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Read All About It! Understanding the Role of Media in Economic Development

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Abstract

This paper explores the role of media in economic development. In particular, we seek to outline the conditions under which the media contributes to the successful adoption of policies aimed at economic progress. Our core thesis is that successful economic development requires the coordination of efforts by politicians with the interests of the populace on policies that bring about economic growth. However, the nature of the relationship between political actors in charge of reform is characterized by a conflict of interests. The role of media as a key mechanism for transforming these situations of conflict into situations of coordination between politicians and the populace is analyzed. Specifically, we consider four factors — media autonomy, legal structure, quality of the media and consumer demand — and how they impact media as a coordination-enhancing mechanism. Historical examples of the media in developing countries provide further insight into the circumstances necessary for media to be an effective coordination-enhancing mechanism. We consider the impact of a free media in cases where successful economic development has occurred — Hungary and Poland. We also consider the Ukraine as a case where media has failed to overcome the conflict characterizing the reform process, and Bulgaria as a situation where politicians and the populace have failed to coordinate around ‘good’ reforms despite having a free media. Our paper concludes with some policy recommendations regarding the achievement of a free and effective media.

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... Researchers have worked and written extensively about the factors which lead to economic development of a state and Smith (1776) listed out three key factors -low taxes, peace and fair administration of justice, which led to the development of the wealth of a nation but this overtly simplistic path to development has failed in the case of several economies like Bulgaria, Romania which have not got the desired results in spite of the presence of the basic factors of economic development as laid down by Smith (1776). Coyne and Leeson (2004), argued that 'development process involves working within the given political and economic order to adopt policies which bring about economic growth' while others have laid emphasis on more sophisticated factors like media which play a subtle but an extremely firm role in the process of economic development of a nation (Sen, 1984(Sen, , 1999Djankov, et al;. Most writers have asserted a positive relationship between an assertive and free media and the development outcomes of the 'development aspiring' nation. ...
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... To complement this empirical work a small but growing literature theoretically addresses how media structures affect the adoption of policy reforms. Where the media is free it improves government's responsiveness to voter wants (Coyne and Leeson 2004a;Stromberg 2004;Besley and Burgess 2002;Besley and Prat 2002;Mueller 1992;Sen 1984Sen , 1999. 1 In democracies, the presence of independent media not only heightens voter awareness of important policy issues, it also provides them with accurate information about the behavior of political agents. This enables voters to monitor politicians who are thus made more accountable to the public. ...
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With the advent of technology Mass Media has been flourishing day by day. Research shows that Media freedom is beneficial for the stability and health of the economic system of a country. Since 1947, Pakistan has a free and fair Media, but nothing can be said certainly due to absence of empirical evidence and concrete literature on the relationship between Media Freedom, Political Stability and Economic growth. This study focuses on the empirical bases and relation among the Independent variable Media freedom and Dependent variables, Political stability and Economic growth. Political stability index has been used as a proxy for political stability, World press freedom index for Media Freedom and Annual GDP growth percentage for Economic Growth. The data is secondary in nature and spans 2001-2018, the structural equation modeling has been used to check the significance of hypotheses using IBM-AMOS.First, Media freedom has significantly positive effect on Political Stability. Second, Media freedom has insignificantly positive effect on economic growth. Third, Since 2001- 2018 Pakistan has been negatively scored in Political stability index showing instability in the country.This research study is authors’ original work and is the 1st of its kind to check the impact of Media freedom on Political stability and economic growth using proxies via structural equation modeling.
... Based on previous research, the underlying causal mechanism by which a nation's free press contributes to effective governance practices is often described by various direct and indirect pathways. For example, several authors (Ambrey et al., 2016; Brunetti & Weder, 2003; Coyne & Leeson, 2004; Stiglitz, 2002 ) contend that a free and independent press helps mitigate government corruption by (a) decreasing the citizen's cost in obtaining information about public officials and their practices, (b) reducing information asymmetry between the governed and government, and (c) increasing the public's civic engagement in voting and other democratic processes that collectively enhance their real or perceived ability to impose some discipline on political leaders. Similar processes explain the direct and indirect ways in which a free press plays an indispensable role in controlling other threats to effective governance (e.g., social unrest, political instability, human rights violations). ...
Article
Using secondary data from 164 countries, the current study applies conjunctive analysis to assess asymmetric effects and multiple causal pathways underlying how nations’ level of media freedom influences their human rights protections, control of corruption, and political stability. These analyses reveal that (a) countries with high media freedom are associated with higher scores on each of these measures of effective governance, (b) these “media effects” vary across different socioeconomic contexts and are often asymmetric, and (c) high media freedom is a major component in the multiple conjunctive pathways found among countries with high levels of governance practices, but the conjunctive effect of low media freedom on nation’s likelihood of low governance is less dramatic. These results are discussed in terms of their implications for future research in media studies and using conjunctive methods for exploring causal complexity.
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Since the 1978 reforms, China has experienced rapid economic and social development. GDP growth has been in the double digits on average yearly, creating the fastest sustained economic growth recorded by a major economy in history. Not only did this transform the economy and society at large, China reached important milestones in terms of reducing poverty and creating prosperity in a short period of time. This article uses the conceptual framework of new institutional economics to examine China’s economic growth and how growth has been achieved largely by ‘informal institutions’ that are grounded in culture, customs, and private interactions that emerge spontaneously. The trajectory by which these informal institutions left their imprint on China’s complex economic landscape and how they can constrain future economic growth are also of central importance. After examining decentralization and risk management practices, property rights, and the legal system, we emphasize the importance of creating formal institutions necessary for long-term growth, most importantly innovation. Preliminary evidence shows total factor productivity is tapering off which may reflect the constraints of China’s institutional environment. This ought to be reversed if China is to enjoy long-term sustained growth.
... Bu makale medya özgürlüğü ile siyasal bilgi ve siyasal katılım ile seçmen katılımı arasındaki ilişkiyi inceleyen ilk çalışma olmasına rağmen; diğer yakın tarihli araştırmalar başka açılardan bu bağlantılardan bazılarını göz önüne almaktadır. Araştırmanın bir bölümü medya kaynaklı bilginin seçmen bilgilendirilmesindeki rolünü tartışmıştır (Coyne ve Leeson, 2004;Stromberg, 2004;Besley ve Burgess, 2002;Besley ve Prat, 2006;Mueller 1992;Sen, 1984Sen, , 1999). Örneğin Synder ve Stromberg (2004) daha fazla medya ilgisinin bir sonucu olarak seçmenlerin siyasal açıdan daha iyi bir şekilde bilgilendirildiği yerlerde, politikacıların seçmen istekleri konusunda daha duyarlı oldukları sonucuna ulaşmaktadır. ...
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Since the beginning of the digital age, the balance between forgetting and remembering changed as Viktor Mayer-Schönberger mentioned. Before the penetration of digital media into the everyday life forgetting was the norm and remembering the exception. Thus, the power of the society belonged to the interest not to be forgotten. Today in the digital age with all the search engines like google and bing there is a shift in the balance between remembering and forgetting. This article reveals the importance of the right to be forgotten and the diffi culties of the legal implementation which is discussed nowadays. In this article, fi rst of all the different kind of privacy should be described in the change of it in the digital age. Afterwards the effect of the change of whoness into a digital whoness and its consequences will be shown.
... Either way, it makes sense that there is work suggesting that political knowledge increases alongside freedom of the press. We know that media coverage can inform citizens about policy (Neuner et al., 2019), after all, and there is a wellestablished literature on the role that a free press plays in informing citizens and holding government accountable (Mulgan 2003;Coyne and Leeson 2004;Besley and Prat 2006;Norris 2006;Leeson and Coyne 2007). ...
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Public responsiveness to policy is contingent on there being a sufficient amount of clear and accurate information about policy change available to citizens. It is of some significance, then, that there are increasing concerns about limits being placed on media outlets, around the world, and recently in the US as well. We examine the impact of these limits on the public's ability to respond meaningfully to policy change by examining cross-national variation in the opinion-policy link. Using new measures on spending preferences from Wave 4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, merged with OECD data on government spending and Freedom House measures of press freedom, we assess the role of mass media in facilitating public responsiveness. We find evidence that when media are weak, so too is public responsiveness to policy change. These results highlight the critical role that accurate, unfettered media can play in modern representative democracy.
... For many scholars in the public choice tradition, subsidy allocation is likely to lead to inefficient outcomes, meaning that resources could have been better deployed. Reasons for inefficiency in the subsidy allocation system find their roots in the work of Tullock (1965), Downs (1967), Niskanen (1975), along with public policy commentators such as Coyne and Leeson (2004), Grampp (1986) and Austen-Smith (1994). While the stated objective of public fund allocation lies in the social and cultural policies followed by states and administrations (Grampp, 1989;Pinnock, 2006), the economic rationale behind any increase in a discretionary budget designed to maximize the quantity of services and products offered should be that the deadweight loss involved in subsidized provision is exceeded by the benefits extracted by consumers (Olszewski and Rosenthal, 2004). ...
... Institutions like the CEDA, the Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis (BIDPA), and the Botswana Development Corporation are all careful to tote the party line when discussing economic policy in Botswana. Criticisms of the government are generally limited tocomplaints about too much funding or not enough funding allocated to specific programs, rather than asking whether the government should be involved in handling various27 Interview with an anonymous reporter at the President Hotel in Gaborone, Botswana from 3-5 pm on July 20, 2004.Coyne and Leeson (2004) explains how the media affects economic development. According to their argument, a free media creates transparency and provides voters with good information. ...
... Measuring the impact of media on economic events and vice versa, massively harvesting and analysing public media coverage of those events are still surprisingly unused in academia to our knowledge. Various studies have developed evidence for older states of mass media by which media coverage of news on economic processes or events impacts the very nature of the subject itself (Coyne and Leeson 2004;Goidel and Langley 1995;Doms and Morin 2004;De Boef and Kellstedt 2004;Wartick 1992;Carroll and McCombs 2003). We argue that on the one hand, today's media show certain similarities to this, but on the other hand, they have a completely different dimension in quantity and quality. ...
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Although conventional register and survey data on entrepreneurship have enabled remarkable insights into the phenomenon, the added value has slowed down noticeably over the last decade. There is a need for fresh approaches utilising modern data sources such as Big Data. Until now, it has been quite unknown whether Big Data actually embodies valuable contributions for entrepreneurship research and where it can perform better or worse than conventional approaches. To contribute towards the exploration of Big Data in entrepreneurship research, we use a newly developed dataset based on publications of the German Press Agency (dpa) to explore the relationship between news coverage of entrepreneurship and regional entrepreneurial activity. Furthermore, we apply sentiment analysis to investigate the impact on sentiment of entrepreneurial press releases. Our results show mixed outcomes regarding the relationship between reporting of entrepreneurial events, i.e. media coverage, and entrepreneurial activity in German planning regions. At this stage, our empirical results reject the idea of a strong relationship between actual entrepreneurial activities in regions and the intensity of it being reported. However, the results also imply much potential of Big Data approaches for further research with more sophisticated methodology approaches. Our paper provides an entry point into Big Data usage in entrepreneurship research and we suggest a number of relevant research opportunities based on our results.
... The World Bank (2002a) released a comprehensive volume dedicated to the effects of the media (both direct and indirect) on economic development. It empha-Volumen 4 número 1 (junio de 2015) ISSN 2313-9129 45 omunicación AustralC sises the role of the media as government and corporate watchdogs (also see: Coyne & Leeson, 2004, their function as transmitters of new ideas and information, and as catalysts for growth. Moreover, it discusses what kinds of media systems are most favourable. ...
... However, framings are themselves constructed in collaboration with their audiences, responding to as well as reinforcing pre-existing understandings of how the world works. Development studies has recognized the role of the news media in mediating (representing, articulating, negotiating) political interests to advance economic policy agendas (Coyne and Leeson 2004;Islam, Djankov, and McLeish 2002), but rarely examined the processes involved in such mutual construction of frames (although see Olper and Swinnen 2013). This paper aims to contribute towards understanding of the process involved in the representation, articulation and negotiation of a global political issue, namely that of the global food crises of 2008-08 and 2010-11. ...
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This paper explores the framing of ‘food riots’ in the international media during the global food crisis period of 2007–12. This is an important issue because the international media’s overly simplistic treatment of food-related protests as caused by hunger leading to anger and violence, dominates public discourse, informing both global policy discourse and quantitative policy research into food riots. This paper draws on some basic analysis of a large news database to explore the effects of how food riots were framed in the international media. It confirms the overly simplistic ‘hungry man is an angry man’ thesis held across international media discourse as a whole. But it also notes differences within the media, and argues that those differences produce different effects depending on whether articles are intended to inform, analyse or advocate. Certain voices are silenced or subdued by the international media, but food rioters in the developing world appear to be treated with more sympathy than rioters in the North might expect, or than they receive in their own national media. Overall, the effect of international media coverage of the wave of food riots during the food crisis, particularly in 2008, was to indicate a global policy problem requiring global policy action. It therefore marked a political intervention on a global scale.
... For many scholars in the public choice tradition, subsidy allocation is likely to lead to inefficient outcomes, meaning that resources could have been better deployed. Reasons for inefficiency in the subsidy allocation system find their roots in the work of Tullock (1965), Downs (1967), Niskanen (1975), along with public policy commentators such as Coyne and Leeson (2004), Grampp (1986) and Austen-Smith (1994). While the stated objective of public fund allocation lies in the social and cultural policies followed by states and administrations (Grampp, 1989;Pinnock, 2006), the economic rationale behind any increase in a discretionary budget designed to maximize the quantity of services and products offered should be that the deadweight loss involved in subsidized provision is exceeded by the benefits extracted by consumers (Olszewski and Rosenthal, 2004). ...
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Public financial support to national film production is typically conditional on subjective artistic and sociocultural criteria and objectives. Yet the question remains as to whether state subsidies actually help films at the box office: did audiences get to see and appreciate films that otherwise would not have been made? While recognising the complex political and administrative context, the results of this study suggest that the public subsidy regime in Italy between 1995 and 2003 failed to assure the development of an industry as intended, since in an overwhelming number of cases the film revenues of those films supported were not sufficient to cover production costs, even when supported by a subsidy. Drawing from a variety of publically available sources, a dataset was constructed to estimate the profitability of films both supported and not supported by State aid to film in the Italian market. Our approach differs from that of others in that we measure the success of films in the market by the revenues they generate. By factoring in costs of production, a better idea of the costs to society of subsidising film production can be established.
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Despite the central role the media play in the domestic and foreign policy-making processes, very little research examines the influence of international factors on media openness. This article investigates the impact of coercive diplomacy (in the form of economic sanctions) on press freedom. It is argued that foreign economic coercion will likely deteriorate press freedom by (1) restricting a sanctioned country’s interactions with the outside world, thereby allowing the target regime to have greater control over the free flows of information, and (2) inflicting significant economic damage on the sustainability and development of independent media outlets. Using time-series, cross-national empirical data over a large number of countries for the period 1980—2000, the findings confirm economic sanctions’ negative effect on media openness. Extensive sanctions, in particular, have a greater negative impact on press freedom than more selective sanctions. Furthermore, multilateral sanctions will likely have a greater corrosive impact on media openness than unilateral sanctions.
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I highly recommend the book. Economists interested in development, public choice and the media will all find that Coyne and Leeson have made a valuable contribution. If economists over the next decade make headway on how to grow the institutions of the market economy, I suspect we will recognize in retrospect that Coyne and Leeson have identified in the media an important channel for institutional reform - Daniel Sutter, Public Choice © Christopher J. Coyne and Peter T. Leeson 2009. All rights reserved.
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Foreign aid has grown to become a $200 billion global enterprise, 1 and aid funding from traditional donor nations alone has increased more than 63 percent in the past decade. 2 In many sectors, the investment has paid off. At a time when the world population is climbing inexorably beyond 7 billion, we are now on track to actually reduce the number of people living in extreme poverty by more than half, from 1.3 billion to fewer than 600 million, in the decade from 2005 to 2015. 3 Meanwhile, long-sought progress is being made on basic needs such as access to safe water, sanitation, and nutrition, as well as on issues such as maternal mortality reduction, primary school completion, and gender parity in education. 4 The magnitude of this generation’s advances against some of humanity’s most pervasive and debilitating problems is unprecedented. That said, new and stubbornly persistent social and environmental problems continue to require investments that far exceed the coffers of governments and other donors. Just one of the challenges facing the developing world—adapting to climate change—is estimated to require an additional $70 billion to $100 billion per year. 5 Fortunately, however, such problems are not beyond the scale of global financial market resources. Commercial businesses and investors have the capacity to help address the needs of developing nations, and ever more private investors and entrepreneurs are seeing opportunities in doing so. ENTER IMPACT INVESTING There is growing optimism about business as a force for good in the developing world. A new momentum is building along with this around a breed of private investor that aims to solve social and environmental problems while making a financial return—impact investors. These investors have abandoned the long-held
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According to the democratic domino theory, increases or decreases in democracy in one country spread and “infect” neighboring countries, increasing or decreasing their democracy in turn. Using spatial econometrics and panel data that cover over 130 countries between 1850 and 2000, this article empirically investigates the democratic domino theory. We find that democratic dominoes do in fact fall as the theory contends. However, these dominoes fall significantly “lighter” than the importance of this model suggests. Countries “catch” only about 11% of the increases or decreases in their average geographic neighbors’ increases or decreases in democracy. This finding has potentially important foreign policy implications. The “lightness” with which democratic dominoes fall suggests that even if foreign military intervention aimed at promoting democracy in undemocratic countries succeeds in democratizing these nations, intervention is likely to have only a small effect on democracy in their broader regions.
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The number of Internet news media outlets has increased rapidly in recent years. We analyze the effects of media proliferation on electoral outcomes and social welfare. We assume voters are information-seeking as media consumers but choose outlets that are excessively partisan, given the voters' ideologies, due to quasi-rationality. We find that if voters who prefer extreme news -- either because they have extreme ideologies, or have moderate ideologies but make irrational news choices -- can be the median voter, then media proliferation strictly improves welfare. Otherwise, proliferation causes welfare to change non-monotonically, but still protects against very poor welfare outcomes that can occur when the number of outlets is small.
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Investigations of national competitiveness aim to trace the causal mechanisms behind patterns in wealth and poverty across societies. This paper argues that to be productive such investigations must be comparative, historical and political economic in nature. Comparative historical political economy is how social scientists generate useful knowledge about the wealth and poverty of nations. Our contribution is a methodology — or rather a collection of methodologies — for understanding national competitiveness and attempts to improve it: one focuses on political-economic analysis, another on historical analysis, and a third on comparative analysis.
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The objective of this report is to assess the current status of entrepreneurship in Egypt, and to offer strategic and actionable recommendations that will enable entrepreneurship and significantly impact the Egyptian economy. The report offers a fresh look at entrepreneurship in Egypt and the support mechanisms currently at play, assesses the initiatives and challenges at hand, and provides multilevel recommendations on how to tackle them. On a deeper level, this work aims to constructively question the entire model by which we view the tasks of entrepreneurial support in Egypt and develops a new mechanism to replace the existing model currently in operation. This is a more dynamic, comprehensive, and flexible model that allows both for a feedback mechanism and for customization, acknowledging that new businesses demand different types of support based on their stage of development and that of the industry in which they operate. This report starts with a brief introduction that explains the importance of entrepreneurship and its potential for driving economic growth. Sections I and II offer a transversal snapshot, an assessment of the Egyptian economy and its entrepreneurial sector and the problems it faces. Sections III, IV, and V present three levels of recommendations, from the most paradigm altering to the most punctual. Section I discusses Egypt’s economic and entrepreneurial fundamentals, seeking to give an overview of the local economy and put it in perspective by making of international comparisons gathered from the most recent surveys. With high levels of unemployment and underemployment, as well as a strong predisposition for private work and below-trend new business creation ratio, Egypt displays both
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A discipline is bound by some combination of a shared subject matter, shared theory, and shared technique. Yet modern economics is seemingly without limit to its domain. As a discipline without a shared subject matter, what is the binding force of economics today? We combine topic modeling and text analysis to analyze different approaches to inquiry within the discipline of economics. We find that the importance of theory has declined as economics has increasingly become defined by its empirical techniques. We question whether this trajectory is stable in the long run as the binding force of the discipline.
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Can foreign aid help free the press? Aid may boost press freedom by incentivizing government to reduce media regulations and provide financial support for infrastructure. Alternatively, foreign aid may prevent press freedom by expanding the role of the state and promoting government over private enterprises. We contend that the magnitude of foreign aid's influence is conditional on the existence of democratic checks. Using panel data from 1994 to 2010, we find evidence suggesting that aid significantly increases press freedom in democracies but insignificantly relates to press freedom in autocracies. Collectively, the results suggest that a standard deviation increase in aid to a country at the mean level of democracy increases press freedom by approximately a 1/20th standard deviation. Overall, the findings suggest that donors should be cautious as most aid recipients are not democratic and aid leads to only relatively small marginal improvements in press freedom.
Chapter
Citizens can use media to solve political agency problems. To be useful for this purpose, however, media must be free. Freer media are strongly associated with superior political-economic outcomes and may be especially important to fostering political-economic improvement in the developing world.
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Entrepreneurship has been widely recommended by scholars and professionals as one of the major ways to address the ever growing level of unemployment and continuous dwindling resources in Nigeria. Unfortunately, it is also a consensus among stakeholders that conditions in the country are largely unfriendly for the survival of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Entrepreneurship may not survive without exposure or publicity. This, therefore, crystallizes the role of media coverage in the development of entrepreneurship in Nigeria. Hence, this study examines the extent to which entrepreneurial innovation is given coverage in Nigerian national newspapers and how this can lead to sustainable development in Nigeria. Vanguard, The Punch, The Guardian and Business Day newspapers were purposively selected and issues from 2013 to 2015 for each were used for the study. This paper recommends ways in which entrepreneurship can be enhanced through media partnership. Keywords—Entrepreneurship, innovation, media coverage, sustainable development I.
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This study examines the effects of local and national newspapers on local political accountability. Local newspapers are expected to monitor local governments’ behavior. However, national newspapers could also contribute to local governments’ accountability by attracting nationwide attention to a local policy issue. Using the method developed by Snyder and Strömberg (J Polit Econ 118:355–408, 2010), I construct a variable that measures the weighted market share of locally circulated newspapers in an administrative district in Japan. I find that an increase in the market share of local newspapers is associated with a reduction in local public works spending (seen as rents for local interest groups), which indicates an improvement in political accountability. In addition, the accountability effect of local newspapers becomes greater one year after national newspapers focus readers’ attentions on the issue of unnecessary public works. This result suggests that national newspapers serve as an agenda setter and complement local newspapers for strengthening local political accountability.
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We offer a model of media as a multisided platform, providing entertainment and news to viewers, commercial opportunities to advertisers, and political influence to politicians, thanks to the presence of influenceable voters among the media audience. We characterize a political economic equilibrium, determining simultaneously media choices and politicians’ electoral positions. We show that as the value of political influence increases, the media transitions from catering to commercial advertisers to selling political influence, resulting in policy choices that hurt influenceable voters.
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The issue of school dropouts is an indicator of hindrances the community faces in the education system. School dropouts have negative effects both on the socioeconomic growth and in the overall development of the society and thus impact the financial income and social cohesion in the long-term future. School dropout youths represent the final evasion behaviour, bringing an end to participate in school by leaving the educational system, irrespective of the qualification she/he acquired (Voicu, 2009). Dropouts from school at a very early stage is both an individual problem and a problem of the society (Gyönös, 2011). UNICEF says that although school dropouts look smaller in number, in the long run, the trajectory of income generation dips down. The phenomenon of school dropouts is mostly observed in rural areas and one of the most important social problems arising out of school dropout in those areas is that of the burden of poverty is carried from one generation to another i.e. intergenerational transmission of poverty (Orbeta Jr, 2010). Under these circumstances, it is observed, there has been very little work on how families play in changing the behaviour of people in the education system, thus mitigating school dropouts. We wish to study how families may tackle the issue of school dropouts among the youth. We dwell into the family dynamics, which is often shaped by the gender hierarchy and economic and cultural powers. The family is an important institution in the society. It is important not only because of the fact that it transmits the family values and ethos to the next generation but in a setting like the Indian society, where there is much disparity of class, caste and culturally coded segregation, the family becomes the key concept of holding the differences together. It is observed that the position of family as an institution is imperative to discuss because other than unifying differences, it also contributes to a social change movement. To study this phenomenon of family playing a role in education and thus mitigating school dropouts, we have attempted to understand the intersection and interaction of the three sources of capital, viz. economic, social and cultural, as espoused by Bourdieu (1986). We further look into Levinson et al. (2014) and their understanding of different purposes of education, where they add two more purposes to the existing literature, viz. intellectual and political. Finally, we wish to support our analysis of results going beyond established evidences of countering school dropout process, which include a) improvement in teaching-learning processes, b) developing schools with inclusive learning processes and c) incentivizing schools for sustainable enrolment ratio.
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This study investigates the role of media in the social development of the community in South Radio and Television Agency Bonga Branch Radio (BBR) in Decha woreda, Kafa Zone, Southern Ethiopia. The study addresses the contribution of media in changing the audience’s knowledge, attitude, and practices in the community’s social activities. To address the objectives, the researcher applied mixed research approaches and descriptive design. Both primary and secondary data were used in the study and analyzed through qualitative and quantitative methods. The data were collected through questionnaires, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. To determine the sample size for the study, a multi-stage sampling technique was employed. Three Kebeles were selected purposively and 106 respondents participated in the study. The findings show that Bonga branch radio station is contributing to social development through influencing the behavior (attitude, knowledge, and practice) of the community. The study also reveals that the acceptance of the role of radio in the community is high since it transmits its different programs and news content in the ethnic language of the community in which the members can easily understand. Even though the media is playing its role in the community’s social development, different challenges have been observed in the branch radio station. Based on the finding, recommendation has been forwarded that the local government bodies should change their outlook towards the media organization. The media management should take the improving measures, such as the journalists and technician capacity building, the transmission coverage of the radio station, and revision of the news and program content format that will enable the media to meet the satisfaction of the audience.
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Кирия Илья Вадимович — кандидат философских наук, Ph.D., профессор департамента медиа Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики».Адрес: 109028, Москва, Хитровский пер., 2/8. E-mail: ikiria@hse.ruРассматривается феномен упрощения и популяризации ключевых изменений и политики в области образования российской медийной средой, что приводит к тиражированию поверхностных представлений о системе образования, ее целях и акторах и не способствует пониманию образовательных реформ и процессов, которые происходят в системе образования, российским населением. Репрезентация образовательной политики в ключевых медиа сводится к восхвалению национальных достижений и критике коммерциализации высшего образования. В статье анализируются историко-культурные и структурные факторы, обусловливающие популистское представление образовательной политики в медиа. К таковым относятся специфические функции медиа в контексте политики просвещения, унаследованные с советских времен, а также значительная зависимость медиа от массового потребителя информации, ставшая результатом их коммерциализации. Эти факторы осложняют общественный диалог в сфере образовательной политики, так что она становится прерогативой узких элитных групп.В работе рассматриваются ключевые популярные фреймы, используемые медиа, включая онлайн-медиа, для репрезентации образовательной политики в сфере высшего образования в России.
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Past studies have not been supportive of the ability for foreign aid to create increased development and market liberalization. Less attention has been devoted to investigating the role aid has played in fostering democratic institutions. For a sample of 26 nations in Eastern Europe and former Soviet republics, I find more aid per capita is strongly associated with democratic reforms, but less robust is the relationship for aid as a percentage of gross national income. When analyzing various types of democratic freedoms, it appears both measures of aid improve the categories of judicial framework and governance, and aid per capita is also positively correlated with improvements in civil society and electoral process, but aid does not lead to more media independence. Copyright © 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
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We examine the patterns of media ownership in 97 countries around the world. We find that almost universally the largest media firms are owned by the government or by private families. Government ownership is more pervasive in broadcasting than in the printed media. We then examine two theories of government ownership of the media: the public interest (Pigouvian) theory according to which government ownership cures market failures, and the public choice theory according to which government ownership undermines political and economic freedom. The data support the second theory.
In the past six years, mass media, society and politics in Bulgaria have interacted in a complex fashion that defies separation of cause from effect. New publications were initially associated with political parties, but soon private publications appeared in a publishing boom that embraced a wide variety of genres. Former journalists of the official and institutional press played a key entrepreneurial role in the development. Shortages of newsprint and rampant inflation seriously affected the fortunes of the press, however, and this was compounded by restrictions on distribution. Furthermore, the delay in producing a law on media hindered the establishment of a well‐ordered media sector. Private broadcasting has proved difficult to establish, particularly television, and supervisory procedures have been slow in being agreed.
In Poland, substantial injections of foreign capital and ownership prerogatives have transformed the mass media from 1989 onwards, with French, Italian, Swiss, Norwegian, German and other involvement. This has affected both the range and style of both the printed and the broadcasting media. A struggle over ownership and control continued, however, notably over the control of the airwaves, particularly television. Ambivalent attitudes have delayed regulatory legislation, and the professional ethic of journalists in all media still owes much to the nineteenth‐century tradition. Professional associations have not effectively raised professional standards, and the public is perplexed at the use that is made of the media. As Poland's democratic system develops, owners of communications media face a number of dilemmas that need to be resolved.
In Hungary, under the relatively benign rule of János Kádár's ‘goulash communism’, the media were less rigidly controlled than elsewhere in Eastern and Central Europe, permitting broader scope for debate. This affected the transition, in which some media spontaneously privatized themselves, with the involvement of foreign media conglomerates. By 1994, however, the government regained control over several important publications and otherwise fostered a more conservative press. The electronic media meanwhile remained overwhelmingly in state hands, and open conflict flared in 1992. The media became the focus of political battles, involving parliament, government, the constitutional court and the president, and purges of journalists and officials in the media led to assertions that little had changed since the communist regime. The question is whether control of the media will remain a spoil of election victory, or new legislation will establish a non‐partisan framework for the future.
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The role of mass media in making governments responsive to the needs of citizens is a relatively neglected area in economics. We sketch a theoretical example with a role for media in enhancing government responsiveness based on asymmetric information between citizens and government. We then use data for the period 1958–1992 on the extent to which Indian state governments responded to food shortages via the public distribution of food, correlating these with proxies of media, political and economic development. We find that states that are more responsive tend to also be those with high levels of newspaper circulation, electoral turnout and literacy. In contrast, richer states do not tend to be more responsive than poorer states.
Article
Incl. bibl. notes, index.
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Analyses the Third World's spiralling debt problem, and comes up with a highly controversial and novel proposal for solving it. Uses the case of Lima, Peru, to describe what the West pejoratively terms the "black' economy. In Peru, however, the black economy represents 60% of the entire Peruvian economy, while in transportation, it represents a staggering 95%. The reason for this huge underground economy is the enormous complexity of Peru's legal machinery: hundreds of new regulations are passed each week, and no private entrepreneur can possibly hope to deal with the bureaucracy. Calculates the enormous economic effects of laws regulating virtually every aspect of economic life, from housing construction and the establishment of industries, to public transport and trade. Suggests that if these regulations were removed the underclass, really a classic capitalist class at heart, would be freed and a new and greater economic development would follow. -from Publisher
Book
In this book, based on the 1995 Ohlin Lectures, Deepak Lal provides an accessible, interdisciplinary account of the role of culture in shaping economic performance. Topics addressed include a possible future "clash of civilizations," the role of Asian values in the East Asian economic miracle, the cultural versus economic causes of social decay in the West, and whether modernization leads to Westernization. Lal makes an important distinction between material and cosmological beliefs, showing how both were initially shaped by factor endowments and how they have evolved in response to changing historical pressures in different civilizations.
Article
The aim of this paper is to present the new theory called “inductive game theory”. A paper, published by one of the present authors with A. Matsui, discussed some part of inductive game theory in a specific game. Here, we will give a more developed discourse of the theory. The paper is written to show one entire picture of the theory: From individual raw experiences, short-term memories to long-term memories, inductive derivation of individual views, classification of such views, decision making or modification of behavior based on a view, and repercussion from the modified play in the objective game. We focus on some clear-cut cases, forgetting a lot of possible variants, but will still give a lot of results. In order to show one possible discourse as a whole, we will ask the question of how Nash equilibrium is emerging from the viewpoint of inductive game theory, and will give one answer.
Tatiana Nenova and Andrei Shleifer (Forthcoming) Who Owns the Media?
  • Djankov
  • Caralee Simon
  • Mcliesh
Djankov, Simon, Caralee McLiesh, Tatiana Nenova and Andrei Shleifer (Forthcoming). Who Owns the Media?, Journal of Law and Economics.
The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Simon Djankov
  • Caralee Mcliesh
  • Tatiana Nenova
  • Andrei Shleifer
Djankov, Simon, Caralee McLiesh, Tatiana Nenova and Andrei Shleifer (2002). Media. Ownership and Prosperity, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 141-166.
The Legal Environment for News Media The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Krug
  • Monroe E Peter
  • Price
Krug, Peter and Monroe E. Price (2002). The Legal Environment for News Media, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 187– 206.
The Survival of a Provincial Television Station in an Era of Enormous Change The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Muchnik
  • Yulia Viktor
  • Muchnik
Muchnik, Viktor and Yulia Muchnik. (2002). The Survival of a Provincial Television Station in an Era of Enormous Change, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 301– 308.
Freedom of the Press Index Geography and Economic Develop-ment, Presented at the Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics Deciding What's News
  • Edward J Epstein
Epstein, Edward J. (1973). News From Nowhere: Television and the News. New York: Vintage. Freedom House (2003). Freedom of the Press Index, available at: http://www.freedomhouse.org/ pfs2003/pfs2003.pdf. Gallup, John Luke, Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew Mellinger (1998). Geography and Economic Develop-ment, Presented at the Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics, World Bank, avail-able at: http://www.cid.harvard.edu/cidglobal/economic.htm. Gans, Herbert (1979). Deciding What's News. New York: Vintage. Goban-Klas, Tomasz (1997). Politics versus the Media in Poland: A Game without Rules, in: Patrick H. O'Neil (ed.), Post-Communism and the Media in Eastern Europe. London: Frank Cass: 24 – 41.
Survival, Efficiency, Independence: The Pres-ence of Foreign Capital in the Hungarian Media Market. Manchester: The European Institute for the Media How the Cairo Times Came to be Published out of Cyprus The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Jakab
  • Mihaly Zoltan
  • Csilla Voros Galik
Jakab, Zoltan, Mihaly Galik and Csilla Voros (1991). Survival, Efficiency, Independence: The Pres-ence of Foreign Capital in the Hungarian Media Market. Manchester: The European Institute for the Media. Kassem, Hisham (2002). How the Cairo Times Came to be Published out of Cyprus, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 275 – 280.
Mass Media in Revolution and National Development: The Romanian Labora-tory. Iowa: Iowa State University Press
  • Gross
  • Peter
Gross, Peter (1996). Mass Media in Revolution and National Development: The Romanian Labora-tory. Iowa: Iowa State University Press. Heo Chul, Ki-Yul Uhm and Jeong-Heon Chang (2000). South Korea, in: Shelton Gunaratne (ed.), Handbook of the Media in Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications: 611– 637.
The Corporate Governance Role of the Media The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Dyck
  • Luigi Zingales Alexander
Dyck, Alexander and Luigi Zingales (2002). The Corporate Governance Role of the Media, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 107–140.
The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
  • Edward S Herman
Herman, Edward S. (2002). The Media and Markets in the United States, in: Alisa Clapp-Itnyre, Roumeen Islam and Caralee McLiesh (eds.), The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development. Washington D. C.: The World Bank: 61-82.
Hungary Glasnost and After: Media and Change in Central and Eastern Europe
  • Kovats
  • Gordon Ildiko
  • Whiting
Kovats, Ildiko and Gordon Whiting (1995). Hungary, in: David L. Paletz, Karol Jakubowicz and Pavao Novosel (eds.), Glasnost and After: Media and Change in Central and Eastern Europe. New Jersey: Hampton Press, Inc.: 97–128.
Case Studies of Mass Media in the Third World
  • Lent
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Lent, John A. (ed.) (1980). Case Studies of Mass Media in the Third World. Virginia: Department of Anthropology, College of William and Mary.
Communications in the Rural Third World: The Role of Information in Development
  • Emile G Mcanany
McAnany, Emile G. (1980). Communications in the Rural Third World: The Role of Information in Development. New York: Praeger Publishers.
Post-Communism and the Media in Eastern Europe Glasnost and After: Media and Change in Central and Eastern Europe Credentialing Experts: The Climate of Opinion and Journalist Selection of Sources in Domestic and Foreign Opinion
  • O Neil
O'Neil, Patrick H. (ed.) (1997). Post-Communism and the Media in Eastern Europe. London: Frank Cass. Paletz, David L., Karol Jakubowicz and Pavao Novosel (eds.) (1995). Glasnost and After: Media and Change in Central and Eastern Europe. New Jersey: Hampton Press, Inc. Sahr, Robert (1993). Credentialing Experts: The Climate of Opinion and Journalist Selection of Sources in Domestic and Foreign Opinion, in Robert Spitzer (ed.), Media and Public Policy. Con-necticut: Westport: 153 –170.
Media in Transition: The Hegemony of Economics The Right to Tell: The Role of Mass Media in Economic Development
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