experienced only with the in-group and had no preconceptions about the out-group. Participants in Experiment 2 likewise showed an automatic bias favoring the in-group, even when in-group/out-group exemplars were completely unfamiliar and identifiable only with the use of a heuristic. In Experiment 3, participants displayed a pro-in-group IAT bias following a minimal group manipulation. Taken together, the results demonstrate the ease with which intergroup bias emerges even in unlikely conditions.
Article
Although standardized measures of prejudice reveal high levels of ethnocentric bias in the preschool years, it may reflect in-group favoritism or out-group prejudice. A measure that partially decouples the two attitudes was given to White children between 4 and 7 years of age to examine the reciprocal relation between and the acquisition and correlates of in-group and out-group attitudes. The two attitudes were reciprocally correlated in 1 sample from a racially homogeneous school but not in a 2nd sample from a mixed-race school. In-group favoritism did not appear until 5 years of age but then reached significant levels; it was strongly related to developing social cognitions. Out-group prejudice was weaker, but its targets suffer from comparison with the high favoritism accorded in-group members.
Book
Part I. From There to Here - Theoretical Background: 1. From visiousness to viciousness: theories of intergroup relations 2. Social dominance theory as a new synthesis Part II. Oppression and its Psycho-Ideological Elements: 3. The psychology of group dominance: social dominance orientation 4. Let's both agree that you're really stupid: the power of consensual ideology Part III. The Circle of Oppression - The Myriad Expressions of Institutional Discrimination: 5. You stay in your part of town and I'll stay in mine: discrimination in the housing and retail markets 6. They're just too lazy to work: discrimination in the labor market 7. They're just mentally and physically unfit: discrimination in education and health care 8. The more of 'them' in prison, the better: institutional terror, social control and the dynamics of the criminal justice system Part IV. Oppression as a Cooperative Game: 9. Social hierarchy and asymmetrical group behavior: social hierarchy and group difference in behavior 10. Sex and power: the intersecting political psychologies of patriarchy and empty-set hierarchy 11. Epilogue.
Article
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotyped group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the effects of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed.
Article
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Article
In reporting Implicit Association Test (IAT) results, researchers have most often used scoring conventions described in the first publication of the IAT (A. G. Greenwald, D. E. McGhee, & J. L. K. Schwartz, 1998). Demonstration IATs available on the Internet have produced large data sets that were used in the current article to evaluate alternative scoring procedures. Candidate new algorithms were examined in terms of their (a) correlations with parallel self-report measures, (b) resistance to an artifact associated with speed of responding, (c) internal consistency, (d) sensitivity to known influences on IAT measures, and (e) resistance to known procedural influences. The best-performing measure incorporates data from the IAT's practice trials, uses a metric that is calibrated by each respondent's latency variability, and includes a latency penalty for errors. This new algorithm strongly outperforms the earlier (conventional) procedure.
Article
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Article
Children's strategies in giving money to others were examined in an intergroup condition, based on a "weak" act of social categorization, and in an interpersonal condition, based on "strong" friendship choice. Over a series of trials, coins were arranged on cards so that each decision was made in a 3 X 2 matrix. Children used a Maximum Difference (relative gain) strategy to a marked degree, a Maximum Ingroup Payoff (absolute gain) to some extent, but a Maximum Joint Payoff strategy hardly at all. The Maximum Difference strategy was used as much in the "weak" intergroup condition as in the "strong" interpersonal condition, and as frequently among younger as among older children.
Article
Social stereotyping and prejudice are intriguing phenomena from the standpoint of theory and, in addition, constitute pressing societal problems. Because stereotyping and prejudice emerge in early childhood, developmental research on causal mechanisms is critical for understanding and controlling stereotyping and prejudice. Such work forms the basis of a new theoretical model, developmental intergroup theory (DIT), which addresses the causal ingredients of stereotyping and prejudice. The work suggests that biases may be largely under environmental control and thus might be shaped via educational, social, and legal policies.
Book
Cognitive Illusions investigates a wide range of fascinating psychological effects in the way we think, judge and remember in our every day lives. At the beginning of each chapter, leading researchers in the field introduce the background to phenomena such as; illusions of control, overconfidence and hindsight bias. This is followed by an explanation of the experimental context in which they can be investigated and a theoretical discussion which draws conclusions about the wider implications of these fallacy and bias effects. Written with researchers and instructors in mind, this tightly edited reader-friendly text provides both an overview of research in the area and many lively pedagogic features such as chapter summaries, further reading lists and experiment suggestions.
Article
This article examines how language affects children's inferences about novel social categories. We hypothesized that lexicalization (using a noun label to refer to someone who possesses a certain property) would influence children's inferences about other people. Specifically, we hypothesized that when a property is lexicalized, it is thought to be more stable over time and over contexts. One hundred fifteen children (5- and 7-year-olds) learned about a characteristic of a hypothetical person (e.g., “Rose eats a lot of carrots”). Half the children were told a noun label for each character (e.g., “She is a carrot-eater”), whereas half heard a verbal predicate (e.g., “She eats carrots whenever she can”). The children judged characteristics as significantly more stable over time and over contexts when the characteristics were referred to by a noun than when they were referred to by a verbal predicate. Lexicalization (in the form of a noun) provides important information to children regarding the stability of personal characteristics.
Article
Given that children have a strong bias towards their in-group, this study examined how children respond to a group member who is revealed to have negative qualities. One hundred and twenty Anglo-Australian children who were 6, 9, or 12 years of age heard a story about an (in-group) Anglo-Australian boy and a (out-group) Chinese boy who were good friends or bad enemies. In addition, the story characters displayed both positive and negative traits, and both enacted a positive and a negative behaviour. The results revealed that, as they increased in age, the children remembered more of the in-group character’s negative versus positive traits, saw themselves as increasingly dissimilar to him, and they liked him less, whereas they remembered more of the out-group character’s positive versus negative traits, saw themselves as increasingly similar to him, and liked him more. Contrary to expectations, the story characters’ relationship did not systematically impact on the children’s responses. The results are discussed in terms of the extent of support provided for social identity development theory.
Article
Intergroup contact and friendship are keystones to the reduction of prejudice, yet most available data on this topic are based on indices that do not actually reflect contact or relationships. This study examined various indices of peer relations (viz., interactive companions, mutual friendships, and the stability and perceived qualities of mutual friends) for elementary school students who differed in grade, gender, and racial background; and it explored whether racial attitudes were associated with befriending or avoiding classmates. Cross-race mutual friendships declined with grade, and among fifth-graders were less likely to show 6-month stability than same-race friendships. Despite overall same-race selectivity, mutual cross-race friends, once selected, did not differ significantly from same-race ones in friendship functions such as loyalty and emotional security; only with respect to intimacy were they rated lower. Finally, racial prejudice was most strongly related to the number of excluded classmates, while children with less biased attitudes had more cross-race interactive companions and more positive perceptions of their friends.
Article
Research suggests that ingroup bias in the minimal group paradigm may rely on dichotomous categorization, not social categorization per se. Dichotomous categorization may prime competition because of its unique cultural significance. Young children often do not demonstrate the culturally shaped cognitive tendencies of their elders, even though they can. Thus, young children may not show bias in the minimal group context. Two experiments examined these issues. In Experiment 1, children completed a minimal groups task in two-or three-group conditions. They received no prime, a neutral prime, or a competitive prime. As predicted, children did not display ingroup bias in two-or three-group conditions unless competitively primed. In Experiment 2, undergraduate students completed a minimal groups task in two-or three-group conditions. They received no prime or a competitive prime. As predicted, undergraduates displayed bias in two-group contexts. They displayed bias in three-group contexts only when competitively primed.
Article
To examine the relationship between children's gender attitudes and memories, 57 first and second graders were shown pictures of people in various occupations and activities and were tested for recognition memory. Of the original 60 pictures, 20 were traditional (e. g., female secretary), 20 nontraditional (e. g., male secretary), and 20 neutral (e. g., man reading a newspaper). Children were given a recognition task with 30 of the original pictures and 30 new pictures, in which the sex of the actor had been reversed. A stereotyping measure was also given to classify children as having high or low gender stereotypes. Results showed that on new items, the low number of false recognitions precluded meaningful subject or task effects. On old items, children with relatively highly stereotyped gender attitudes recognized significantly more traditional than nontraditional pictures when the actor was male. Children with low gender stereotypes did not show this differential responding. Results suggest that children's memories are affected by their own gender attitudes and by the differential evaluation of men and women engaged in nontraditional activities.
Article
This chapter explores several potential ways that language may affect the construction of inference-promoting kinds. Human categories are distinctive in their diversity, ranging from simple to complex, from concrete to abstract, or from arbitrary groupings to those deeply rooted in theories. To understand the role of language in categorization, it is first necessary to make some distinctions. It introduces some terminologies: “kinds” and “essentialism.” The chapter gives an overview of some of the findings demonstrating essentialist beliefs even in young children. Four distinct linguistic devices are discussed and the role of each in conveying essentialism is evaluated. Two of these forms convey membership in a richly structured category (the word “kind;” lexicalization) and two of the forms express scope of a proposition (logical quantifiers; generic noun phrases). The chapter also discusses the nature of the effects of language and potential areas for future research.
Article
In the mere-repeated-exposure paradigm, an individual is repeatedly exposed to a particular stimulus object, and the researcher records the individual's emerging preference for that object. Vast literature on the mere-repeated-exposure effect shows it to be a robust phenomenon that cannot be explained by an appeal to recognition memory or perceptual fluency. The effect has been demonstrated across cultures, species, and diverse stimulus domains. It has been obtained even when the stimuli exposed are not accessible to the participants’ awareness, and even prenatally. The repeated-exposure paradigm can be regarded as a form of classical conditioning if we assume that the absence of aversive events constitutes the unconditioned stimulus. Empirical research shows that a benign experience of repetition can in and of itself enhance positive affect, and that such affect can become attached not only to stimuli that have been exposed but also to similar stimuli that have not been previously exposed, and to totally distinct stimuli as well. Implications for affect as a fundamental and independent process are discussed in the light of neuroanatomical evidence.
Article
Reviews studies on prejudice and children focusing on how children learn prejudice and what can be done to prevent it. Offers three activity and discussion ideas which can be used to develop children's awareness of inappropriate prejudgments. Identifies a selection of related instructional resources and includes a 34-item bibliography. (JDH)
Article
Mfost of social psychology's theories of the self fail to take into account the significance of social identification in the definition of self. Social identities are self-definitions that are more inclusive than the individuated self-concept of most American psychology. A model of optimal distinctiveness is proposed in which social identity is viewed as a reconciliation of opposing needs for assimilation and differentiation from others. According to this model, individuals avoid self-construals that are either too personalized or too inclusive and instead define themselves in terms of distinctive category memberships. Social identity and group loyalty are hypothesized to be strongest for those self-categorizations that simultaneously provide for a sense of belonging and a sense of distinctiveness. Results from an initial laboratory experiment support the prediction that depersonalization and group size interact as determinants of the strength of social identification.
Article
Three experiments with 91 college students examined the effects of social categorization on memory for behaviors associated with in-group and out-group members. In Exp I, it was predicted and found that social categorization generates the implicit expectancy that the in-group engages in more favorable and/or less unfavorable behaviors than does the out-group. To test the hypothesis that such expectancies bias memory for behaviors associated with in-groups and out-groups, Ss in Exp II were given favorable and unfavorable information about in-group and out-group members and were later tested for recognition memory. Ss showed significantly better memory for negative out-group than for negative in-group behaviors. Exp III assessed the locus of the memory effect and found that the effect could not be attributed to a simple response bias. Implications for intergroup perception are discussed. (17 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This book provides a state-of-the-art account of how people's understanding of, and attitudes towards, nations and national groups develop through the course of childhood and adolescence. It offers a comprehensive review of the research which has been conducted into: (1) children's understanding of nations and states as geographical territories and as political, historical and cultural communities; (2) children's knowledge, beliefs and feelings about the people who belong to different national and state groups; and (3) children's attitudes towards, and emotional attachment to, their own country and their own national and state groups. The book elaborates on the developmental patterns that have been found to emerge, contextualized by a consideration and evaluation of the theoretical frameworks which can be used to explain these patterns. Written by the leading international authority in this field, and reporting (in collaboration with colleagues) the findings from two major cross-national research projects, this book will be a seminal text to reopen the field and will be invaluable for post-graduate students and researchers. The book will also be of benefit to undergraduate students taking courses in psychology, sociology, education, geography and political science. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Examined the role of anticipated-interaction instructions on memory for and organization of social information. In Study 1, Ss read and recalled information about a prospective partner (i.e., target) on a problem-solving task and about 4 other stimulus people. The results indicated that (a) Ss recalled more items about the target than the others, (b) the target was individuated from the others in memory, and (c) Ss were more accurate on a name–item matching task for the target than for the others. Study 2 compared anticipated interaction with several other processing goals (i.e., memory, impression formation, self-comparison, friend-comparison). Only anticipated-interaction and impression formation instructions led to higher levels of recall and more accurate matching performance for the target than for the others. However, the conditional probability data suggest that anticipated interaction led to higher levels of organization of target information than did any of the other conditions. Discussion considers information processing strategies that are possibly instigated by anticipated-interaction instructions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
This paper reports the results of a meta-analytic integration of the results of 137 tests of the ingroup bias hypothesis. Overall, the ingroup bias effect was highly significant and of moderate magnitude. Several theoretically informative determinants of the ingroup bias effect were established. This ingroup bias effect was significantly stronger when the ingroup was made salient (by virtue of proportionate size and by virtue of reality of the group categorization). A significant interaction between the reality of the group categorization and the relative status of the ingroup revealed a slight decrease in the ingroup bias effect as a function of status in real groups, and a significant increase in the ingroup bias effect as a function of status in artificial groups. Finally, an interaction between item relevance and ingroup status was observed, such that higher status groups exhibited more ingroup bias on more relevant attributes, whereas lower status groups exhibited more ingroup bias on less relevant attributes. Discussion considers the implications of these results for current theory and future research involving the ingroup bias effect.
Article
The present study is one of a series exploring the role of social categorization in intergroup behaviour. It has been found in our previous studies that in ‚minimal' situations, in which the subjects were categorized into groups on the basis of visual judgments they had made or of their esthetic preferences, they clearly discriminated against members of an outgroup although this gave them no personal advantage. However, in these previous studies division into groups was still made on the basis of certain criteria of ‚real' similarity between subjects who were assigned to the same category. Therefore, the present study established social categories on an explicitly random basis without any reference to any such real similarity.It was found that, as soon as the notion of ‚group' was introduced into the situation, the subjects still discriminated against those assigned to another random category. This discrimination was considerably more marked than the one based on a division of subjects in terms of interindividual similarities in which the notion of ‚group' was never explicitly introduced. In addition, it was found that fairness was also a determinant of the subjects' decisions.The results are discussed from the point of view of their relevance to a social-cognitive theory of intergroup behaviour.
Article
The minimal group paradigm (Tajfel, Billig, Bundy and Flament, 1971) has been influential in the study of intergroup relations. Thus far, most minimal group experiments have divided the subjects either into two groups, or have categorized them on two separate dichotomous dimensions in cross-categorization experiments. This study examines the minimal group paradigm using three distinct and independent groups. Comparison of the results with three minimal groups with those of a baseline two-group experiment shows that with a three-group structure there is no significant ingroup bias. It is suggested that the two-group minimal group experiment shows ingroup bias because subjects access a dichotomous categorization, and that this dichotomous categorization primes a competitive orientation. A two-group context may be particularly efective in evoking an ‘us versus them’ contrast. Self-categorization as a group member is more likely to occur in the presence of two groups whereas three minimal groups renders an ‘us–them’ contrastive orientation less salient. The absence of intergroup discrimination found in the present minimal group study may be limited to the behaviour of minimal or artificially created groups. In the real world of intergroup relations discrimination towards multiple outgroups is a well-known phenomenon. While this study should be regarded as only preliminary research, further elaboration and specification of the conditions under which multiple group contexts may hinder intergroup discrimination is required.
Article
The aim of this study was to develop and assess a prejudice-reduction intervention for young children based on a relatively recent psychological concept, extended contact. A number of extended contact interventions were tested based on different models of generalized intergroup contact. A 3 (type of extended contact: neutral, decategorization, and “intergroup”) × 2 (time of interview: pre- vs. post-extended contacts) mixed design was used, with the latter variable being within participants. Non-disabled children (N= 67) aged 5–10 years took part in a 6-week intervention involving reading stories featuring disabled and non-disabled children in friendship contexts. The main dependent variables were children's attitudes and intended behavior toward non-disabled and disabled people. Results showed that extended contact led to increased positivity toward the disabled, and this was most pronounced in the intergroup-extended contact condition. These findings suggest that extended contact can provide a prejudice-reduction intervention tool that can be used with young children in contexts in which the opportunity for direct contact is low. The findings also add to the psychological literature, providing support of the Hewstone and Brown (1986)“intergroup” model in the context of extended contact.
Article
Developmental research on social and moral reasoning about exclusion has utilized a social-domain theory, in contrast to a global stage theory, to investigate children's evaluations of gender- and race-based peer exclusion. The social-domain model postulates that moral, social-conventional, and personal reasoning coexist in children's evaluations of inclusion and exclusion, and that the priority given to these forms of judgments varies by the age of the child, the context, and the target of exclusion. Findings from developmental intergroup research studies disconfirm a general-stage-model approach to morality in the child, and provide empirical data on the developmental origins and emergence of intergroup attitudes regarding prejudice, bias, and exclusion.
Article
Based on self-categorization theory (SCT; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987), this study examined the extent to which 7- and 10-year-old children's perceptions of similarity to, and positivity towards, their in-group would be increased by factors predicted to enhance the salience of in-group–out-group categorizations. In a minimal group study, participants met the in-group before or after the out-group (group timing), the out-group had the same or different ethnicity as the in-group (out-group ethnicity), and there was or was not to be a competition between the in-group and the out-group (intergroup competition). Ratings of the in-group similarity were influenced by the out-group ethnicity, but not by group timing or intergroup competition. Consistent with SCT, participants rated themselves as more similar to the in-group when the out-group had different vs. the same ethnicity. SCT's predictions concerning in-group positivity were not confirmed. Instead, participants rated the in-group more positively than the out-group and the in-group was rated more positively, when participants met the in-group before rather than after the out-group. Older compared with younger participants were also more prepared to change groups when the out-group had different ethnicity. The implications for SCT are discussed.
Article
Intergroup attitudes were assessed in 7 and 10 years old European American and African American children from ethnically heterogeneous schools and in 7 and 10 years old European American children from ethnically homogeneous schools in order to test hypotheses about racial biases and judgments regarding cross-race peer interactions (N = 302). Using an Ambiguous Situations Task, the findings revealed that European American children attending homogeneous schools displayed racial bias in their interpretations of ambiguous situations as well as in their evaluations of cross-race friendship. Bias was not found, however, in the interpretations and evaluations of European American or African American children from heterogeneous schools. This study is the first to empirically demonstrate significant and direct relationships between intergroup contact in the school environment and children's intergroup biases as well as judgments about the potential for cross-race friendships. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Article
The study was designed to test several hypotheses derived from intergroup theory concerning the effects of the presence of a novel social category on the formation of intergroup attitudes. Elementary school children (N = 61; aged 6–9) were given measures of classification skill and self-esteem and assigned to 1 of 3 types of school classrooms in which teachers made: (1) functional use of “blue” and “yellow” groups assigned on the basis of a biological attribute, (2) functional use of “blue” and “yellow” groups assigned on the basis of a random drawing, or (3) no explicit groups (despite the presence of blue and yellow groups). After 4 weeks, children completed measures of intergroup attitudes and behavior. As predicted, the functional use of color groups affected children's attitudes toward group members, with children showing consistent biases favoring their own group. Children with higher levels of self-esteem showed higher levels of intergroup stereotyping.
Article
Allport (1954) recognized that attachment to one's ingroups does not necessarily require hostility toward outgroups. Yet the prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups and that much ingroup bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of ingroup members rather than direct hostility toward outgroup members. Thus to understand the roots of prejudice and discrimination requires first of all a better understanding of the functions that ingroup formation and identification serve for human beings. This article reviews research and theory on the motivations for maintenance of ingroup boundaries and the implications of ingroup boundary protection for intergroup relations, conflict, and conflict prevention.
Article
This research provides a comprehensive analysis of the association of race and sex to children's peer relationships by assessing: a) the association of both race and sex; b) multiple measures of peer relationships (sociometric ratings and friendships); and c) an entire elementary school (Grades 1 to 6) with nearly an even number of African-American to European-American children in each class. Regardless of age, race, or sex, and for both relationship measures, children showed a greater bias favoring same-sex peers than same-race peers. Although older African-American children had more same-race than cross-race mutual friends, African-American children were more accepting of European-American children than the reverse. Despite some same-race preferences, cross-race evaluations were generally quite positive on both measures. The differential impact of sex and race as considerations for peer evaluations is discussed.