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Plural Policing: A Comparative Perspective
... Exploring the political underpinning of order-making constitutes this book's key contribution. It adds a more profound political dimension to the growing body of literature on plural policing and security governance that informs most of its chapters (Loader 2000;Bayley and Shearing 2001;Jones and Newburn 2006;Wood and Shearing 2007;Baker 2008;Abrahamsen and Williams 2011). This literature has made a significant contribution to research on policing by moving beyond definitions that centre on the monopoly of the state and its institutions. ...
... The literature on 'plural policing' (Loader 2000;Bayley and Shearing 2001;Buur and Jensen 2004;Jones and Newburn 2006;Wood and Shearing 2007;Baker 2008) and 'security beyond the state' (Abrahamsen and Williams 2011) challenges previous criminological studies of policing as being equal to the study of the (state) police. This shift is based on a general acceptance that '"policing" is now both authorized and delivered by diverse networks of commercial bodies, voluntary and community groups, individual citizens, national and local governmental regulatory agencies, as well as the public police' (Jones and Newborn 2006: 1). ...
... that seeks to ensure the maintenance of communal order, security and peace through elements of prevention, deterrence, investigation of breaches, and punishment' (Baker 2008: 5). Thus, policing is associated with a set of practices and functions rather than with a particular institution or agency (Jones and Newburn 2006). This definition raises the question not of who ought to police society and of who is in a de jure position to do so, but of who actually does it in the everyday (Albrecht and Kyed 2010). ...
... Exploring the political underpinning of order-making constitutes this book's key contribution. It adds a more profound political dimension to the growing body of literature on plural policing and security governance that informs most of its chapters (Loader 2000;Bayley and Shearing 2001;Jones and Newburn 2006;Wood and Shearing 2007;Baker 2008;Abrahamsen and Williams 2011). This literature has made a significant contribution to research on policing by moving beyond definitions that centre on the monopoly of the state and its institutions. ...
... The literature on 'plural policing' (Loader 2000;Bayley and Shearing 2001;Buur and Jensen 2004;Jones and Newburn 2006;Wood and Shearing 2007;Baker 2008) and 'security beyond the state' (Abrahamsen and Williams 2011) challenges previous criminological studies of policing as being equal to the study of the (state) police. This shift is based on a general acceptance that '"policing" is now both authorized and delivered by diverse networks of commercial bodies, voluntary and community groups, individual citizens, national and local governmental regulatory agencies, as well as the public police' (Jones and Newborn 2006: 1). ...
... that seeks to ensure the maintenance of communal order, security and peace through elements of prevention, deterrence, investigation of breaches, and punishment' (Baker 2008: 5). Thus, policing is associated with a set of practices and functions rather than with a particular institution or agency (Jones and Newburn 2006). This definition raises the question not of who ought to police society and of who is in a de jure position to do so, but of who actually does it in the everyday (Albrecht and Kyed 2010). ...
This anthology explores the political nature of making order through policing activities in densely populated spaces across Africa, Asia and Latin America. Based on ethnographic research, the chapters analyze this complex with respect to marginalized young men in Haiti, community policing members and national politicians in Swaziland as well as other individual and collective actors engaged in policing and politics in Indonesia, Swaziland, Ghana, South Africa, Mexico, Bolivia, Haiti and Sierra Leone. What these contexts have in common is a plurality of order-making practices. Not one institution monopolizes the means of violence or a de facto sovereign position to do so. A number of interests are played out simultaneously, entailing re-negotiations over the very definition of what ‘order’ is. How and by whom a particular order is enforced is contested, at times violently so, and is therefore inherently political. In the existing literature on weak states, legal pluralism and policing in the Global South it is seldom made explicit that making order is a route to power and positions of political decision-making. It is this gap in the literature that this anthology fills, as it analyses the politics at stake in processes of order-making.
... This institutional relationship is complicated by Pakistan's complex history of civil-military relations in which the Army (the patron of the Rangers) has frequently injected itself into domestic politics, undercutting the authority of civilian institutions, including the police. i Scholarship that explores relations between police providers primarily engages with debates on the pluralisation of policing and relies upon research on police partnerships in Western contexts (Bayley and Shearing 1996, Jones and Newburn 2006, Crawford 2008, Terpstra and Devroe 2015, Maillard and Zagrodzki 2017, Eikenaar 2019. More recently, police public-private partnerships in non-Western settings are generating ethnographic interest (Kaker 2013, Diphoorn and Berg 2014, Diphoorn 2019, and enriching our understanding of plural policing in Africa, Asia and Latin America (e.g. ...
... The pluralisation of policing is understood as efforts by public and private, governmental and non-governmental entities to enforce law, maintain public order, and control crime (Bayley andShearing 1996, Jones andNewburn 2006). In this paper, 'plural policing' is not limited to a reductive public-private dichotomy. ...
This paper explores the relationship between two state institutions, a civilian police and a paramilitary force, jointly tasked with maintaining law and order in Karachi. I describe this system of pluralised policing as a ‘competitive-network model’, in which unstructured cooperation between police and paramilitary officers coincides with competition and inter-agency conflict. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Karachi between 2015 and 2019, I analyse the impact of the competitive-network model on the civilian police. I argue that this relationship model causes institutional disruptions within the civilian police, reinforces the belief that militarisation of routine police work is necessary, and creates a crisis of self-legitimacy for civilian police officers who identify their institution as the ‘younger brother’ in such relational dynamics. This is the first study to investigate the partnership between two public policing providers in Pakistan. In doing so, it makes an empirical contribution to an expanding scholarship on the pluralisation of policing that currently lacks an understanding of partnerships between state officials and entities jointly tasked with public policing. It therefore raises important questions about the effects of police pluralisation, and prompts in-depth ethnographic research that assesses the impacts of pluralised policing on civilian police officers, particularly from contexts where the diversification of security actors may be politically motivated and detrimental to the professionalisation of civilian institutions.
... maintenance of public order, law enforcement, criminal investigation, surveillance, beat policing, law enforcement, prevention of crime, etc. As mentioned in the introduction, the notion "policing" is often used to refer to the activity of a complex network of formal and informal public and private partners, mostly identified with the notion of plural policing (Terpstra, Stokkom & Spreeuwers, 2013;Loader, 2000;Loader & Walker, 2001;Jones & Newburn, 2006b), contributing to certain police functions (assemblages of police forces with city guards, special investigation officers, parking controllers, environmental functionaries, social inspectors, ...; intelligence agencies; private commercial agencies; citizens initiatives, neighbourhood watch programmes, ...) (Bayley & Shearing, 1996Crawford, et al. 2005, Jones & Newburn, 2006aLoader, 2000). ...
... European metropolises and their local governance challenge the traditional concept of national police systems in various ways ( Ponsaers et al., 2014). This is largely obtained by pluralizing the police function (Jones & Newburn, 2006a). This pluralisation is to a large extent an internal process, almost not influencing the shape of national police systems. ...
By including this chapter in the volume we want to avoid that each of the contributors has to explain the broad national policing context and the standing conditions in their chapters, while it is precisely the intention to focus on differences in metropolitan policing. In other words, the ambition of this publication is cross-national, even trans-national, comparison . But the endeavour is also intra-national. It was the merit of Wesley Skogan to suggest to compare in each country two or more major cities in one and the same country, trying to discover to what extent policing in these cities differ from each other. The underlying assumption is that differences in policing in metropolises in the same nation-state reflects the elbowroom of metropolitan areas to develop their own policing policy, in spite of one and the same national context. We assume that the reverse is also probable, more precisely that the absence of prominent metropolitan differences in one and the same country mirrors largely the dominance of a national security policy. Therefore it is necessary to include this chapter in the volume.
Politics in European metropolises is largely characterized by the competition of power between the nation-state and metropolitan governance . In the majority of European countries the state police are still considered as the formal guardian (or the relic of a vanished age) of sovereignty on the national territory and the visible expression of state power.
It seems that European nation-states consider police matters still as their property and that national governments conceive their police system as one of the national symbols of their existence. Police is considered as the visible presence of the state in public space.
In this chapter we present a typology of different national police systems, useful for the interpretation of a metropolitan reading of policing realities within different national contexts. Given this general framework, we tried to build this typology on the question of (historical) national dominance or regional autonomy in policing.
... The Home Office also found that the majority of the public were sceptical as to whether Police Authorities were effective, largely because of their low public profile. Moreover, Jones and Newburn (2006) observed a notable decline in the popular legitimacy of the police, so crucial to public consent and compliance, and others suggested Police Authorities lacked any form of transparency and legitimacy (Graville and Rogers, 2011). Supporting this, it was highlighted that although members of Police Authorities were appointed representatives, the majority were not directly appointed by the public. ...
This article examines the new relational accountabilities of Chief Constables, Police, and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and Police and Crime Panels (PCPs) in England and Wales. Referring to a number of recent reports and reviews, the discussion initially focuses on the effectiveness of these relationships and, in particular, the inefficiency of PCPs. Using new empirical data obtained through interviews with senior stakeholders in policing at regional and national levels, and relevant persons in Government, this research shows PCPs are impotent and ineffective. This article develops current understanding, showing that PCPs may cause a new unforeseen consequence. Namely, the exercise of accountability and the governance of policing may be unusually reactive to the ‘one-to-one’ accountability relationship between PCCs and Chief Constables. This research is all the more important in light of Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services finding in 2021 that there is an ‘atmosphere of mistrust and fear’ between PCCs and Chief Constables and The Police Foundation reporting ‘a crisis of confidence’, recommending ‘root and branch reform’ (Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services 2021). Such recommendations are made to strengthen the exercise of accountability and the governance of policing. Specifically, the Home Secretary is encouraged to review the Policing Protocol Order (2011) and issue a Memorandum of Understanding to ensure ‘effective, constructive working relationships’ are not just a quixotic pursuit but a practical reality that safeguards the governance of policing.
... The contributions of this Special Issue also speak to recent anthropological studies that have taken a relational approach to understanding the state, which highlight the increasingly networked and multi-sectorial modality of governance that mark contemporary European welfare states. A growing body of literature on the 'pluralization' and 'hybridization' of welfare states has addressed how the co-existence of a wide range of state and non-state actors has activated changing patterns of welfare provision and governance 'beyond the state' (Loader 2000;Jones and Newburn 2006;Gressgaard 2016). Extending from this, ethnographically informed scholarship has bridged a divide between the study of welfare governance conducted by cross-institutional state agencies and governance conducted through community building, activated citizenship and proximate state-client relationships (Duyvendak et al. 2016;Van Houdt et al. 2011). ...
Anthropologists and sociologists have paid increasing attention to how states and families entangle in modern societies [...]
... Differences between countries, lack of (internal) unity of police due to the heterogeneity of the tasks they are entrusted with, and the unfinished quest to delineate the police from other organisations (for example, private police, armies, militias). In many countries, 'policing' is now both authorised and delivered by a range of diverse actors including governments and governmental regulatory agencies (Jones and Newburn 2006). ...
Comparative Policing Review
Issue #1, 2022
Comparative policing. Polities, regulatory agencies, organizations and their workers.
Michael Tonry: “Foreword”
Wesley Skogan: “Why study policing comparatively?”
Sebastian Roché, Jenny Fleming, Cross-national research. A new frontier for police studies
Beatrice Jauregui, “Police worker politics in India, Brazil, and beyond”
José Miguel Cruz, Police, “Non-State Actors, and Political Legitimacy in Central America”
Hung-En Sung, Bryce Barthuly, Joel Capellan, “Trust in the Police and the Militarization of Law Enforcement in Latin America”
Sonja Zmerli, “Institutions, political attitudes or personal values? A multilevel investigation into the origins of police legitimacy in Europe”
Dietrich Oberwittler, Sebastian Roché, “How national contexts matter. A Study of police-adolescent encounters in France and Germany”
Francis D. Boateng, Daniel K. Pryce, Gassan Abess, “Legitimacy and Cooperation with the Police: Examining Empirical Relationship Using Data from Africa”
Tim Newburn, “The Inevitable Fallibility of Policing”
... Seeking to balance the load of dealing with quality-of-life nuisances in urban spaces between the two institutions, several European countries have gradually moved the responsibility for dealing with these nuisances from the national policing arena to the municipal one (Jones and Newburn, 2006;Jones and Van-Steden, 2013). They have done so either by forming municipal police forces with limited authority (Devroe and Ponsaers, 2017) or by recruiting the police to join hands with municipal inspectors on demand (Stuart, 2014). ...
Inter-institutional management struggles to balance the deontological and utilitarian values of public services. Urban policing exemplifies this subtle balance between the different yet complementary authorities and tools entrusted to municipalities and the police to ensure personal and environmental safety, and tackle the nuisances that negatively impact residents’ quality of life. Hence, democracies adopt different approaches to managing the interplay between municipalities and the police. Integrating the public value accounting, strategic triangle, and PerformanceStat approaches, we analyse the effective inter-institutional management of the local authorities and the police using three models of urban policing that currently exist in Israel. Based on in-depth interviews, we suggest an improved strategy that balances deontological and utilitarian values, and should result in financial savings, less need to use authority and force, sensitive enforcement services, and value for local residents.
... Yet, research at the intersections of public health and policing has largely focused on the intersection of public health and public policing while side-lining other forms of policing. Bradley's (2017) research is representative of the bulk of the plural policing literature as it is focused on public police and other organized policing agents dedicated to crime prevention, crime control and security provision (see also Boels and Verhage 2015;Jones and Newburn 2006). While crime-oriented plural policing agents are well-researched subjects, relatively few researchers have discussed the role that public-health-oriented policing agents play within the 'wider policing family'. ...
International media have praised Aotearoa New Zealand for its response to the coronavirus pandemic. While New Zealand Police played a fundamental role in enforcing pandemic control measures, the policing landscape remained plural. This article employs Loader [2000. Plural policing and democratic governance. Social and legal studies, 9 (3), 323–345] model of plural policing to understand responses to public health emergencies. It identifies two forms of policing which were evident in Aotearoa during the COVID-19 lockdown that should be added to Loader’s model. First, we argue that contexts with colonial history require that the model not only includes by-government and below-government policing but also next-to-government policing by Indigenous peoples – such as the ‘community checkpoints’ run by Māori. Second, and further developing Loader’s model, we argue that the category of below-government policing be expanded to include ‘peer-to-peer policing’ in which government responsibilizes members of the public to subject each other to large-scale surveillance and social control. Since plural forms of policing affect each other’s functionality and legitimacy, we argue that what happens at the synapses between policing nodes has profound implications for the process of community building. Because community building is essential to fighting pandemics, we conclude that the policing of pandemic intervention measures may require an expanded understanding and practice of plural policing to support an optimal public health strategy.
... The Home Office also found the majority of the public were sceptical as to whether Police Authorities were effective, largely because of their low public profile. Moreover, Jones and Newburn (2006) observed a notable decline in the popular legitimacy of the police, so crucial to public consent and compliance, and others suggested Police Authorities lacked any form of transparency and legitimacy (Gravelle and Rogers, 2011). Supporting this, it was argued that although members of Police Authorities were appointed representatives the majority were not directly appointed by the public. ...
The calls in 2019 and 2020 for a Royal Commission, combined with the launch of The Strategic Review by The Police Foundation and the recommendation by Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services for ‘profound and far reaching police reform’, evidence a thirst for refinement, and potentially, significant change to the governance of policing. Using new empirical data obtained through elite research interviews with some of the most senior stakeholders in policing at a regional and national level, this article explores the ability of Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) to hold Chief Constables to account. Attention is drawn to how the accountability of Chief Constables to PCCs may have significant strengths, such as enhanced visibility, increased frequency, and improved scrutiny. However, the accountability of Chief Constables may also be frustrated and possibly compromised. Indeed, accountability might be exercised inconsistently, susceptible to significant variance and contingent on the calibre and vagaries of PCCs. As such, recommendations are made to strengthen governance arrangements to ensure Chief Constables are robustly held to account. Specifically, the Home Secretary is encouraged to review The Policing Protocol Order and issue an Accountability Code of Practice.
... Differences between countries, lack of (internal) unity of police due to the heterogeneity of the tasks they are entrusted with, and the unfinished quest to delineate the police from other organisations (for example, private police, armies, militias). In many countries, 'policing' is now both authorised and delivered by a range of diverse actors including governments and governmental regulatory agencies (Jones and Newburn 2006). ...
... Compstat-like innovations (i.e. a mix of technological and managerial systems focused on internal accountability within police organisations) were adopted within a short time frame by the majority of large American departments (Weisburd et al. 2003) and have had a far broader reach in various Western countries (Australia, Great Britain and France). The international growth of the private security industry is correlated to a widespread pluralisation (Jones and Newburn 2006a) or multilateralisation (Bayley and Shearing 2001) of policing. In most countries, the number of private security agents has risen more rapidly than public ones over the last 30 years. ...
... The policing of public order, or public order policing, remains the fundamental role of the police. Despite the increasing pluralisation of policing (Jones and Newburn 2006) and the increasing militarisation of policing, the police, albeit in different forms and styles, continue to act as the universal prime custodians for ensuring order during public gatherings and events. ...
... The complex public-private arrangements in these transnational networks are sometimes taken for granted and often even invisible. However, these arrangements pose serious challenges to established liberal conceptions of state sovereignty, democratic governance and accountability, and human rights protection(Bowling & Sheptycki, 2012;Jones & Newburn, 2006; Shearing & Johnston, 2010; Shearing & Stenning, 2016; Ruteere, Shearing, & Stenning, 2016). ...
... The policing of public order, or public order policing, remains the fundamental role of the police. Despite the increasing pluralisation of policing (Jones and Newburn 2006) and the increasing militarisation of policing, the police, albeit in different forms and styles, continue to act as the universal prime custodians for ensuring order during public gatherings and events. ...
Police Perceptions, Attitude and Preparedness in Managing Public Assemblies
... 114). Johnston's insights emerged during a time where a small and growing body of scholars began to recognize and document the "quiet revolution" (Stenning & Shearing, 1980) in private and plural forms of policing (Jones & Newburn, 2006;Loader, 2000). Building on this work, Bayley and Shearing (2001) offered a framework for characterizing entities and territories comprising the policing field. ...
Policing, in its various forms and dimensions, has indelible and complex connections to public health. The conventional functions of policing—promoting social order, security, and crime prevention—are animated by many issues easily framed by a public health lens (e.g., forms of violence, mental illnesses, drug abuse, homelessness). Policing with a crime control focus can make public health worse by criminalizing vulnerable people and undermining access to health and harm reduction resources. Conversely, policing with a health focus can help link vulnerable people to treatment and recovery-oriented resources. Recognizing these connections, researchers have largely focused on the public health effects of policing by the public police, and practitioners have worked to transform the public police with population health in mind. This article suggests that although this focus on transforming the public police is necessary to the advancement of public health, it neglects to understand connections between private policing and public health. This conceptual article argues for the need to widen our focus beyond the public police when exploring policing’s relationship to public health. This expanded view, I suggest, is important to discovering the ways in which the health vulnerabilities of people and places may be compromised by different policing mentalities and practices. At the same time, it may provide clues about ways in which policing beyond the police might creatively and virtuously promote public health.
... As regards the first of the two aspects, the difficulty is finding a definition of the concept of police that distinguishes public police apparatuses, operating in a single national state, from their specific policing activity (Jones & Newburn, 2006;Terpstra, Stokkom, & Spreeuwers, 2013). 3 The question is important: on the one hand it is so due to the historical depth of the debate on the concept in question (Jobard, 2014) and, therefore, its importance and significance from a diachronic perspective; on the other, synchronically, due to its current specificity with respect to the past (Recasens i Brunet, 2004). ...
The analysis of national police systems is the core subject of several sociological and criminological scholarly papers. This analysis, however, especially when carried out comparatively, has been relatively neglected in political science, leaving important questions unanswered. If law enforcement systems are at the core of a legitimate violence apparatus within modern states, what structural–political factors can determine the differences and the similarities among different national contexts? And how can they be explored? This article aims to fill this gap by developing a theoretical framework and a methodological proposal that facilitate the development of a political science new research agenda. At the theoretical level, this article investigates the long–term organizational features that have shaped the original models of the organizational field underpinning the various European national police systems, which have the ability to persistently affect the development of those police systems. At the methodological level, this article seeks to define a typological instrument that can determine the differences and the similarities among different national police systems in today’s European democracies, as well as their evolutionary features, within a comparative analytical framework.
... Recent decades have seen much attention paid to the issue of 'plural policing' (Jones and Newburn 2006), the rise of a 'police extended family' (Johnston 2003) or a 'mixed economy' (Crawford et al. 2004) of policing, as scholars have sought to account for the diversity of actors now engaged in authorising and delivering policing alongside the public police. However, within this expanding field of research, few have acknowledged the intra-organisational dimensions of this trend and its impact on 'core' areas of police work, such as crime investigation. ...
Fuelled by the declining numbers of warranted detectives and growing demand for non-traditional skill-sets within the police in England and Wales, non-warranted Civilian Investigators (CIs) were introduced by the Police Reform Act 2002 to enhance the police’s investigative capacity. In the absence of existing research on CIs, this paper uses the junior partner thesis as an analytical lens through which to examine the nature of the CI role relative to that of warranted detectives. Findings point to an evolving ‘equal partner’ role for CIs, resulting in an expansive occupational remit which belies their place in the formal police organisational hierarchy as the complementary ‘junior partners’ of detectives. The article concludes by arguing for better accommodation of the CI role/remit within the police organisational infrastructure. Developing effective training and progression opportunities for CIs are essential if the police are to retain both their specialist skills-sets and the organisational memory they represent.
... Bedrageriefterforskning uden for politiet anslås at beskaeftige mere end 10.000 fuldtidsmedarbejdere i UK, heraf 3.250 alene inden for socialt staendigt kan sigte bedragere uden politiets mellemkomst, har der naturligt også vaeret en del fokus på professionaliseringen af denne nye faggruppe. Her indskriver studier af bedrageriefterforskning sig i en større kriminologisk allestedsnaervaerende politipraksis (Jones & Newburn, 2006;Loader, 2000 ...
... Many postcolonial contexts are characterized by what has become known as "plural policing", in which a range of non-state security forces collaborate and compete with the formal state police (Jones and Newburn 2006). These other policing actors include neighbourhood watches, armed vigilantes, gangs, and private security companies. ...
Racial profiling by the police is a common occurrence in many countries, and the racialized constructions of threats underlying such policing practices can often be traced to histories of colonialism and slavery. This essay seeks to draw attention to the role of private policing in relation to these legacies. Contemporary private security guards often identify suspicious or threatening persons based on racialized discourses similar to those prevalent among police officers. While the demographic make-up of private security professionals is not always the same as that of the police, they have similarly been implicated in profiling practices. How are the practices of private security companies related to colonial, racialized modes of policing? What colonial legacies and historical parallels can we recognize in contemporary private policing, and what are the most evident discontinuities? How do employees, managers, and guards grapple with these legacies? This essay focuses on the private security sector in Jamaica to address such questions. Drawing on interviews, focus groups and informal conversations with the owners and managers of private security companies, government officials, and security guards in the capital of Kingston, we discuss how historical formations of class, race, and gender are reflected in, reinforced by, and contested within the industry.
... And although applying different custodian concepts to describe and analyse worldwide surveillance and control developments, e.g. 'panopticon' (Simon 2005), 'ban-opticon' (Bigo 2008), 'prepression' (Schinkel 2011), 'assemblage' (Haggerty and Ericson 2000), 'network' (Jones and Newburn 2006), 'web' (Brodeur 2010), or, more to the point, 'surveillance society' (Lyon 1994, Mathiesen 2013, it is fair to conclude that they all tell a story of governmental surveillance having become both more pervasive and intrusive, inescapable and often inequitable. ...
It has become theoretical orthodoxy to point to and problematise a rise in surveillance. This article contributes to this debate. Following a still marginal yet budding number of studies that focus on the practical, quotidian level of surveillance systems, the article ethnographically examines the daily surveillance work of a number of Danish detectives. What is demonstrated is that whilst the Danish detectives openly acknowledged the need for further surveillance, they simultaneously often refrained from actually carrying out the surveillance practices needed. The article describes why that is. In doing so, it serves as a reminder of how the everyday reality of surveillance work may not necessarily be as effective as much scholarship on the matter may lead us to believe. Furthermore, it shows how these given Danish surveillance actors not only did not follow surveillance policies, they sometimes even actively opposed them. Contrary to the widespread idea that surveillance actors such as the police automatically appreciate new Orwellian opportunities, the Danish detectives commonly saw them as a hindrance to what they truly appreciated about their work. To them, an increase in police surveillance often meant a decrease in job satisfaction.
... The focus is on the public police in each country. There has been much research into non-public forms of policing/security -or plural policing (e.g., Shearing 1992;Loader 2000;Jones and Newburn 2005;Zedner 2006). Such developments have occurred within the four countries considered here. ...
“Developing an Agenda for International Criminal Justice Teaching and Training.” in Kauko Aromaa and Slawomir Redo, eds. For the Rule of Law: Criminal Justice Teaching and Training across the World. (Helsinki: European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control, 2008).
... Academics have devoted much attention to what they call 'plural policing' (Jones and Newburn 2006): the rise of a 'police extended family' (Johnston 2003) or a 'mixed economy' (Crawford et al. 2004) of policing populated by private security guards, municipal law enforcement officers, community support officers and other police auxiliaries. However, within this expanding field of research, the role, work and experiences of police volunteers remain surprisingly underexposed. ...
Fuelled by the popularity of citizen participation in community safety and by an ongoing pluralisation of policing, there is increasing acknowledgement of volunteer policing around the Western world. Starting with a review of the small body of knowledge that has been built up, our paper outlines the origins and background of police volunteers, their management, their role and the activities they carry out, and records their job satisfaction and working experience. Empirical findings from the Netherlands show that most police volunteers are positive about having the opportunity to do something worthwhile for society, to improve personal skills, and to make connection with regular police colleagues. Yet, at the same time, they are disappointed with their position within the force and feel uncertain about their role. As an institution, the Dutch police tends to undervalue and neglect the work of police volunteers, not least because of slow policy making processes, an unclear vision about the future of volunteer policing, and suspicion about the unwanted substitution of salaried work by voluntary work. This ambiguous attitude runs counter to the current political agenda in favour of a participatory society and active citizenship in the Netherlands, and bears striking resembles to what is known about the position of police volunteers in UK and in the US.
... In absolute terms, the total number of private security professionals active in those countries was nearly two times greater than the total number of police officers. The importance of this sector is widely recognized by the academic literature, particularly in the field of criminology, which now offers a considerable collection of studies on that subject ( [2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11], among others). ...
The losses caused by worker theft is one of the most concerning security problems for corporations. Private policing of the workplace is central to cutting down on such losses and keeping up profits. One of the most frequently used methods in such policing is searching workers. Despite the importance of searches and their potential for intrusion into individuals’ right to privacy, the normative bases for and limits to the use of this power have so far been little studied. The aim of this paper is to analyze the legal foundations and limits imposed by the Brazilian State so that private security guards can conduct searches in the workplace. The analysis is based on a qualitative study of Brazilian labor law and a qualitative/quantitative study of 376 judicial decisions on searches collected randomly in two Brazilian states between 2010 and 2013. The data shows that searches can be conducted in the workplace based on the employer’s right to manage production and protect their property. It also indicates the existence of relatively flexible limits to searches. Only a minority of the courts impose restrictions on searches similar to those set for police officers. Most judges allow more extensive searches than those permitted within the scope of public justice systems. The consequences of these findings are discussed.
... 5 In terms of police work in Latin America, much research has been conducted on these organizational arrangements. Specifically, studies refer to grey policing between the state and private security companies (Zedner, 2009), security assemblages (Abrahamsen and Williams, 2009: 2), plural policing (Bayley and Shearing, 1996;Jones and Newburn, 2006), the multilateralization of policing (Bayley and Shearing. 2001), explicitly hybrid structures, institutions and states (Dewey, 2012;Dupont, Grabosky and Shearing, 2003;Koehler and Zürcher, 2004;Mulone, 2011;Renders and Terlinden 2010), as well as the symbiotic interplay of public and private security providers (Müller 2010b;. ...
... Fleeing the horrors of anarchy requires a robust state that will discipline the sentiments and emotions that drive selfish individuals into lethal competition. With the rise of the institution of the modern state, the protection of public order has become the primary responsibility of police forces, which have always been, but are now more than ever, supported by an array of 'plural' and 'private' security agencies ( Jones and Newburn, 2006). This tight intertwining of security, economic forces and judicialpolitical power makes security an 'identity identifier', because it represents a specific vision of public order that continues to affect cultural and instrumental logics of 'who we are' and 'what "normal" behaviour is' ( Neocleous, 2006). ...
This paper presents a study of Street Pastors in Cardiff, the capital city of Wales. Street Pastors are Christian volunteers who look after vulnerable people in the night-time economy. In this manner, they provide securitas through empathy and care. The motives of Street Pastors for engaging with partygoers are multi-layered, but their personal faith appears to be a key explanation. A certain kind of orthodox certitudo – of being safe in, and saved by, a higher power – gives the pastors their strength to go out on the street, face the unknown and feel compassion for their fellow citizens. As such, both ‘securitas’ and ‘certitudo’ highlight positive (that is, constitutive) connotations of safety and security not commonly heard in the criminological literature.
... (4) a first outcome of the project would be presented for publication to the European Journal of PolicingStudies.Throughout this project we used a broad concept of policing to acknowledge the central argument behind the pluralisation of policing thesis, that the state police cannot act alone on complex issues of crime and civil unrest (Jones & Newburn, 2006). Rather, we wanted to concentrate on different forms of social control, present in the European metropolises. ...
... The provision of security within the state has been changing rapidly since the second half of the twentieth century. In many parts of the world, monopolist and state systems of policing provision are increasingly being replaced by pluralistic systems in which police forces and non-state players, especially private security companies, operate side by side (Johnston 1992;Kempa et al. 1999;Bayley and Shearing 2001;Wakefield 2003;Jones and Newburn 2006;van Steden and Sarre 2007;Prenzler et al. 2007;White 2011). ...
The article explores public opinion about the public and private security sectors in Sa˜o Paulo state, Brazil, based on data obtained from a survey. The analysis finds evidence that state providers were viewed more favourably than non-state providers. The respondents considered the police and police officers in São Paulo
state to be more important, more trustworthy, and better prepared than private security companies and professionals. About two-thirds of the respondents also expressed a preference for police officers providing security services in large venues/events. The implications of these findings for the policing system are discussed.
... At the more informal level, beneath these formal avenues of voluntary and community activity, also lie the networks of the well documented 'grapevines' in both Republican and Loyalist areas, which have sustained low crime rates and social order throughout the Troubles, albeit through often repressive methods (c.f.Knox, 2002). Outside of the moral and social arguments of paramilitary social control mechanisms, such organising can be viewed within the developing discourse on the 'pluralisation' of policing insofar as 'policing is now both authorised and delivered by diverse networks of commercial bodies, voluntary and community groups' (Jones and Newburn, 2006:1). Such a point may be further contextualised around the referent of police and state legitimacy throughout the conflict, whereby 'the weakening of it's[the state's]power and credibility induce people to build their own systems of defence and representation around identities, further delegitimising the state' (Castells, 2000:14). ...
Policing in stable, democratic societies is predominantly concerned with the
implementation and practice of the globally accepted philosophy of ‘community
policing’. This concept, while itself contested within the modern structure of
policing, is further problematized in transitional and post-conflict societies. From
police legitimacy to opposing and alternative provision of security governance, the
imposition of community policing encounters problems on many different levels.
What the thesis examines is the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s (PSNI) reform
towards a vision of community policing in line with Recommendation 44 of the
Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland (ICP); while taking into
account the contributions of non-state security governance provision at the
community level.
On one hand, the thesis provides a unique study of the delivery of community
policing by the PSNI. And on the other, it provides the first empirical and systematic
study of the contribution of non-state actors to the broader policing landscape. Using
the sample areas of East and West Belfast, the research involved in-depth, semistructured
interviews with PSNI officers and members of community-based
organisations who contribute to the governance of security within those areas.
At the core of police reforms in the country, the implementation of
community policing (or Policing with the Community under the rubric of the
Independent Commission for Policing) has faltered in the face of institutional inertia
within PSNI. This has been exacerbated by a failure of the police to adequately
increase the co-production of security through improved engagement and utilisation
of Northern Ireland’s diverse community infrastructures, which contribute broad
policing rather than police issues. Through the concept of community governance
policing, the thesis argues that there is a significant potential for interaction between
PSNI and non-state ‘policing’ actors. And as part of the ICP’s vision of policing
more broadly conceived, the thesis contends that through PSNI embracing the unique
‘otherness’ to security provision at the community-level, there is an opportunity to
enhance the delivery of community policing which includes community-based
contributions to policing and security governing as part of a broader ‘public good’.
... Het is hierbij van essentieel belang te beseffen dat beveiliging, toezicht, opsporing en ordehandhaving ook buiten de korpsen kunnen worden uitgevoerd. In de literatuur wordt daarom van een 'pluralisering' (Crawford et al., 2005;Jones & Newburn, 2006) of 'multilateralisering' (Bayley & Shearing, 2001) van de politiefunctie gesproken. ...
... Coproducing crime control features in community policing (Kelling and Moore 1988), problem-oriented policing (Goldstein 1990;Reisig 2010;Scott and Goldstein 2005;Scott and Kirby 2012;Weisburd and Eck 2004), third-party policing (TPP; Mazerolle and Ransley 2005), reassurance policing (Tuffin, Morris, and Poole 2006), pulling levers (Braga and Weisburd 2012), networked policing (Crawford 2006), plural policing (Crawford et al. 2005;Ericson 2007;Jones and Newburn 2006;Loader 2000), and intelligence-led policing (Ratcliffe 2008). Notwithstanding the range of challenges that face multiagency partnerships (see, e.g., Brunson et al. 2015;Criminal Justice Joint Inspection 2014;Rosenbaum 1994;Saunders 2016), across all of these different manifestations of partnership policing, police use a variety of motivators and mechanisms to work with a wide range of partners (including citizens, state, and nonstate entities) to control crime, delinquency, and disorder problems. ...
Objectives
To evaluate, under randomized field trial conditions, the deterrent effects of a police–school partnership, called the Ability School Engagement Program (ASEP). The partnership sought to co-produce truancy reduction by actively engaging parents and their truanting children in a group conference dialogue that was designed to increase parental and child awareness of the truancy laws (and the consequences of noncompliance), and thereby foster students’ willingness to attend school.
Methods
Using a randomized field trial design, 102 truanting young people were randomly allocated to a control, business-as-usual condition ( n = 51), or the ASEP experimental condition ( n = 51). In this paper, we use mixed model ANOVA and multiple regression analysis of self-report survey data from both students and their parents to assess differences between the experimental and control group on parental perceptions of prosecution likelihood and student willingness to attend school. We use qualitative analysis of the group conference transcripts to examine how the intervention affected these factors.
Results
Our results demonstrate that the police–school partnership intervention increased parental awareness of prosecution likelihood, which moderated students’ self-reported willingness to attend school.
Conclusions
We conclude that police–school partnerships that engage parents and their children to better understand the laws pertaining to school attendance are a promising approach for co-producing the reduction of truancy.
The Citizens‐Police Liaison Committee (CPLC) was launched in 1990 by a group of Karachi‐based industrialists, with the aim of improving police performance and restoring public order in Pakistan's major business hub. Over the years, CPLC members developed a unique informational capital as well as analytical and operational skills, which were recognized as a form of expertise by law enforcement agencies and contributed to the entrenchment of the organization into the security state. This corporate mobilization for security, understood as a form of collective action organized by entrepreneurs for the protection of their lives, properties and economic activities, imposed its writ in the city's industrial zones. The expert system of the organization was then repurposed toward the surveillance of factory workers, the defense of industrial order and the regulation of circulatory flows across the estates. By engaging with the growing body of work on the new military urbanism through the lens of the risk‐theory literature on policing, the article aims to contribute to ongoing debates about the transformations of labor relations and urban citizenship under a new regime of securitization fed by ever‐thicker chains of interdependence between capital and coercion.
Against the background of studies that report on urban park spaces as supporting inclusive city life and promoting tolerance and belonging, the present study investigated the spatial dimensions of gathering and othering in Wilhelminapark, Utrecht, the Netherlands. Using observational research and on-site group interviews, we found a diversity of users performing a diversity of activities. The presence of known or unknown visitors was given as an important reason to visit Wilhelminapark, although our results show that there is little interaction between different groups of users. The latter aligns with a critical strand of literature that suggests that co-presence does not necessarily result in meaningful contact between the users of public spaces. Young people tend to socialize or relax with their own group, which makes park visits mostly an in-group activity. At the same time, being together with other visitors is an important element in the attractiveness of this park space.
A boost in global mineral and metal prices has spurred investment in the resource-rich regions of Africa, provoking comparisons with the imperial scramble for Africa at the end of the 19th century. Transnational companies played an important role in tapping African raw material resources in the 19th and early 20th century as they do today in sourcing strategic minerals from the continent. In the past, companies were not only instrumental in opening up the continent’s mineral deposits to supply European industrialisation, but were also key in the establishment of colonial rule. Imperial and colonial states subcontracted governance functions to concessionary firms who acted as hybrid entities following private, for-profit interests while being endowed with state-like powers and functions. Today, large multinational companies, alongside a number of state-owned enterprises, seem to be involved in a new economic scramble for industrial minerals on the continent, driven either by the price boom on the international metal market, or the resource interests of their respective home states.
History seems to provide appealing analogies to capture contemporary developments, as titles like ‘the new scramble’ (this book, Soares de Oliveira 2007, Frynas/Paulo 2006) suggest. Taking the analogy seriously, this chapter engages in analysing the old and new engagement of international industrial mining companies under a particular angle. Focusing on foreign companies during two periods of an alleged scramble for African resources, the early phase of European colonisation at the turn from the 19th to the 20th century, and the beginning of the 21st century, my interest is in exploring similarities in the role of companies in producing an order of resource extraction in the African periphery. As their earlier counterparts working in contexts of weak state structures, at the first glance, mining companies seem today to be much less involved in governing mining regions. However, as contemporary companies also operate in the context of fragmented and weak political order, similarities can be expected as regards companies’ engagement in producing order as a basic condition for running mining operations. Thus the chapter analyses how strategies of securing production shape the political, social and spatial order of enclaves of extraction, and how they relate companies to local political authorities.
The analysis draws on the Central African Copperbelt, comprising the Copperbelt province in the North of Zambia and the Katanga province in the South of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as a case study. Historically the region was characterised by an economic regime of competitive exploitation (Austen 1987: 155ff) and is being most affected by the booming demand for industrial metals today. The first part of the paper introduces the heuristic perspective from which the nexus of extractive business and political order will be analysed. The second part relates the integration of the region into the global economy to the boom and bust cycles of the international copper and cobalt market, gives an overview of the role of companies in the scramble for Katanga and the Copperbelt in the 19th century, and provides background information on the recent investment boom in the region. While acknowledging a number of obvious differences, the third part analyses how companies engage in securing production in the context of weak statehood and carves out similar patterns of producing order pertaining to both periods of time.
The starting point of the paper is the fact that high levels of urban growth and inadequate services, coupled with recent political transitions, sometimes lead to rising crime rates and calls from various groups for more representative policing. Because of the process of privatisation, decentralization and strengthening of the civil sector, in understanding urban policing, government officials must consider the different types of forces and services that exist within their national, regional and municipal contexts. Building effective urban policing involves understanding the contributions that the different types of services can make to policing policy. Despite the growing presence of corporate policing, there has been comparatively little empirical research on the deployment of security officers, relationships between private and public policing and the role of private security in overall security matters. Research of this kind in Croatia and other countries in the region is still scarce and fragmentary. The main goal of this paper is to explore and compare the ways how public police officers and private security guards perceive their professional training. The survey has been conducted on representative samples of police officers and private security guards in the Croatian capital Zagreb. Data were collected through an anonymous and voluntary survey of police officers and private security guards using a questionnaire that was initially created in Slovenia. The descriptive analysis and Chi-square test 2 reveal statistically significant differences between public police officers and private security guards in their perceptions of professional education and training. Private security guards show less satisfaction with their training and their preparedness for the job: they perceive their basic training and in-service training as less adequate than public police officers. One can conclude that, although private security companies have become the key component of the pluralisation of police tasks throughout Europe and the world, there are still problems with their professional education and training. Criminologists and security practitioners see a huge potential in the partnership between public police and private security sector, but such partnerships are only possible if at least a minimum level of competencies and professional integrity on both sides is ensured. It is obvious that the trends of professionalizing private security and harmonizing public and private police are crucial for the future of security service quality in the modern world.
The starting point of the paper is the fact that high levels of urban growth and inadequate services, coupled with recent political transitions, sometimes lead to rising crime rates and calls from various groups for more representative policing. Because of the process of privatisation, decentralization and strengthening of the civil sector, in understanding urban policing, government officials must consider the different types of forces and services that exist within their national, regional and municipal contexts. Building effective urban policing involves understanding the contributions that the different types of services can make to policing policy. Despite the growing presence of corporate policing, there has been comparatively little empirical research on the deployment of security officers, relationships between private and public policing and the role of private security in overall security matters. Research of this kind in Croatia and other countries in the region is still scarce and fragmentary. The main goal of this paper is to explore and compare the ways how public police officers and private security guards perceive their professional training. The survey has been conducted on representative samples of police officers and private security guards in the Croatian capital Zagreb. Data were collected through an anonymous and voluntary survey of police officers and private security guards using a questionnaire that was initially created in Slovenia. The descriptive analysis and Chi-square test 2 reveal statistically significant differences between public police officers and private security guards in their perceptions of professional education and training. Private security guards show less satisfaction with their training and their preparedness for the job: they perceive their basic training and in-service training as less adequate than public police officers. One can conclude that, although private security companies have become the key component of the pluralisation of police tasks throughout Europe and the world, there are still problems with their professional education and training. Criminologists and security practitioners see a huge potential in the partnership between public police and private security sector, but such partnerships are only possible if at least a minimum level of competencies and professional integrity on both sides is ensured. It is obvious that the trends of professionalizing private security and harmonizing public and private police are crucial for the future of security service quality in the modern world.
Against a background of the pluralisation of policing in contemporary city spaces, and sustained interests in the assessment of policing in the criminology and criminal justice literatures, the current study seeks to draw a comparative analysis in trust between policing actors, as experienced by nightlife consumers. While studies on trust in the police are numerous, this is much less the case for other actors involved in policing urban (nightlife) spaces. Neither is it very well understood how trust is distributed between policing actors. It is important to investigate this, taking into consideration the privatisation and technologisation of safety provision in contemporary cities, and the legitimacy of the actors involved. Using a survey, 894 youths enrolled in education were asked to evaluate their trust in actors involved in the policing of urban nightlife areas: the police, door staff, and CCTV. Results showed that people tend to trust human policing agents more compared to technological agents. A cluster analysis further indicated that alongside this general pattern, four additional groups can be found in the data: two groups that display the highest trust in either the police or door staff with intermediate trust in CCTV, and two groups expressing either overall low trust or overall high trust, independent of the policing actor. Employing logistic regression analyses, we find that demographic, victimisation, and contextual variables predict cluster membership. We end with suggestions for future research and reflect on whether the privatisation and technologisation of (nightlife) policing are desirable from a nightlife consumer point of view.
Since the end of the Second World War, police cooperation has experienced several transformations affecting the conduct of law enforcement operations across jurisdictions. These critical changes emerged from global legal, political and socioeconomic trends that constantly redefining the nature, structure and the role of actors involved in policing cooperation. For instance, the creation of vast free trade zones in North America, Europe and Asia has provided an important momentum for collaboration and coordination among national justice systems and the protection of the sovereignty of states. Moreover, the evolution of transnational criminal networks and the internationalization of terrorist activities have directly contributed to the multiplication of law enforcement and intelligence initiatives that transcends local and national jurisdictions. The so-called wars on crime, drug and terrorism ranging from 1960’s to 2010’s have generated the deployment of a formidable web of policing activities across the globe. In the 21st Century, a complex assemblage of public and private actors conducts police cooperation activities. These actors operate at several levels of geographical jurisdictions and cooperate through different organizational structures and legal frameworks.
This issue of the European Journal of Policing Studies is our first special issue, focusing on the central theme ‘Policing European Metropolises’. The issue’s guest editors are Paul Ponsaers (Belgium), Adam Edwards (UK), Amadeu Recasens i Brunet (Portugal) and Antoinette Verhage (Belgium). In the five articles of this special issue, authors analyse the plural policing constellations and complexes in metropolises of five different countries: Bulgaria, France, Germany, Spain and the UK. This implies that this special issue takes us for a tour through five importantEuropean metropolises: Berlin, Sofia, London, Paris and Barcelona.
Security network research has grown considerably in the last decade as it has been increasingly recognised that security is pursued through networks of public, private and hybrid actors or nodes. This research deals with local, institutional, international and virtual security networks and includes techniques such as social network analysis and approaches more familiar to organisational theory and management. However, much of the security network research employs the network concept as a metaphor to suggest a relationship between a set of security nodes, without examining the structural pattern of these relationships or the underlying properties of security networks. Different uses of the network concept have led to confusion about the application of network theory across the security field. This article attempts to address these issues by clarifying the fundamental concepts of a network perspective and revisiting existing typologies of security networks. We review research on the use of network perspectives across the security field, evaluate theoretical and empirical trends, and give directions for future research. We examine the geographical properties of security networks operating at the subnational, national and transnational levels and put forward four types of networks that have the potential to improve security network research: information exchange networks, knowledge generating networks, problem-solving networks and coordination networks. The article concludes by highlighting the importance of networks for understanding and promoting the governance of security.
Informal offer of public security in Benin: the instrumentalisation of self-defence groups by the State
Despite their invaluable contribution in the fight against robbers, the Dambanga in Benin are constantly in search of recognition as legitimate by the courts and their status varies according to different state officials. This study examines the everyday strategies developed by the Dambanga to claim legal recognition in the security system in Benin. It tries to go beyond the current debates on the relationship between vigilantism and the state by looking particularly at the actors’ own strategies to negotiate their official recognition. It is found that state officials adopt opportunistic behaviour by accepting or prohibiting such groups depending on the circumstances.
Burglars may target residential or corporate property, of which some of the latter will be commercial premises but others not. While this chapter focuses on commercial burglary, the distinctions between this and both other corporate and residential burglary are sometimes more apparent than real. Thus, a school operated by local government would be excluded from a review of commercial burglary but a private school would qualify. Equally, the burglary of a small business might include the residential premises of the owner who lives on site; crimes on farms may include both farm equipment and personal possessions; and a break-in to an office might involve theft of employees’ personal possessions.
The financial services sector is an important part of many economies. In the United Kingdom it assumes a huge contribution to the economy, accounting for 7.9% of UK GDP in 2012, 11.6% of tax receipts and employing over a million people, with a further 967,000 in professional services linked to this sector. Some of the key parts of the financial services sector include insurance, pensions, personal banking services and commercial banking services. In the United Kingdom, financial services also have a significant global dimension, attracting substantial foreign investment and in 2011 generating a trade surplus of £47 billion (The City UK, 2013). There are a wide range of criminal activities which occur in the financial services sector. They range from a robber holding up a bank with a gun, cyber criminals seeking to hack into bank computers to steal funds, to complex frauds perpetrated by the financial services sector against their own customers. Fraud alone is estimated to cost the financial services sector over £5 billion in 2012 (National Fraud Authority, 2013). The response to deal with this crime is also more complex. There are the traditional criminal justice agencies dealing with the ubiquitous volume crimes, but there is also a substantial private sector employed by the financial services organizations to protect it from crime, and there are also a number of regulators dealing with what many would regard as crimes but are not treated as such. For these reasons the financial services sector makes such an interesting case study to explore. This chapter will begin by arguing some deviant behaviours in the financial services sector which could be treated as crimes that seldom are and are frequently referred to as ‘grey crimes’. Sutherland (1949) was one of the first researchers to note the different way ‘white-collar’ crimes are dealt with in comparison to volume crimes. In this chapter, criminal behaviours in the financial services sector will be broadly grouped under the following key headings.
The article analyses cross-national variation in violent victimization of youth using data from the second sweep of the International Self-Report Delinquency Study. A multi-level approach is applied which takes into account individual factors as well as the characteristics of the immediate neighbourhood and the context of the given country. The routine activity theory suggested by Cohen and Felson is utilized to derive hypotheses about macro-level factors with the potential to explain differences in violent victimization rates. Specifically, the effects of homicide rates, the Gini coefficient, and the Human Development Index are analysed. The results reveal that the variation in violent victimization rates across countries is only partly attributable to the countries’ heterogeneity with respect to individual characteristics and lifestyle choices of youth, together with neighbourhood features. Furthermore, a significant effect is observed for a country’s Human Development Index, which relates higher levels of development to lower victimization risk, even when individual and neighbourhood characteristics are controlled for.
Der Beitrag beschreibt die Anforderungen an kooperative Sicherheitsarbeit vor dem Hintergrund einer sich ändernden Sicherheitskultur und -architektur. Neben die „klassischen“ öffentlichen Institutionen treten zunehmend auch privatwirtschaftliche und zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure, die mit spezifischen Kompetenzen an der Sicherheitsgewährung – bei einem erweiterten Sicherheitsbegriff – mitwirken. Es werden Formen kooperativer Sicherheit vorgestellt, das Konzept des Safety and Security Governance erläutert und die Herausforderungen an die Polizei verdeutlicht, in den Netzwerken der Sicherheitsarbeit mitzuwirken.
