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On the Rapid Rise of Social Networking Sites: New Findings and Policy Implications



Social networking sites have been rapidly adopted by children and, especially, teenagers and young people worldwide, enabling new opportunities for the presentation of the self, learning, construction of a wide circle of relationships, and the management of privacy and intimacy. On the other hand, there are also concerns that social networking increases the likelihood of new risks to the self, these centring on loss of privacy, bullying, harmful contacts and more. This article reviews recent findings regarding children and teenagers’ social networking practices in order to identify implications for future research and public policy. These focus on the interdependencies between opportunities and risks, the need for digital or media literacy education, the importance of building safety considerations into the design and management of social networking sites, the imperative for greater attention to ‘at risk’ children in particular, and the importance of a children’s rights framework in developing evidence-based policy in this area.
On the Rapid Rise of Social Networking
Sites:New Findings and Policy Implications
Sonia Livingstone* and David R Brake
Department of Media and Communications, London School of Economics and Political Science,
London, UK
Social networking sites have been rapidly adopted by children and, especially, teenagers and
young people worldwide, enabling new opportunities for the presentation of the self, learning,
construction of a wide circle of relationships, and the management of privacy and intimacy.
On the other hand, there are also concerns that social networking increases the likelihood of
new risks to the self, these centring on loss of privacy, bullying, harmful contacts and more.
This article reviews recent findings regarding children and teenagers’ social networking prac-
tices in order to identify implications for future research and public policy. These focus on the
interdependencies between opportunities and risks, the need for digital or media literacy edu-
cation, the importance of building safety considerations into the design and management of
social networking sites, the imperative for greater attention to ‘at risk’ children in particular,
and the importance of a children’s rights framework in developing evidence-based policy in
this area. 2009 The Authors. Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau.
Social networking among UK children and teenagers
Every few years, governments, the public and even technology providers are taken aback by
the unexpected take up among young people of yet another innovation — email, chatrooms,
texting, instant messaging, blogging and, recently, social networking sites. Public policy
aspirations quickly capitalise on these youthful enthusiasms, seeking to revitalise agendas of
informal education, health and lifestyle advice, and civic participation. Simultaneously, tech-
nological innovations afford the commercial world new possibilities for targeted and embed-
ded marketing, while public policy is also required to address new online risks to children’s
well-being. This article reviews recent findings regarding children and teenagers’ social
networking practices in order to identify key recommendations for the future research and
public policy.
Most social networking sites are intended for teenagers and adults, though some have no
lower age limit and some target younger children. In 2007, 42% of UK 8–17 year olds had a
social network profile, including 27% of 8–12 year olds and 55% of 13–17 year olds.
lar figures hold in other countries, and use continues to grow worldwide, though it may have
peaked in the USA and UK among young people (comScore, 2008). Ofcom’s (2008) survey
found that most users visit social networking sites daily or every other day, with parental
restrictions on use reported by 62% of middle class users (74% of those under 13), but fewer
than half of working class users of any age; further, middle class and younger children are
also more likely to have set their profile to ‘private’ (i.e. accessible only to friends or family)
DOI:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2009.00243.x RESEARCH REVIEW
2009 The Authors
Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau
— 61% of social network users overall have restricted access to their profile in the UK and
similar figures apply in the USA.
Social networking sites, like much else on the Internet, represent a moving target for
researchers and policy-makers. Having recently reached the mass market, they continue to
evolve as domestic broadband access increases and digital technologies of all kinds, includ-
ing GPS location tracking on mobile platforms, become more available. Several previously
‘closed’ social networking sites now allow their users to incorporate features created by third
parties and let users log into third party sites using their profile information, potentially
undermining corporate responsibility for users’ privacy protection.
New opportunities for self-expression, learning, communication and networking?
Because identities are constructed within, not outside, discourse, we need to understand them as pro-
duced in specific historical and institutional sites within specific discursive formations and practices,
by specific enunciative strategies [and] within the play of specific modalities of power (Hall, 1996: 4).
Identities are constituted through interaction with others. Increasingly, the sites in which
young people perform and experiment with identity include the online domain. As both
technology and its uses evolve, this reconfigures the possibilities for social identity construc-
tion in ways that are not yet fully understood. But what remains constant, driving online
and mobile communication, is young people’s strong desire to connect with peers anywhere,
anytime — to stay in touch, express themselves and share experiences. Contrary to popular
anxieties about isolated loners who stay at home and chat to strangers online, as distinct
from the sociable kids with healthy face-to-face social lives, empirical research undermines
any sharp line between online and offline, or virtual and face-to-face. Rather, youthful prac-
tices are best characterised by the flexible intermixing of multiple forms of communication,
with online communication primarily used to sustain local friendships already established
offline, rather than to make new contacts with distant strangers (Boneva and others, 2006;
Gross, 2004; Mesch and Talmud, 2007), and this applies equally to social networking (Ellison
and others, 2007; Valkenburg and Peter, 2007a,b).
At the heart of the explosion in online communication is the desire to construct a valued repre-
sentation of oneself which affirms and is affirmed by one’s peers. Observation of teenagers’
social networking practices reveals the pleasure they find creating an online ‘project of the self’
(Giddens, 1991). A typical teenager’s MySpace profile had a big welcome in sparkly pink, with
music, photos, a love tester, guestbook and dedication pages, all customised down to the scroll
bars and cursor with pink candy stripes, glitter, angels, flowers, butterflies, hearts and more. As
she said, ‘you can just change it all the time [and so] you can show different sides of yourself’
(Danielle, 13, quoted in Livingstone, 2008a). Friends’ responses are often strongly affirming,
offering mutual recognition in the peer network (Valkenburg and others, 2006).
Teenagers have long decorated their bedroom walls with images expressive of their identity,
also keeping a diary or photo album, sending notes and chatting to friends. So does online
social networking make a difference? Few claim that social networking has dramatically
transformed children and young people’s lives, but its specific affordances do appear to facil-
itate changes in the quantity and, arguably, the quality of communication: these include the
ease, speed and convenience of widespread access and distribution of content, connectivity
2 Sonia Livingstone and David Brake
2009 The Authors CHILDREN & SOCIETY (2009)
Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau
throughout a near-global network, the persistence and searchability of content over time, the
facility to replicate, remix and manipulate content, and settings for managing conditions of
privacy, anonymity and exchange (Boyd and Ellison, 2007; Ito and others, 2008).
One consequence is the wide circles of friends (or ‘friends of friends’) sustained by social net-
working teenagers: a survey of US 13–18 year olds found the average number of social net-
working contacts is 75 (Harris Interactive, 2006). Self-report methods may distort the picture
— an analysis of contacts on a random selection of public MySpace profiles for users aged
16+ found the median number to be only 27 (Thelwall, 2008), though contacts numbering in
the hundreds are commonplace (Salaway and others, 2008), this enabling bridging social
capital — the creation and maintenance of extensive social networks of weak ties (Ellison and
others, 2007). A second consequence important to teenagers is that social networking sites
enable them to overcome the embarrassments of face-to-face communication, because they
afford asynchronous, noncommittal, playful interaction in which the management of ‘face’
and negotiation of flirting, misinterpretation and innuendo is more controllable (Livingstone,
2008a). Third, social networking disembeds communication from its traditional anchoring in
the face-to-face situation of physical co-location where conventions of trust, authenticity and
reciprocity are well understood, re-embedding it in more flexible, complex and ambiguous
networks in which, it seems, children share advice and support with peers (Heverly, 2008).
Possibly, those who do not engage in social networking miss out on more than just commu-
nication. The think tank, Demos, challenges the public sector to keep up with and enable ‘the
current generation of young people [who] will reinvent the workplace and society’ (Green
and Hannon, 2007: 62). Educators and advocates of new digital literacies are confident that
social networking encourages the development of transferable technical and social skills of
value in formal and informal learning (Crook and Harrison, 2008; Ito and others, 2008).
Many public sector and non-governmental organisations, from educators to child welfare
workers to activist movements hope that through social networking services they can address
young people on their own terms, putting the potential of viral marketing to positive use.
However, whether these wider benefits exist is yet to be established by empirical research.
New risks of privacy invasion, bullying and dangerous contacts?
New opportunities tend to be associated with new risks (Livingstone and Helsper, in press).
The UK’s Home Office Task Force on Child Protection on the Internet (2008) identifies a ser-
ies of risks to children’s safety associated with social networking — bullying, harassment,
exposure to harmful content, theft of personal information, sexual grooming, violent behav-
iour, encouragement to self-harm and racist attacks. Anxious headlines — ‘Knife a Pal on
Facebook’ (Clench, 2008), ‘Facebook spells end of lasting friendships, says expert’ (Smith,
2008), ‘MySpace Invaders: Evil Lurks on Teen Sites’ (Webster and Edwards, 2007) — certainly
overstate the problem, but there are grounds for genuine concern. Such research findings as
exist link social networking with a range of content, contact and conduct risks to children
and young people, including some perpetrated by children themselves.
The UK Children Go Online survey of 9–19 year olds found that, among those who used the
Internet at least weekly, 57% had seen online pornography, 31% had seen violent and 11%
had seen racist content. Further, 31% had received sexual comments online and 28% had
been sent unsolicited sexual material. A third had received bullying comments online and
Rapid Rise of Social Networking Sites 3
2009 The Authors CHILDREN & SOCIETY (2009)
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8% had gone to a meeting with someone first met online (Livingstone and Bober, 2005). Two
adolescent practices are likely to exacerbate online risk — the disclosure of personal informa-
tion and the experimental nature of peer communication. Yet it seems teenagers are fairly
though not entirely careful when communicating online. A content analysis of a random
sample of 2423 public MySpace profiles produced by under 18s found that many provided
personal photos (57%), but only a few discussed alcohol consumption (18%), showed images
of friends in swimsuit underwear (16%), provided real names (9%), discussed smoking (8%),
showed them selves in swimsuit underwear (5%) or discussed marijuana use (2%) (Hinduja
and Patchin, 2008). A USA survey found that while boys and younger teens are more likely
to post false information, older teenagers (especially girls) are more likely to reveal detailed
personal information: overall, 49% included their school and 29% their email address
(Lenhart and Madden, 2007). An Irish survey of 10–20 year olds found that while 49% gave
out their date of birth, only 12% gave their mobile phone number and 8% their home
address (Anchor, 2007). Since social networking sites are designed for teenagers to provide
at least their name, birth date and photograph, such personal disclosures are unsurprising.
There is growing evidence that personal disclosure facilitates communication risks. While mild
peer-to-peer problems may include teenagers teasing each other by posting ‘embarrassing’ pic-
tures, concerns are growing about ‘cyberbullying’ (Patchin and Hinduja, 2006): a 2006 survey
found that, although 69% pupils were bullied in past year, only 7% said they had received
unpleasant or bullying emails IM text messages (Bullying UK, 2006), although another survey
found 20% had been cyberbulli ed (NCH Tesco, 2006). Higher levels of cyberbullying are
reported in the USA: 72% of 12–17 year olds, an online survey found, had been bullied online
in the previous year, and 85% had also been bullied in school. Although from a self-selected
sample, these figures show how online and offline bullying are linked (Juvonen and Gross,
2008): Hinduja and Patchin (2009) found that 82% of those bullied online knew their perpetra-
tor and 42% who reported being cyberbullied were also bullied at school.
Much research tends not to distinguish modes of communication — email, text, chatroom,
instant messaging or social networking. While 33% of 10–15 year olds contacted in the USA
reported being harassed online in 2007, they were more likely to be harassed through instant
messaging or chatrooms than via social networking sites (Ybarra and Mitchell, 2008). Ybarra
and others (2007) argue that teenagers who communicate in multiple ways online are most
at risk of online victimization, as are those who seek out opportunities to talk about sex with
unknown people and who have unknown people in their buddy lists (see also Internet Safety
Technical Task Force, 2009). Having found that lower self-esteem and well-being is more
common among teenagers who particularly seek opportunities to talk to strangers online,
Valkenburg and Peter (2007a) argue that chatrooms favour such interaction with strangers
more than instant messaging. For social networking, a key factor might be whether a teen-
ager’s profile is set to public or private and whether he or she is careful or casual in accept-
ing unknown contacts as friends. However, research has yet carefully to disentangle the
workings of these different factors — forms of online communication, conditions of use,
characteristics of the young users, and possible adverse consequences.
Policy implications: balancing opportunities and risks in social networking
Children and youth worldwide have adopted social networking sites enthusiastically, partly
because of the erosion of children’s freedoms in the physical world (Gill, 2008). But
4 Sonia Livingstone and David Brake
2009 The Authors CHILDREN & SOCIETY (2009)
Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau
children’s agency should not be overstated, for their practices are constrained by their degree
of digital literacy (which is not as high as popularly assumed; Livingstone, 2008b), and by
the technical designs of social networking sites (which impede easy management of settings
and transparency regarding the commercial use of personal information). In this section, we
identify pressing five issues for researchers and policy makers.
First, opportunities and risks are linked. Teenagers’ experience of a range of opportunities is
positively correlated with their experiences of online risk, so that the more opportunities they
take up, the more risks they encounter, and the more policy attempts to limit risks the more
it may also limit opportunities (Livingstone and Helsper, in press). Further, the more skilled
teenagers are in their use of the Internet, the more they experience both opportunities and
risks (and not, as often supposed, the more able they are to avoid risks). The interdependen-
cies between risks and opportunities are partly due to youthful exploration and risk-taking
practices — it being part of adolescence to push boundaries and seek out new, even trans-
gressive opportunities (Hope, 2007). It is also a matter of interface design — for example,
pornography and sexual advice results from the same online search while filters may block
both; similarly, poorly designed privacy controls can be misunderstood by users seeking to
share intimate information with friends.
Second, as communicative environments develop, so do the media or digital literacy
demands on their users. As long as definitions of media literacy remain contested and
schools remain reluctant to incorporate media education into teacher training and classroom
curricula, children’s knowledge will lag behind the industry’s fast-changing practices of
embedded marketing, use of personal data, user tracking and so forth, most of which is opa-
que to young people as they navigate the options before them. Further, limitations on and
inequalities in digital literacies mean not all young people benefit from the new opportuni-
ties on offer; indeed, providing online resources may exacerbate rather than overcome
inequality as opportunities are disproportionately taken up by the already-privileged
(Hargittai, 2007).
Third, addressing risk cannot be left solely to parents and children, as neither fully under-
stands how to manage this online nor has sufficient resources to do so. Noting confusion
among parents, children and those working in child protection regarding the risks social net-
working poses to children, the UK’s CEOP (2006) calls for ‘safety by design’ so as to build
safety protection into the interface rather than relying on the safety awareness and digital
literacy skills of children and parents. In the UK, the Byron (2008) Review led to a new UK
Council for Child Internet Safety, established to provide independent and accountable over-
sight of commercial self-regulatory practices. At a European level, the EC’s Safer Internet
Programme has supported guidance for pan-European self-regulation of social networking
services (EC Social Networking Task Force, 2009). One key issue is ensuring appropriate
privacy protection for children,
leading the European Network and Information Agency to
consider a range of means to address privacy-related threats, identity issues and social risks,
from awareness raising to improving transparency of data handling practices, and from
authentication and consent processes to default software setting and automated filters
(Hogben, 2007; see also Kesan and Shah, 2006).
Fourth, specific attention is required for ‘at risk’ children, given growing indications that
those low in self-esteem or lacking satisfying friendships or relations with parents are also
those at risk through online social networking communication (Livingstone and Helsper,
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2009 The Authors CHILDREN & SOCIETY (2009)
Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau
2007; Valkenburg and Peter, 2007a; Ybarra and Mitchell, 2004) and, further, that those at
risk may also be those who then perpetrate harm towards others. A balanced risk assessment
should also note that, though dangerous, risks to children from adult sexual predators on
social networking sites are very rare (Internet Safety Technical Task Force, 2009), and more
common is the misuse of personal information by spammers and fraudsters (Jagatic and
others, 2007) and the inadvertent release of personal information harmful to young people’s
reputations and employment prospects (YouGov, 2007).
Lastly, in framing policies to reduce risk, children’s rights must not be forgotten. The UN
Convention on the Rights of the Child includes the right to freedom of assembly and expres-
sion as well as freedom from harm and privacy from the state, commerce and individuals.
Since children are concerned to maintain privacy from their parents, this challenges simplistic
advice that parents should ‘check up’ on their children’s social networking activities, with or
without their permission. The balance between opportunities and risks should, arguably,
be struck differently for ‘at risk’ children, where greater monitoring or restrictions may be
legitimate — moreover, for these children especially, relying on parents to undertake this role
may be inappropriate.
In all, the evidence to date suggests that, for most children, social networking affords con-
siderable benefits in terms of communication and relationships, less proven benefits as yet
regarding learning and participation, and some transfer of bullying and other social risks
from offline to online domains. While there is, therefore, much left to do for policy makers
if children are, overall, to gain substantial benefit from social networking, there is also
much left for researchers to do. In writing this article, we have struggled to find sufficient
empirical research on which to ground our claims. Research must keep up to date with
children and young people’s social practices online, as their enthusiasm for social network-
ing is undeniable and their future uses of this technology may, as so often before, still
surprise us.
1 These figures from Ofcom (2008) have been rebased for all UK 8–17 year olds and recalcu-
lated by age for this article.
2 A Pew Internet survey of American 12–17 year olds found that two-thirds keep their pro-
file wholly or partially private and that, of the information that is made public, much is
either non-revealing or false (Lenhart and Madden, 2007).
3 Bringing together the British Youth Council, Children’s Rights Alliance for England,
National Children’s Bureau, National Council for Voluntary Youth Services, the National
Youth Agency and Save the Children England, Participation Works (http://www.participa- uses social networking to give children a voice; see also, a
project ‘designed to investigate how social networking services can and are being used
to support personalised formal and informal learning by young people in schools and
colleges’ (
4 In one study, one in six university students expressed high concern that a stranger might
know their class schedule and address but these same students had provided exactly this
information on their Facebook profile, having misunderstood Facebook’s privacy policy
(Acquisti and Gross, 2006; Tufekci, 2008). Emerging tools which enable users to broadcast
their locations and activities online automatically represent a particular threat.
6 Sonia Livingstone and David Brake
2009 The Authors CHILDREN & SOCIETY (2009)
Journal compilation 2009 National Children’s Bureau
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*Correspondence to: Sonia Livingstone, Department of Media and Communications. London School of Economics
and Political Science, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, UK Tel: 02079557710; Fax: 02079557248. E-mail:
Contributors’ details
Sonia Livingstone is Professor and Director of Graduate Studies, Department of Media and Commu-
nications and Project Director, EUKidsOnline, She
researches children and young people’s engagement with the internet at the Department of Media
and Communications, LSE.
David R Brake is completing his PhD on web 2.0 usage practices at the Department of Media and Com-
munications, LSE.
Rapid Rise of Social Networking Sites 9
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... (Young Person, B) Acknowledging the point made by the young person this does not detract from the genuine concerns regarding the use by children and young people in care's use of digital technology as well as the Internet. These concerns come in the form of the content they are exposed to, those with whom they are in contact with, and also their conduct online (Livingstone and Brake, 2010;Fursland, 2011;May-Chahal et al., 2014and Sen, 2011. ...
... Concerning risk, Livingstone (2010) states that what is lost in attention grabbing headlines about children and young people misusing or being harmed by digital devices and the Internet is not a nuanced account of the experiences of children and young people. This is especially the case for those children and young people who are in care. ...
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Deafblindness, sometimes termed dual sensory loss, is a complex impairment, and deafblind people have been described as some of the most vulnerable in society. Yet, the condition is also a much misunderstood impairment, and despite both its known psychosocial impact and the substantial diversity of the deafblind population, work with deafblind people has been largely marginalised by the social work profession. In this chapter, I describe the provenance of my long-standing practice and research interest in deafblindness, before exploring some of the challenges that can result in the exclusion of deafblind people from social work research. I then outline the ways in which funding from the BASW Social Workers’ Educational Trust helped me to respond to these challenges during my doctoral studies (2012-2020) involving older deafblind people. Recognising that research on vulnerability has principally concentrated on policy analysis and theoretical debate, my study explored the lived experience of the phenomenon amongst adults ageing with deafblindness. The chapter presents the core findings of the study, paying particular attention to the ways in which misunderstanding contributes to deafblind older people’s felt vulnerability, and then highlights the implications of these findings for social work practice in the field. The chapter concludes with some suggested further reading and helpful resources.
... Eremu anglosaxoniarrean, bereziki aipagarriak dira, erabili duten ikuspuntu orokorragatik, ondorengo irakasle hauek egindako lanak: Mastermann (1979Mastermann ( , 1980Mastermann ( , 1985Mastermann ( , 1993, Luckham (1975), Firth (1976, Golay (1973), Gerbner (1983, Jones (1984), Duncan (1996). Berriagoak dira beste hauek: Nathanson (2002Nathanson ( , 2004, Buckingham (2005), Stein & Prewett (2009): Larson (2009), Livingstone & Brake (2010) eta Gainer (2010). Gaztelaniaz lan interesgarri asko egin dituzte beste irakasle/autore hauek: Kaplun (1998), Aparici (1994), García Matilla (1996, 2004, Aguaded (1998Aguaded ( , 2000 eta Orozco (1999). ...
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Resumo Este texto se origina de pesquisa que investiga a relação entre visibilidade, infância e participação na internet. O estudo analisa as representações de youtubers crianças em uma amostra de 43 notícias coletadas por meio de um alerta do buscador Google, entre os anos de 2017 e 2019. Com base na compreensão da notícia como produto cultural e na visibilidade infantil como imagem social das crianças, a metodologia do trabalho se valeu dos princípios da análise de conteúdo. Os achados parciais indicam que o protagonismo infantil de que gozam nas mídias sociais, particularmente no YouTube, é problematizado pelo conteúdo noticioso analisado, gerando repercussões sociais que, embora não celebrem tal protagonismo, não deixam de reconhecer a condição de sujeito das crianças.
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Abstract Social media and social networking sites have become popular across governments, enterprises, and non-profit making organisations. Nevertheless, education has evidenced conflicting views around the role that social media ought to play in pedagogy. This thesis examines whether or not social media can be incorporated into pedagogy successfully. The research aims are to examine the current relationship between social media and pedagogy, to identify factors that influence teacher engagement, and to determine whether or not social media can make an impact on student engagement and performance. The study is underpinned by Trowler's (2008) socio-cultural theory and the research is based on a mixed methods approach. I applied a phase of online quantitative surveys that were analysed using descriptive statistics and two subsequent phases of interviews that were analysed thematically. I adopted purposeful sampling to recruit 434 secondary teachers with QTS to participate in the study. The results show that there is little meaningful, transformative professional development in schools in respect of using social media for pedagogy (Kennedy 2005; 2014). I argue that CPD in schools should focus on developing pedagogical strategies with technology as opposed to focusing on the technology in its own right. Furthermore, teachers' reflections indicated that the differences between the social media platforms are profound; thus, grouping them together can become problematic. In other words, YouTube's functionality is applied in an opposite way to Twitter's and with different audiences. Additionally, the study has uncovered a lack of thought towards applying technology in education policymaking, and this became problematic for schools during the U.K. lockdown. The study's major themes illuminate the challenges involved with successfully embedding technology in education, particularly social media. ii Contents
Los adolescentes participan en las redes sociales de forma habitual como un nuevo espacio de ocio y entretenimiento entre este colectivo, siendo escasa la sensibilización de un uso responsable. El propósito de este estudio fue analizar el consumo de medios digitales y redes sociales en los jóvenes, así como valorar su influencia en el entorno familiar y socioeducativo. La investigación, de carácter transversal, descriptiva y correlacional, se llevó a cabo con la participación de 104 estudiantes de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria (ESO) de un centro educativo de la Comunidad Autónoma de la Región de Murcia, mediante la cumplimentación de un cuestionario tipo escala Likert. De los resultados obtenidos se evidencia que existen diferencias significativas en el uso de las redes sociales, según el género y que existe relación entre su percepción de la competencia digital y la participación en las redes sociales; por el contrario, los adolescentes no consideran que lleven a cabo conductas de riesgo, ni creen que el origen de los conflictos en su entorno sociofamiliar pueda ser el uso de las mismas. /// Adolescents participate in social networks on a regular basis as a new space for leisure and entertainment among this group, with little awareness of responsible use. The purpose of this study was to analyse the consumption of digital media and social networks in young people, as well as to assess their influence on the family and socio-educational environment. The research, of a cross-sectional, descriptive and correlational nature, was carried out with the participation of 104 students of Compulsory Secondary Education (ESO) from an educational centre in the Autonomous Community of the Region of Murcia, by means of the completion of a Likert scale questionnaire. From the results obtained, it is evident that there are significant differences in the use of social networks, according to gender and that there is a evidence of a relationship between their perception of digital competence and participation in social networks; on the other hand, adolescents do not perceive risky behaviour, as well as the possibility of having conflicts in their socio-family environment due to their participation in social networks.
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This comprehensive text explores the relationship between identity, subjectivity and digital communication, providing a strong starting point for understanding how fast-changing communication technologies, platforms, applications and practices have an impact on how we perceive ourselves, others, relationships and bodies. Drawing on critical studies of identity, behaviour and representation, Identity and Digital Communication demonstrates how identity is shaped and understood in the context of significant and ongoing shifts in online communication. Chapters cover a range of topics including advances in social networking, the development of deepfake videos, intimacies of everyday communication, the emergence of cultures based on algorithms, the authenticities of TikTok and online communication’s setting as a site for hostility and hate speech. Throughout the text, author Rob Cover shows how the formation and curation of self-identity is increasingly performed and engaged with through digital cultural practices, affirming that these practices must be understood if we are to make sense of identity in the 2020s and beyond. Featuring critical accounts, everyday examples and analysis of key platforms such as TikTok, this textbook is an essential primer for scholars and students in media studies, psychology, cultural studies, sociology, anthropology, computer science, as well as health practitioners, mental health advocates and community members.
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Researchers have reiterated the influence of firms' attributes on project success in silos. These attributes include; market orientation, learning orientation, operations strategy, competitive intelligence and social networks. However, in addition to the non-consideration of the mediating role of project environment, the combined effect of these intrinsic attributes on construction project outcome has remain a disjointed phenomenon in extant construction management literature. A sample size of 373 was determined using the Krejce and Morgan's (1978) table. In this study, a structured questionnaire was used to collect data from 373 architecture and engineering construction (AEC) professionals; Architects (67), Builders (75), Engineers (85), Civil Engineers (60), Mechanical Engineers (57), Electrical Engineers (40); and Quantity Surveyors (74). From a deductive positivist philosophical standpoint, supported by the strength of explanation and prediction, the data was analyzed using SMART PLS Version 3. The result shows fitness for an established model. It was found that 'project environment' significantly mediated the impact of intrinsic attribute of firms with varying level of impact on project success. 'Social networks' had the highest direct impact on project success. For supporting managerial actions, model selection metrics show that alternative models with promising predictive power are available. This study is limited in its reliance on empirical data from built-environment professions, based on their participation on recently completed projects. Because construction firms manifest their intrinsic characteristics during construction activities, empirical data from on-going projects may establish a more generalizable model of causality. Keywords: Competitive intelligence, construction firms, learning orientation, market orientation, operations strategy, project environment, social network; and project success
Introduction: Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) are the most popular medium for social communication amongst adolescents and young adults. However, there is growing concern surrounding heightened ICT use and the activation of influential social constructs such as moral identity and moral disengagement. The importance of moral ideals to oneself (i.e., moral identity) and the distancing of oneself from these moral ideals (i.e., moral disengagement) are often contextual and were tested for differences in online domains compared to face-to-face interactions. Methods: Three hundred and ninety-two early adolescent to young adult participants (Mage = 19.54 years, SD = 4.48) completed self-report questionnaires that assessed online and face-to-face behavior in this cross-sectional study. Results: Moral identity in an online context was significantly lower when compared to family and friend contexts. Further, moral disengagement was significantly higher in an online context when compared to face-to-face contexts and online moral disengagement significantly mediated the relationship between online moral identity and antisocial online behaviors (i.e., pirating, trolling, and hacking, etc.,). Both of these contextual differences remained stable across early adolescence to young adulthood. Conclusion: Moral identity and moral disengagement exhibit sociocognitive effects within online contexts across ages of early developmental importance. These results may account for high prevalence rates of antisocial online behavior such as trolling, pirating, and hacking within this sample. As social interaction for younger demographics continues to gravitate online, these results highlight that online contexts can influence important personality constructs.
As social constructs, children are impacted by global consumer media and media arts. Consumer media targets and advertises to specific groups. Understanding that consumer media and media arts play a large role in social and consumer change can inform educators about the development of youth identities, especially the identities and sometimes the stereotypes of certain groups of people such as LGBTQ+. In this chapter, we share our project with thirty-five preservice art teachers on decoding stereotypes of LGBTQ+ people in the global media arts such as films, animations, movies, and cartoons. We then asked each of them to create their own ideal cartoon character that could be used in their kindergarten to grade 12 (K-12) classrooms with a statement about their design rationales. Our analysis reveals three strategies that the teachers used to design their cartoon characters. We also share our teaching approaches and provide suggestions for how teachers can be allies of the LGBTQ+ community.KeywordsLGBTQ+ representationGender stereotypeMedia literacyPreservice art educationCharacter designDecoding stereotypesQueer-codingQueer-baiting
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This publication contains reprint articles for which IEEE does not hold copyright. Full text is not available on IEEE Xplore for these articles.
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Bullying in a school setting is an important social concern that has received increased scholarly attention in recent years. Specifically, its causes and effects have been under investigation by a number of researchers in the social and behavioral sciences. A new permutation of bullying, however, has recently arisen and become more common: Techsavvy students are turning to cyberspace to harass their peers. This exploratory article discusses the nature of bullying and its transmutation to the electronic world and the negative repercussions that can befall both its victims and instigators. In addition, findings are reported from a pilot study designed to empirically assess the nature and extent of online bullying. The overall goal of the current work is to illuminate this novel form of deviance stemming from the intersection of communications and computers and to provide a foundational backdrop on which future empirical research can be conducted.
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The prevailing paradigm in Internet privacy litera- ture, treating privacy within a context merely of rights and violations, is inadequate for studying the Internet as a social realm. Following Goffman on self-presentation and Altman's theorizing of privacy as an optimization between competing pressures for disclosure and with- drawal, the author investigates the mechanisms used by a sample (n = 704) of college students, the vast majority users of Facebook and Myspace, to negotiate boundaries between public and private. Findings show little to no relationship between online privacy concerns and infor- mation disclosure on online social network sites. Students manage unwanted audience concerns by adjusting pro- file visibility and using nicknames but not by restricting the information within the profile. Mechanisms analo- gous to boundary regulation in physical space, such as walls, locks, and doors, are favored; little adaptation is made to the Internet's key features of persistence, searchability, and cross-indexability. The author also finds significant racial and gender differences.
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Many hopes exist regarding the opportunities that the internet can offer to young people as well as fears about the risks it may bring. Informed by research on media literacy, this article examines the role of selected measures of internet literacy in relation to teenagers’ online experiences. Data from a national survey of teenagers in the UK (N = 789) are analyzed to examine: first, the demographic factors that influence skills in using the internet; and, second (the main focus of the study), to ask whether these skills make a difference to online opportunities and online risks. Consistent with research on the digital divide, path analysis showed the direct influence of age and socioeconomic status on young people’s access, the direct influence of age and access on their use of online opportunities, and the direct influence of gender on online risks. The importance of online skills was evident insofar as online access, use and skills were found to mediate relations between demographic variables and young people’s experience of online opportunities and risks. Further, an unexpected positive relationship between online opportunities and risks was found, with implications for policy interventions aimed at reducing the risks of internet use.
The American Diabetes Association currently recommends that all youth with type 1 diabetes over the age of 7 years follow a plan of intensive management. The purpose of this study was to describe stressors and self-care challenges reported by adolescents with type 1 diabetes who were undergoing initiation of intensive management. Subjects described initiation of intensive management as complicating the dilemmas they faced. The importance of individualized and nonjudgmental care from parents and health care providers was stressed. This study supports development of health care relationships and environments that are teen focused not merely disease-centered and embrace exploring options with the teen that will enhance positive outcomes.