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Education Policy Analysis Archives
Volume 8 Number 5 January 10, 2000 ISSN 1068-2341
A peer-reviewed scholarly electronic journal
Editor: Gene V Glass, College of Education
Arizona State University
Copyright 2000, the
EDUCATION POLICY ANALYSIS ARCHIVES
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Permission is hereby granted to copy any article
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in Resources in Education.
Education Policy in Portugal:
Changes and Perspectives
Jesus Maria Sousa
Universidade da Madeira
Portugal
Abstract
The Revolution of 25 April 1974 in Portugal put an end to a forty-eight
year old dictatorship, opening the country to democracy. The purpose of
this article is to describe education reform from the standpoint of a
country that experienced a major political transition and had to start from
the very beginning to devise an education policy. Rather than merely
describing the organization of the Portuguese education system, I present
a condensed analysis of Portuguese education policy, as I view it,
making use of indicators of the nature of an education system proposed
by D'Hainaut (1980).
The Revolution of 25 April 1974
Portugal is a small country with a total area of 91,985 square kilometers located in
the extreme west of Europe and with two archipelagos in the Atlantic Ocean, Azores and
Madeira, which are politically autonomous regions. The resident population is 9.853
million; only one language is spoken throughout the country, Portuguese. The
Revolution of 25 April 1974, in Portugal put an end to a forty-eight year old
dictatorship, dominated by a political police force, the so-called PIDE. After Salazar's
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death in 1968, the new prime- minister Marcello Caetano attempted the gradual opening
up of the regime (the Marcellist Spring), but the dictatorship had grown so corrupt that a
revolution broke out in the early morning hours of 25 April 1974. Zeca Afonso's banned
protest song "Grandola, Vila Morena" was broadcast on Portuguese radio as a secret
signal to a group of rebel officers to move against the regime. The army, tired of the
bloody and useless war in remote colonies in Africa, led the Revolution. Most of the
leading military officers of MFA (Armed Forces Movement) were involved in left-wing
activities. The Revolution was quite peaceful. It was called the Carnations Revolution
because carnations were in bloom at that time of the year and were placed in the guns of
the soldiers. The forces of the "ancien régime" surrendered with little resistance.
The national euphoria did not last long. In spite of the coherent "three D's"
political program, which promised Democracy, Decolonization and Development, the
MFA was not a unified body. Some officers wanted a liberal democratic state while
others sought radical social transformations. In the subsequent two-year period, there
were six provisional governments, two presidents, a failed right-wing coup attempt, a
failed left-wing coup attempt, three elections, seizures of land and housing, bombings
and strikes, while the country was flooded by millions of Portuguese settlers escaping
from ex-colonies at war. Yet, surprisingly and contrary to the expectations of most
observers, national political leaders committed to a democratic system laid down by the
Constitution of the Portuguese Republic were approved by the Constituent Assembly on
2 April 1976.
According to the Constitution, Portugal is a democratic state based on the rule of
law, the sovereignty of people, the pluralism of democratic expression and respect for
fundamental rights and freedoms for all citizens. This democratic political organisation
is based upon the principle of separation and interdependence of the sovereign bodies:
The President of the Republic, the Assembly of the Republic, the Government and the
Courts.
Education Policy in Portugal
Having just celebrated the silver anniversary of democracy in Portugal, I wish to
share some information from the standpoint of a country that experienced a political
transition and had to start from the very beginning to articulate an education policy. The
Constitution approved in 1976 proclaimed that everyone had the right to education based
on a foundation of equal opportunities to both access to and success at school. Being
responsible for the democratization of education, the state was not entitled to orient
education and culture to any particular philosophical, aesthetic, political or religious
ideology. Education was also expected to minimize economic, social and cultural
differences, stimulate democratic participation in a free society and promote mutual
understanding, tolerance and a spirit of community. These general principles aimed at
creating a "new" education were eagerly embraced by a changing society. Nevertheless,
the Education System Act, which established the general framework for the
reorganization of the Portuguese education system, had to wait twelve years to be
discussed in the Assembly of the Republic. The Law (Law 46/86) developing those
principles written on the Constitution hasn't arrived so quickly as we could expect.
However, it was the result of a large participation of the political parties. Five parties
presented each a project of the Law, having all been voted favorably in general by all
parliamentary groups. After a long debate of 175 hours along 30 meetings within the
specialized committee, our Magna Carta of Education got an expressive approval in the
Plenary of the Assembly of the Republic.
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Considering that education policy is the translation of a series of political
intentions, our Education System Act is one of the most important sources for this
analysis. Where could one find a more explicit statement of intentions? In other official
documents? In politicians' speeches? According to D'Hainaut (1980), there are two ways
of getting at the education policy of a country: either through a content analysis of
intentions, or an analysis of the reality, the latter being more complicated. Analysis of
intentions without reality or vice versa leaves the picture incomplete. Following
D'Hainaut, I propose to concentrate on five indicators (among many possibilities), which
reflect the values, the moral, political and cultural philosophy, that's to say, the
fundamental choices faced in developing Portugal's education policy: Focus on the
Individual vs the Group; Past, Present or Future Orientation; the Role of Political
Ideologies; Access; Homogeneity.
1. Focus on the Individual vs the Group
The first question to be asked concerns whether the education policy of Portugal
gives priority to the individual or groups of individuals. Does society as a whole matter
more than the individual? Or is the policy designed for the interests of particular
pressure groups, one social class more than the others, an economic lobby, a political
party or a religious group? Or is there a balance between the interests of each individual
and the whole society? Or is the struggle among social classes and the tension between
the individual and society being ignored?
In spite of acknowledging the contribution of individual action to the development
of society, the Education System Act shows a preoccupation with the individual. Over
and over, it claims "the right to be different, out of respect for personalities and different
ways of life, as well as consideration for and valuing of different fields of knowledge
and culture." ["...o direito à diferença, mercê do respeito pelas personalidades e pelos
projectos individuais da existência, bem como da consideração e valorização dos
diferentes saberes e culturas."] But reality does not exactly accord with the Law. How to
develop the individual's capacities? Are our schools provided with a variety of
resources? Are they prepared to provide pupils different options in subject matter? Are
there individual curricula? Do we contemplate an individual process of evaluation of
pupils? Contrary to the intentions embodied in the Education System Act, the reality of
Portuguese education is closer to neglect of individual differences.
2. Past, Present or Future Orientation
Is the Portuguese education system looking to the past, to that "golden age", when
everything was perfect? Is it focused on a past where one can find the "best" models for
behavior, the national heroes? Is our priority the preservation of old traditions? Or are
we interested in facing the present as we live it, in solving the problems as they appear to
us at the moment? And what attention is given to the future? And what kind of future is
envisioned? A future that conforms to our plans and expectations, or an unpredictable
future to which we must learn to adapt?
The Education System Act asserts that the education system has to "contribute to
the defense of the national identity and to the strengthening of allegiance to the nation's
historic origins, through development of awareness of the cultural patrimony of the
Portuguese people." But the same text goes on to say that this must be accomplished "in
the frame of the universalist European tradition and the growing interdependence and
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necessary solidarity among all the people of the world." ["...contribuir para a defesa da
identidade nacional e para o reforço da fidelidade à matriz histórica, através da
consciencialização relativamente ao património cultural do povo português" (art.3.a.).
"...no quadro da tradição universalista europeia e da crescente interdependência e
necessária solidariedade entre todos os povos do mundo." (art.3.a.).] "We are proudly
alone!" Salazar said when Portugal was being pressured by the nations of the world to
grant independence to its colonies. Facing increasing globalization, Portugal is now
implementing programs that look beyond its borders: a) International exchanges
(students and teachers are encouraged to participate in European exchange programs); b)
access to world-wide repositories of information (primary schools have started to
become linked to the internet); and c) emphasis on foreign language instruction (there
are now instances of English teaching in primary schools). Portuguese education policy
is oriented to the future more than to the past or the present. The schools are no longer
focused on a "glorious" distant past, memorizing the dynasties, and the kings and
queens.
3. Political Dynamics
D'Hainaut's third analytic indicator has to do with political dynamics, the nature
and the intensity of the changes the political forces want to introduce into the education
system. Do they seek a conservative, progressive or revolutionary system? For which
political system are we preparing our pupils to be participants? Or are they not being
prepared for political participation at all? Are they being prepared for a totalitarian, a
democratic or an anarchist regime? And when "democracy" is spoken of, is it the
popular democracies of the past Soviet regime or the contemporary Chinese regime? Or
is reference made only to western democracies, either presidential or parliamentry? The
Education System Act speaks of democratization of society and teaching that guarantees
"the right to a just and effective equality of opportunity for access to and success in
school." Education is expected to "promote the development of a democratic and
pluralistic spirit, that respects others and their ideas, and is open to dialogue and a free
exchange of opinions." Education is also expected to "form citizens capable of judging
with a critical and creative spirit the social milieu of which they are part and to strive for
its progressive transformation." ["...o direito a uma justa e efectiva igualdade de
oportunidades no acesso e sucesso escolares." "...promover o desenvolvimento do
espírito democrático e pluralista, respeitador dos outros e das suas ideias, aberto ao
diálogo e à livre troca de opiniões" (art.2.5.). "...formar cidadãos capazes de julgarem
com espírito crítico e criativo o meio social em que se integram e de se empenharem na
sua transformação progressiva." (art.2.5.).]
Nevertheless, students' participation in school life has decreased significantly, in
spite of the existence of academic associations in higher education and also in secondary
schools. Perhaps, contemporary issues simply do not galvanize them to action as did
those in the past when the end of war in the African colonies was a popular student
cause. Students appear to be more pragmatic now. The slogan "Not one more soldier to
Africa" has been replaced by "No more fees!"
4. Openness and Effectiveness of Education
The fourth indicator proposed by D'Hainaut has to do with the openness and
effectiveness of education. All political intentions are in accord in this respect, referring
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to the fact that all Portuguese people should have the right to education and culture. But
the reality of attaining this goal is seen in the schooling rates, illiteracy rates, length of
compulsory education, and the like. Salazar used to say the democratization of education
would go against "natural inequalities," the legitimated and necessary hierarchy of
values and persons in an well-ordered society. "It's necessary to put an end to the legal
overproduction of intellectual forces" the Ministry of Education said. (Monteiro, A. R.
1975. 144). "Illiteracy in Portugal is not recent and nor did it prevent our literature from
becoming one of the richest in past centuries" Salazar proclaimed. (Monteiro, A. R.
1975. 145-146).
Compulsory education in Portugal after the Revolution took the form of a program
of Basic Education, which lasts nine years, divided into three consecutive cycles: a) First
cycle, which lasts for four years (6 to 10 years old); b) Second cycle, which lasts for two
years (10 to 12 years old); c) Third cycle, which lasts for three years (12 to 15 years old).
Basic Education is free of charge: pupils don't need to pay any entrance or enrollment
fees and they all have school insurance. General support, such as school meals,
transports, books and materials are provided only to the most needy pupils.
Pre-school education is still optional, in spite of being part of the state education
system. The number of places available is less than the number of applicants. Secondary
education is also not compulsory. It is organized in a single cycle covering the 10th, 11th
and 12th years of schooling and aims to consolidate and deepen the knowledge acquired
in basic education to prepare young people both for further studies and for employment.
Access to the university or polytechnic colleges is determined by the well-known
numerus clausus. A combination of secondary grades and performance on a national test
is used to decide entrance to higher education. Talents and interests are simply ignored
or subordinated to the need to balance supply and demand for occupations. It often
happens that a student who dreamed of becoming a doctor is trained as a science teacher
instead. And what possibilities for access to education exist for older, non-traditional
students? "Lifelong learning" has entered the vocabulary of politicians. But what has
been done other than traditional education? Has anyone begun to experiment with
continuous education, sabbaticals, the adult literacy, and the like? Portugal has a long
way to go to achieve a meaningful education system for non-traditional students.
But openness and effectiveness of education is not only measured by criteria of
access to a particular level of schooling. How many of those who enroll ever graduate?
And how long does it take to complete each level of schooling? And what about early
school-leaving and school failure? Little is known about any of these features of the
education system.
5. Homogeneity of Education
By the "homogeneity of the education system"—D'Hainaut's fifth indicator—we
mean whether the same quality education is available for all people. In fact, education is
very often stratified according to the age, sex and social origin of the persons to be
educated. In my opinion, the Portuguese education system measures up well in this
respect. The Portuguese Education System Act was acutely aware of these
considerations when it recommended the goal of providing "a school system with a
second opportunity for those who did not take adavantage of opportunities at the
appropriate age." (art.3.i.) or when it promised "to assure equality of opportunities for
both sexes. . ." (art.3.j.) or when it referred to "cultural promotion." ["...uma escolaridade
de segunda oportunidade aos que dela não usufruíram na idade própria..." (art.3.i.) The
access of women to education is a fact now, contrary to the situation in the past. In the
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last decade, women have entered some predominantly male professions, such as those
related to law, medicine and university teaching. The creation of new universities and
polytechnic colleges has also promoted social mobility for disadvantaged groups.
Geography can also affect the equality of schooling. The Education System Act
acknowledged that Portugual's "unevenness of regional and local development should be
corrected, which should enhance in all regions of the country equal access to the benefits
of education, culture, and science." ["...assimetrias de desenvolvimento regional e local a
serem corrigidas, devendo incrementar em todas as regiões do País a igualdade no
acesso aos benefícios da educação, da cultura e da ciência". (art.3.h.)]. Ten years ago, a
Portuguese resident of Madeira had less chances of having a higher degree than a
Portuguese citizen living on the mainland. The creation of the University of Madeira
(the youngest Portuguese University) made real the political intention of correcting such
geographic inequities. Another dimension of the homogeneity of education is the
curriculum itself. Shall it be the same for all people, or shall it be diversified according
to each person's aptitudes, interests, social needs and talents? Shall it be the same for all
Portugal, or is there a place for regional variations according to regional needs? Little
has been done in this regard. The nation's curriculum is still heavily centralized. Before
the Revolution, one spoke of one uniform curriculum from Minho (a northern region
from Portugal) to Timor. One curriculum remains too much the reality today.
Conclusion
Rather than merely describing the organisation of the Portuguese education
system, I have instead presented my interpretation of the system built by the new
political regime. By contrasting intentions and reality, we learn at least three things
about how policy shapes the education system:
Education policy has two rarely coincident dimensions: an official and a real one.
We can't say there isn't any education policy because there isn't any concrete
document on it. Portugal waited twelve years for the Education System Act to be
written; this did not mean it lacked an education policy in the meantime.
1.
Education policy is always in evolution. Eleven years after the Law was published,
it was rewritten (Law 115/97) with the introduction of an important measure on
teacher education: The degree of licenciado is now absolutely necessary for the
teaching of all levels (nursery and primary teaching included).
2.
Education policy does not only depend on the pronouncements of politicians. It
depends on the efforts of each of us—administrators, professors, teachers—in our
day- to-day work. We can corrupt wonderful principles or we can give real
meaning even to insipid political pronouncements.
3.
Notes
This article was presented under the name "Portuguese Experience," at the ATEE
Spring Conference "Changing Education in a Changing Society", at Klaipeda
University, Lithuania, May, 1999.
1.
The Editor thanks Alfinio Flores for translations of selected portions of the
Education System Act.
2.
References
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Constituição da RepÚblica Portuguesa de 1976 (Actualised by the Constitutional Law nº
1/97, 20 September.
Commission Européenne, DG XXII: Education, Formatin et Jeunesse. (1996). Réformes
dans l'enseignement obligatoire: 1984-1994. Bruxelles: Eurydice.
D'Hainaut, L. (1980). Educação. Dos fins aos objectivos. Coimbra: Livraria Almedina.
European Commission (DG XXII). (1999). Development in the field of education at the
national level. Brussels: Eurydice National Units.
Eurydice. CEDEFOP. European Commission. (1995). Structures of the Education and
Initial Training Systems in the European Union. Brussels. Luxembourg:
ECSC-EC-EAEC.
Lei de Bases do Sistema Educativo (Law nº 115/97, 19 September)
Lei de Bases do Sistema Educativo (Law nº 46/86, 14 October)
Ministério da Educação. (1998). Currículo, Programas e Aprendizagens. Lisboa: DES.
Monteiro, A. R. (1975). Educação, acto político. Porto: Edições O Professor.
White Paper on Education and Training (Memo/96/162). European Commission white
paper teaching and learning: Towards the learning society.
About the Author
Jesus Maria Sousa
University of Madeira, Department of Education Sciences
Campus Universitário da Penteada, 9000-390 Funchal, Portugal
Office phone number: 00-351-91-705203
Fax number: 00-351-91-705229
Email: angi@dragoeiro.uma.pt
Jesus Maria Sousa holds a PhD in Teacher Education from the Centre d'Études et de
Recherches en Sciences de l'Éducation in the University of Caen (France) and an MA in
Curriculum Analysis and Organisation from the University of Minho (Portugal). Since
1989, she has served as a professor in the Department of Education Sciences in the
University of Madeira (Portugal), being responsible for the area of Curriculum Theory
and Development. From 1996 to 1998, Dr. Sousa was Vice-Rector of the University of
Madeira for Pedagogical and Students Affairs, member of the Regional Education
Council, and member of National University Evaluation Council--Fundação das
Universidades Portuguesas. She is part of the Research and Development Centre 19 of
the Association of Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE), working on Perspectives on
Curriculum in Teacher Education, and is member in charge of the international office of
the Provisional Bureau for the Société Européenne d'Ethnographie en Éducation, located
at Lecce University (Italy). Currently, her research focuses on personal dimensions in
teacher education, education ethnography and flexible curricula.
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Copyright 2000 by the Education Policy Analysis Archives
The World Wide Web address for the Education Policy Analysis Archives is epaa.asu.edu
General questions about appropriateness of topics or particular articles may be
addressed to the Editor, Gene V Glass, glass@asu.edu or reach him at College
of Education, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-0211.
(602-965-9644). The Commentary Editor is Casey D. Cobb:
casey.cobb@unh.edu .
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