Overview of Nordic Media Research on Immigration and Ethnic Relations

Abstract

Nordic media and communication research had reacted to the ethnically/racially and culturally changing societies since the 1980s, and the multidisciplinary field of migration, ethnic relations and the media has been shaped. This overview draws upon existing body of research, particularly on recent literature since the early 2000s, and aims to sketch out the rough lines of Nordic media research by mapping and comparing developments in this area. In addition, it points out some major outcomes and, finally, suggests future developments. The longest line of research is based on text analysis, mostly quantitative and qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis of majority media’s texts on immigration and ethnic minorities. Later on, the research focus has widened to cover various dimensions of media output as well as production and reception. Although the field is intensively developing, comparative research among the Nordic countries, and between other European countries, is scarce.

Full text

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Nordicom Review 29 (2008) 2, pp. 275-293
Overview of Nordic Media Research
on Immigration and Ethnic Relations
From Text Analysis to the Study of Production,
Use and Reception
KARINA HORSTI
Abstract
Nordic media and communication research had reacted to the ethnically/racially and cul-
turally changing societies since the 1980s, and the multidisciplinary eld of migration,
ethnic relations and the media has been shaped. This overview draws upon existing body of
research, particularly on recent literature since the early 2000s, and aims to sketch out the
rough lines of Nordic media research by mapping and comparing developments in this area.
In addition, it points out some major outcomes and, nally, suggests future developments.
The longest line of research is based on text analysis, mostly quantitative and qualitative
content analysis and discourse analysis of majority media’s texts on immigration and ethnic
minorities. Later on, the research focus has widened to cover various dimensions of media
output as well as production and reception. Although the eld is intensively developing,
comparative research among the Nordic countries, and between other European countries,
is scarce.
Keywords: Nordic countries, migration, multicultural society, ethnic relations, media research
Introduction
Immigration to the Nordic countries from elsewhere in Europe and the world is by no
means uniform. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark have received immigrants in
unequal numbers, in different time periods and from different countries. Therefore,
the immigrant communities and ethnic groups vary a great deal in their establishment,
size and composition of countries of origin. This is one of the reasons why media per-
formance related to migration and the multicultural society varies as well. In addition,
there are differences in media use among the minorities. Therefore, the overview begins
with a mapping of general migration trends to the Nordic countries between the 1990s
and 2006.
Nordic media and communication researchers have reacted to the changing demograp-
hic and cultural societies in all countries, and the multidisciplinary eld of migration,
ethnic relations and the media has been shaped more in earnest since the early 1990s.
There have been initiatives to bring Nordic media research on migration and ethnic
relations together in Nordic conferences and seminar exchanges. In recent years, the
research community has become more connected and an institutional basis is currently
10.1515/nor-2017-0191
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Karina Horsti
35 000
30 000
25 000
20 000
15 000
10 000
5000
0
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
being developed through a Nordic research network for media, migration and society
and the Nordic IMER association1. However, researchers seem to tend more towards
British and American research traditions than towards their Nordic colleagues with
regard to referencing and inspiration. This overview looks back to the early 2000s and
aims to sketch out the rough lines of Nordic media research by mapping and comparing
developments in this area. In addition, it points out some major outcomes and, nally,
suggests future developments.
To make this overview, I sent an enquiry to Nordic researchers who have published
or worked in the area of ethnic relations, migration and the media. The outcome of the
enquiry illustrates well the need for mapping and collaboration. In addition to publica-
tions, I asked their opinion on the level of Nordic research in the area and their future
perspectives to develop the eld2. Thirteen researchers replied. Surprisingly, many felt
that the last question was too difcult and were not able to say anything about Nordic
research. Well, I have to admit that preparation of this overview opened my own eyes
to the Nordic media research dealing with migration and ethnic relations. There were
numerous studies I did not know about and that I did not nd using the typical search
engines. However, as did all the Nordic researchers I was in touch with, I acknowledged
the need for collaboration. This overview is intended to contribute to this development:
It aims at giving an overview of the main research paths taken in the Nordic countries
(excluding Iceland) and the main research ndings. By doing this, I hope to nd con-
necting points, promote inspiration and ideas for collaborative research designs, and
point out some of the main black holes in this rather young research eld.
Recent Migration Trends in the Nordic Countries
The number of immigrants has grown in all Nordic countries particularly since the early
1990s, although there has been a recent dip in the numbers of asylum seekers. Increased
control of asylum policies in the European Union has decreased numbers of asylum
seekers (see Figure 1). Sweden has the largest foreign-born population in the Nordic
countries, Norway and Denmark have the second largest populations, and Finland has
the smallest (see Figure 2).
Figure 1. Numbers of Asylum Seekers in the Nordic Countries in Years 2002-2006
Sweden
Norway
Finland
Denmark
Source:
http://www.migrationsverket.se/
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overview of nordic Media researcH on iMMigration and etHnic relations
Figure 2. Per Cent Age of the Foreign Born Population in the Nordic Countries 1990-
20023
%
14,0
12,0
10,0
8,0
6,0
4,0
2,0
0
Denmark Finland Norway Sweden
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002
The composition of foreign-born nationals varies from country to country. The impact
of neighbouring countries is signicant in Finland and Norway. In Denmark, the lar-
gest immigrant groups are from Turkey and Iraq, and in Sweden after the Finns come
countries in the Balkans and Iran and Iraq. In Finland, the largest groups of immigrants
come from the neighbouring Estonia, Russia and Sweden. Norway attracts immigrants
especially from Sweden and Denmark, but signicantly more also from other West
European countries (See Table 1). Approximately half of Norway’s immigrants come
from other Nordic countries. Therefore, Denmark has more non-Nordic immigrants in
relation to the total population.
Table 1. Largest Groups of Immigrants in the Nordic Countries4
Finland Sweden Denmark Norway
Russia Denmark Turkey Sweden
Estonia Poland Iraq Denmark
Sweden Iraq Germany Poland
Somalia Finland Bosnia & Herzegovina Germany
Serbia Norway Norway Iraq
China Serbia&Montenegro Great Britain Great Britain
When the Eurobarometer public opinion study of 1997 surveyed the degree of expressed
racism in Europe, the gures from Denmark were higher than in other Scandinavian
countries. This survey measured the self-perception and self-expression of the degree
of racism, and therefore it portrays the acceptance of racist attitudes in society rather
than actual racist actions. However, other opinion surveys (e.g., Eurobarometer and Eu-
ropean Social Survey) show that the Finns are sometimes closer to the Danes and even
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more reluctant towards immigrants and multiculturalism. In a European perspective, the
Nordic countries are generally on the positive end of the continuum as regards accep-
tance of immigration and multiculturalism. Norway is not included in these European
Union opinion polls. (For a summary of the surveys, see Majorities’ Attitudes towards
Migrants and Minorities. Key Findings from the Eurobarometer and the European Social
Survey 2005.)
Scope of the Overview
Mapping research of such a multidisciplinary area is a difcult exercise, and therefore
this overview should not be read as covering all research. For practical reasons, some
exclusion needs to be made. First, the studies referenced here are mainly publications
that focus on mass media and (new) immigration. There are a number of relevant studies
that touch upon media as one of several foci, but these are not included in the present
overview. Second, in this diverse eld, one needs to look for previous research in many
disciplines intersecting with various disciplines such as political studies, gender studies,
anthropology, sociology, social psychology, demography, geography, cultural studies,
journalism and mass communication studies, media studies, lm studies and so on.
In the present overview, I have concentrated on research conducted in journalism and
mass communication studies and media studies. Third, the eld is diverse in terms of
methodological and paradigmatic research paths. However, I have aimed to cover most
of these main paths.
In any case, knowing the limitations one has in mapping this diverse research do-
main, I still nd it relevant to take a more general view on the research paradigms and
paths that have been taken in different countries. This article will therefore give a macro
level mapping of research: general designs, methodologies, questions and ndings in
the area of media, immigration and ethnic relations. By doing this, I hope to make this
crossroads of various disciplines more accessible for students and researchers and to
help them articulate the role of mediated communication in demographically and cul-
turally changing societies. Mass media and communication are crucial in all phases of
immigration. Mass mediated images of Scandinavia and transnational communication
among migrants and ethnic minorities contribute to the mobility of people. Mass medi-
ated framings of immigrants and minorities inuence the attitudes in host societies as
well as integration and immigration policies. In addition, the media play a role in inte-
gration, identity and belonging.
The overview focuses mainly on research published in the period 2000-2007, as the
rst doctoral-level research projects were published in the early 2000s in all countries.
Dissertations are important to the development of the eld, because they provide over-
views of previous research and analyse the state of the art in depth as well as contribute
to the development of theory and concepts, which does not take place to the same extent
in other research reports and journal articles. Previous research is mapped out in a Eu-
ropean overview coordinated and published by the EUMC (ter Wal 2002) 5. In addition,
there are three published overviews in national languages: 1) an overview focusing partly
on the Swedish mass media research presented in Paul Lappalainen’s (2005, 127-169)
report on power and structural discrimination, 2) Thomas Tufte’s (2001, 5-16) overview
of Danish media research on ethnic minorities and 3) Karina Horsti’s (2000, 79-88) over-
view of Finnish research6. The publications have been collected from various databases
(Nordicom, EBSCOhost Electronic Journals Service, SAGE Communication Journals,
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overview of nordic Media researcH on iMMigration and etHnic relations
DOAJ Directory of Open Access Journals). In addition, together with Leonor Camauër I
conducted a questionnaire survey among Nordic researchers working on ethnic relations,
migration and the media in December 2006 – March 20077.
Research on ethnicity, migration and the media is highly multidisciplinary in nature,
which makes mapping the eld complicated. Both migration research and media research
are multidisciplinary. Therefore, researchers working at the crossroads are afliated not
only with departments of communication and media studies, but also other disciplines
in the social sciences and humanities. Therefore, it is quite impossible to treat this area
of research in terms of traditional academic divisions into disciplines and departments.
Instead, we should consider this domain as a multidisciplinary research area that has
emerged out of various networks and theoretical and methodological perspectives, which
overlap at various points. This creates both challenges and numerous possibilities for
researchers working in the eld. The concepts are not always understood similarly, and
theoretical and methodological backgrounds vary. There are different trends in migration
research, and the interest in tackling these issues has increased signicantly in many
social and humanistic sciences since the 1980s.
General Characteristics of the Multidisciplinary Research Field
Scandinavian countries have organized well their multidisciplinary research eld of
ethnic and migration studies8 by forming national associations (IMER Sweden and
Norway, ETMU Finland) with regular conferences. In addition, a Nordic association
was initiated at the 14th Nordic Migration Researcher Conference in November 2007.
However, these joint enterprises have been more focused on demography, political sci-
ence, sociology and anthropology. Media and communication sciences have just recently
joined these activities. Moreover, there is an increasing interest in creating research
environments around the multidisciplinary eld of ethnic and migration studies: CEREN
at the University of Helsinki, Finland, CULCOM at the University of Oslo, Norway,
IMER at the University of Bergen, Norway, CEIFO at Stockholm University, Sweden
and AMID at the University of Copenhagen, Denmark.
There has been a range of Nordic collaboration between communication researchers at
the Nordic Media and Communication Conferences (Kristiansand Norway 2003, Aalborg
Denmark 2005, Helsinki Finland 2007), where working groups titled “Ethnic minorities
and the Media”/”The media in multiethnic societies” gathered Nordic researchers active
in the eld. A Nordic research network was launched at a seminar organized at Söder-
törn University College in 2004, “Seminar of the Nordic Research Network on Media,
Migration and Society”. A Nordic research funding institution NordForsk has granted
the Network funding for 2007-2010,9 which will develop collaboration signicantly in
the near future.
In all of the countries, the studies are mainly small-scale projects conducted by one
or two researchers. Larger national projects do not exist, except in Sweden, where the
Ministry of Justice has published a number of research reports including media studies
in their research programmes on integration, structural discrimination and power rela-
tions10. Media research was part of this effort. Furthermore, there is a conspicuous lack
of comparative research between Nordic countries as well as between European and
Nordic countries.
Scientic development in terms of qualications began around the same time in all
Nordic countries. The rst doctoral dissertations on the subject of migration, ethnic
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relations and the media were published in the early 2000s11. However, Birgitta Löwan-
der defended the rst doctoral dissertation in the area in 1997 in Uppsala, Sweden; the
work dealt with racist and anti-racist public debate. The research focused on neo-Nazis
events in Sweden in 1991-1992 and public debates on these events. Löwander claims
that the Swedish news media pathologize racism, presenting it as a problem of some
individuals, not as a problem of society at large. The study has remained the only larger
project specically dealing with the representation of outspokenly racist groups, on the
one hand, and with anti-racist campaigning, on the other.
Media research on the representation of ethnicity and immigration can be roughly
divided into research on ethnic minority media and on majority media. In Finland and
Norway, there is a lack of research focusing on minority media, which is most likely a
result of the number and composition of migrant communities. There is signicantly less
ethnic media produced in these countries than in Denmark and Sweden. It is not only the
number of people with an immigrant background that counts, but also the countries of
origin. Both Sweden and Denmark have proportionately higher numbers of non-Western
European migrant communities, which creates more need to produce minority media. In
any event, the research on ethnic minority media and transnational and diasporic media
has increased in all Nordic countries, a trend also seen in other European countries and
the United States. As Leonor Camauër (2003, 69) points out, both majority and minority
media are vital components of ethnic minorities’ communication environment12.
Media have been analysed from three main perspectives: 1) media production, 2)
text (including visual images), and 3) reception and use. This division does not mean
that there are not studies combining these perspectives. For instance, Elisabeth Eide
(2002; 2003) combines analysis of journalistic professional practise, text analysis and
interpretation of the interviewees with an immigrant background. In the following
section, I will give an overview of research conducted in Sweden, Finland, Norway
and Denmark on mainstream media, and I will organize the sections according to the
three perspectives, beginning with text analysis and then moving rst to production and
second to use and reception.
Where it all Began: Quantitative and Qualitative Text Analysis
Analysis of media texts forms the largest body of research in all countries13. This is
the viewpoint from which examination of the eld began. The roots generally lead to a
research tradition that began in the 1970s and that analysed representations of gender
in media texts. The research on mainstream media can be divided into analysis of ma-
instream journalism (especially the news and current affairs), multicultural initiatives
and entertainment. Research on these three areas exists in all Nordic countries.
There is a large variety of text analysis in Sweden, and clearly this line of research is
most developed there. For instance, there is analysis from a historical perspective com-
paring coverage in different periods (e.g., Brune 2004; Hultén 2006), from the gender
perspective (e.g., Brune 2003; 2004) as well as analysis of various genres such as lm
(e.g., Wright 1998; Tigervall 2005), multiculturally oriented journalism (e.g., Christian-
sen 2001), news in national press (e.g., Brune 2004; 2006), news in local press (Hultén
2006a,b; Johansson 2006), current affairs programmes and talk shows (Ghersetti 2001;
Camauër 2007), sports journalism (Eriksson 2006), educational television programmes
(Runcis 2001) and mainstream media’s treatment of minority media (Graf 2007).
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The rst publications on immigration and media were published in the 1980s from
the perspective of mainstream news coverage of immigrants (Hedman 1985; Hultén B.
et al 1988; Brune 1990). Content analysis of various time periods (Hedman 1985; Asp
1998; Hultén G. 2006a) reveal that coverage of immigration and ethnic relations has
increased signicantly over the years from the 1960s to the present. For instance, the
news coverage was three times more intensive in 2000 than in 1965 (Hultén G. 2006a).
The reporting has varied thematically over the years, but since the 1990s, the multiplicity
of framings and sources has increased. However, new immigration, criminality, cultural
affairs and sports have maintained their general popularity as news topics throughout
the years from 1965 to 2000 (Hultén G. 2006a).
Similar trends have been seen in other Nordic countries, however, with a shorter
time period. For instance, in Finland, Sari Pietikäinen (2000, 151) demonstrates that
the coverage of ethnic minorities and immigrants quadrupled from the mid-1980s to
the early 1990’s in the main Finnish newspaper Helsingin Sanomat. Moreover, new im-
migration and problem-oriented news themes are accentuated in the general coverage
in Denmark and Finland as well. However, it is impossible to compare the coverage, as
all countries use different categories in their coding sheets. For instance, a news media
monitoring project in Finland illustrates that the main topics in the news between the
years 1999-2004 have been 1) the relations between Finnish society/citizens and mig-
rant groups; 2) law and administrative actions; 3) infringement of judiciary (without
violence); 4) court proceedings and 5) arrival of new immigrants (Raittila and Vehmas
2005, 15). This may suggest that the Finnish coverage is slightly more framed in terms
of administrative control than it is in Sweden. Furthermore, the lack of ethnic minorities’
appearance in the sports section in Finland compared to the other Nordic countries is a
signicant difference. Of the Nordic countries, Finland still has the smallest proportion
of immigrants for the least number of years, and news trends may reect this early
stage of development of a multicultural society. The media are still more focused on
administrative issues, whereas the issues of the ethnic minorities themselves have not
come into focus. However, the monitoring research indicates that some changes are oc-
curring in Finnish society. A signicant increase has occurred in the coverage of court
proceedings, but also in the themes of unemployment and job application, which could
indicate an increase in framing minority issues more in terms of integration.
In Norway, Elisabeth Eide (2002; 2003) discusses changes in the journalistic perspec-
tive between the 1980s’ stress on the exotic and culture and the 1990s’ focus on problems
and negative issues of immigration. Eide’s research material focuses on problems, not-
withstanding the existence of “multiculturally” oriented feature stories.
In Denmark, the research eld began to develop from a text analysis perspective in
the mid-1980s (Tufte 2001, 9), but in further studies various other perspectives have
been taken as well. There is research on representations of Muslims and Islam (Hus-
sain 2000; 2002; 2003; Hervik 2002), on the gender perspective (Andreassen 2005),
historical perspective (Jensen B. 2000) and on multicultural documentaries (Marselis
2003). The Prophet Mohammed caricature case generated a number of research projects
in Denmark (Larsen & Seidenfaden 2006; Hervik 2007). The Muslim issue has been
controversial in Denmark even before the cartoon case. Muslims have been presented
as the main deviant group in the news media, and they were positioned as the opposite
of ethnic Danes and Danishness already in the 1990s. Moreover, the Danish media tend
to frame Islam in the context of fundamentalism and extremism, which increases the
images of threat (Hervik et al. 1999; Hussain 2000; Hervik 2002). The routine news
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coverage in Denmark is mainly negatively biased: The main topics in 1996 in the news
broadcasted in public television and radio were rst of all crime and violence and se-
cond immigration and asylum seeking (Hussain et al. 1997, 52). More recent research
reveals that problem framing and nationalistic orientation dominate the news coverage
(Madsen 2000; Andreassen 2005).
In Finland, the coverage of Russians and Estonians has received some particular at-
tention in the research (Raittila 2004; Jerman 2004; Haavisto 2005), which is important
given that these groups are the most negatively represented in the Finnish media. In
addition to the focus on Russians and Estonians, Raittila (2004) has developed a metho-
dology for analysing agency and dialogic communication within single news stories.
In Norway, media coverage of immigrants was rst discussed at the end of 1990s in
a more journalistic publication (Fjedstad and Lindstad 1997, 1999). Among Norway’s
immigrants, Europeans form the largest group and they are presented more positively
than are immigrants with origins outside Europe.
News coverage of immigrants and ethnic minorities was the rst area researched in
Sweden as early as in the 1980s and early 1990s, particularly by one of the pioneers,
Ylva Brune. Ylva Brune and Gunilla Hultén used both quantitative and qualitative con-
tent analysis methods. Moreover, both compared journalistic output over time. Similar
research designs combining quantitative data and more intensive analysis with qualita-
tive methods have been applied also in Finland (Pietikäinen 2000; Raittila 2004, 2002;
Haavisto 2004, 2007) and in Denmark (Hussain et al. 1997). These studies reveal that
it has been crucial, especially in the early stage, to map the coverage using quantitative
methods and to obtain more detailed knowledge of the subtle mechanisms of discrimi-
nation using qualitative methods.
Ylva Brune (2004; 2006) and Gunilla Hulten (2006a and b) looked not only at the
representation of immigrants, but also at the representation of Sweden and Swedishness.
Journalism tends to frame Swedishness as a goal every immigrant should, rst, strive
for and, second, adapt to. Sweden is presented as the “drömlandet” (literally, “dream
country”), as Brune characterizes it. The identications of the majority have also been
the object of analysis in other countries. When the media produces images of minori-
ties, they also produce images of the majority. However, it is quite interesting how the
representations of the majority are not equal across the Nordic countries, but instead
how they vary from one imagined national community to another. Whereas in Sweden
the national imaginary highlights “folkhemmet” (literally, “the people’s home”), which
has qualities that will “rescue” immigrants from their “backward” lifestyles, the Nor-
wegian image stresses the “superpower of human rights” (Eide and Simonssen 2007).
In contrast, the Finnish reection in the ethnic mirror is totally different from the two
above, which contribute to a self-image of a powerful and great nation. The media in
Finland repeatedly construct the fantasy of a hiding place where the Finnish people can
be homogenous and safe. Finland does not carry the burden of colonialism, but is itself
been “colonialized” by Russia and Sweden. The media discourse claims that because
Finland is small and in the periphery, it has no obligation to help the Other (Horsti 2005,
291-292; 2007b).
Although the Swedish research has mainly focused on the mainstream news media,
there are also studies on entertainment genres, such as Carina Tigervall’s (2005) dis-
sertation in which she uses discourse analysis to study ethnic and national identities
produced in Swedish lms in the period 1970-2000. Movies both created and chal-
lenged existing power relations between the Swedes and the Others. Immigrants were
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presented as “sympathetic others” in anti-racist discourses. However, these “positive”,
yet patronizing, framings and identications did not weaken the division between the
majority and the minorities. Immigrants were still presented as the opposite of Swedes.
For instance, when the lms wanted to criticize the materialistic (Swedish) way of life,
immigrants represented a traditional way of life.
In Finland, there have been few entertainment programmes and lms produced that
have an ethnic minority dimension. However, a new shift was experienced recently in
Finnish television when a number of ction series were introduced. These programmes
catalyzed public debates, but not yet research. In Norway, Elisabeth Eide and Anne Hege
Simonsen are launching a research project to analyse the “minority beat” in journalism
and ction.
In the Swedish research, the gender dimension has been inuential and incorporated
into many of the studies (see, e.g., Tigervall 2005; Hultén G. 2006a; Brune 2004). The
Swedish academic debate has found intersectionality a crucial concept, and researchers
pay attention to the interplay of ethnicity, gender and class. Gender issues have been
important in Europe, especially in the British research tradition on race and ethnicity,
and should be more developed in the Nordic countries. The popular image of a strong,
equal and independent Scandinavian woman brings its own challenges to the media
analysis, which could be worked out together among Nordic colleagues.
The “honour killing” of Fadime Sahindal in 2002 in Sweden is one key event that
was debated in all Nordic countries. The gender dimension has been important both in
the public debate and in academic examinations of these debates. The case has evoked
research in Finland14, Norway (Simonsen 2004) and Sweden (Grip 2002; Reimers 2005;
Strand Runsten 2004). In Sweden, the debate was framed largely in cultural terms: A
dichotomy between Swedish culture and Kurdish/Muslim cultures was created. Simon-
sen (2004), in her comparison of Norwegian and Swedish tabloid newspaper coverage
of the issue, argues that the case was framed according to a Romeo and Juliet mythical
story: The Swedishness of Fadime’s boyfriend was stressed instead of his partly Ira-
nian background. In this way, the story could be told in terms of clashing cultures. Key
events such as Fadime Sahindal’s killing are the thickenings of multicultural debates
in which cultural and national denitions are negotiated in the public space. Therefore,
cases that are discussed in different countries simultaneously offer good crossroads for
comparative research.
Research on media texts with new focuses is currently being conducted in all Nordic
countries. The historical dimension is being applied in Norway in a project directed by
Elisabeth Eide (Eide & Simonsen 2007), which looks back on one hundred years of
Norwegian news journalism. Media representation of Islam and people with an Arab
background is a focus that has been given signicant attention in Nordic media research
in the past few years15. One example of this tendency is the bi-annual Nordic media
research conference where, in 2007, ve presentations out of 12 were related to Islam.
Moreover, the Prophet Mohammed caricatures event provoked a number of studies in the
Nordic countries as well as an international comparative study (Kunelius & Eide 2007).
In the comparative eld there is also Reeta Pöyhtäri’s (2007) ongoing doctoral research
on periodicals in Finland and the Netherlands, Anne Hege Simonsen’s already mentio-
ned study on coverage of “honour killing” in Norway and Sweden, Pekka Kuusisto’s
(2000) doctoral dissertation on linguistic manifestations of ethnicity in British and
Finnish newspapers as well as research on Finnish and Swedish newspaper coverage
of the African migration “crisis” in Spain from the perspective of the European public
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sphere and mediatized ritual (Horsti 2007a, Horsti forthcoming). Furthermore, there is
new research on genres such as the women’s magazines (Marselis 2005; 2006; Pöyhtäri
2007) as well as on new media such as blogs (Mainsah 2007).
Journalistic Production: Focus on Minority Journalists
In the analysis of production, the focus has been on journalists with an immigrant back-
ground. How have they made it into the media profession in the Nordic countries? How
have the newsrooms and other production companies encountered the demographically
and culturally changing society? In addition, multicultural initiatives in the mainstream
media, such as educational and consultative projects and special programming, have re-
ceived academic attention (Christiansen 2001; Horsti 2005, 183-276; 2007b). There is a
lack of research on the journalistic process and professional practices as well as on other
media production in ction and entertainment. We cannot really know how the tenacious
frames are being produced by only focusing on the output. There are negotiations and
debates going on inside the editorial rooms that are not explicit in the news story. How is
selection and salience negotiated? Are the debates merely issues of political correctness
or are there more profound debates in the newsrooms? Furthermore, transnational media
enterprises and circulation of formats, ideas and readymade stories may be increasingly
contributing to the changes in the representation of ethnic minorities.
Studies on journalistic production are rather scarce in all Nordic countries, although
in Sweden there are studies on journalists with an immigrant background, focusing on
career development and multicultural editorial rooms (Djerf-Pierre & Levin 2005; Ca-
mauër 2006). In addition, a mapping project was conducted among the main media and
schools of journalism in Denmark, Norway and Sweden by Elin Svensen (2000) to get
an overall picture of the involvement of journalists with an immigrant background in
the media eld. In Denmark, Iben Jensen (2000) has analysed in more detail the career
development of journalists with an immigrant background. Recently, research projects
have been initiated that will apply similar perspectives16.
There have been numerous multicultural initiatives to foster the careers of journalists
with an immigrant background and to increase studies in journalism among young people
with migrant families in all Nordic countries. There are no studies concentrating on
these initiatives, although research on career development often touches upon the role
of multicultural projects. Leonor Camauër (2006) argues that journalists with a minority
background in Sweden experience a great gap between rhetoric (policy) and practice.
A similar division is presented by Christian Christiansen (2001) in his analysis of the
Swedish public broadcaster’s multicultural policies and actual programming.
Based on the research mentioned above, the challenges and possibilities of increasing
diversity in journalistic production in the Nordic mediascape can be divided into three
groups: structural issues, cultural competences and cultural-structural mechanisms.
Structural diversity refers to various educational, professional and institutional discrimi-
natory mechanisms that marginalize minorities as well as “positive discriminatory” me-
chanisms aimed at promoting diversity in the journalistic profession. The main obstacles
to improving diversity are, rst, the class-specic nature of the journalistic profession
in Sweden, second, weak networks with the social elite among the socio-economically
less advantaged minorities (an obstacle also for the young people from less advantaged
Swedish families), and third, migrants’ low level of mastery of the Swedish language and
– more importantly – the assumption of poor language skills. Quotas have not become
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popular in any Nordic newsroom or university offering journalistic education, although
in 2006 Oslo University College introduced a quota system for ve students per year
with ethnic minority background, based on a recommendation from the Ministry of
Education17. However, multiculturally oriented projects that aim to increase minorities
among both journalism students and journalists in the mainstream media are run in all
Nordic countries, and there seems to be great condence among journalists, minorities
and educators that these projects offer the best solution to the lack of diversity.
There are obstacles and opportunities related to cultural competences. Swedish
research stresses that employers appreciate diverse cultural capital in their editorial
rooms. It is interesting how certain events have exposed the need for diversity within
newsrooms. For instance, the disco re in Göteborg, where a number of especially
ethnic minority youth died, revealed to the mainstream media that their editorial rooms
did not have contacts with the people affected by the tragedy. Still, journalists with
an immigrant background are often regarded as having a poorer understanding of the
Swedish culture and society than native Swedes do. These attitudes among employers
seem to be changing slowly, as similar arguments are used in Finland (which as a more
recent immigration) (Suihkonen 2003). Moreover, families with an immigrant history
tend to value more traditional professions such as business, medicine and law (Jensen
2000). Thus, a journalistic profession is not as appreciated among these families as
among native Swedish families. Some explanations for this bias are that young people
perceive the journalistic profession negatively (dangerous, involving censorship) due to
their greater transnational perspective and experience. Moreover, lower wages, discrimi-
nation and racism associated with media representation of ethnic minorities reduce the
attractiveness of a journalistic profession. These types of issues have not been analysed
in other Nordic countries, which makes comparison impossible.
Cultural-structural mechanisms of both decreasing and increasing minority participa-
tion in the journalistic profession reect the combination of cultural specics and struc-
tural features. Minority media are one such important opportunity for both journalists
with an immigrant history and young people from immigrant families, but brought up in
Nordic countries, to nd their way to the profession. Other studies in Finland (Suihkonen
2003) and Norway (Svensen 2000) discuss the same insights as the Swedish research
(Djerf -Pierre & Levin 2005): On the one hand, minority media both offer a space to
practise journalism on one’s own terms and offer easier entrance into the eld; on the
other hand, the step to mainstream media remains wide and the ideas and views presented
in the minority media still do not spread to the wider society. Moreover, minority media
and mainstream media’s multicultural initiatives are strongly dependent on shifting
policies and orientations as well as volunteer work (Camauër 2003, 84).
Iben Jensen (2000) presents three strategies to increase the participation of people
with an immigrant background in the journalistic profession. First, the media eld and
universities should make the profession seem more attractive among the young. Second,
people with other academic qualications should be encouraged to enter the eld. Third,
mainstream national media should recruit journalists working in the local media (where
it is easier to enter). Leonor Camauër (2006, 21) concludes that increasing awareness of
discrimination in the newsrooms and the need for diversity together with multicultural
media policy and critical public debate can be seen as a sign of changing journalistic
values and routines.
More research is clearly needed in the eld of production, as the eld is still under
development, not only in the Nordic countries, but also in other European countries.
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Nordic countries could develop research designs and propose research questions and
conduct comparative pilot projects in this domain to develop analysis of journalistic
production from the viewpoint of multicultural societies. Analysis should be conducted
both in mainstream media and in minority media and extended to a variety of genres and
media. First, the process of framing news stories on immigrant- and ethnic-relations-
related events remains under-analysed: How do certain themes, frames and narratives
persist in the news coverage? How are new ways of reporting discovered and how are
practices changed? Second, the diversity and multiculturality of media companies and
newsrooms need more research. What are the dynamics of multicultural working envi-
ronments? How do diverse cultural competence and transnational networks inuence
journalistic processes?
Global Public Space: Immigrants’ Transnational Media Use
The media use of immigrants and people with a migrant background is still a rather
undiscovered research area in the Nordic countries, even though the area is now being
examined by prominent senior researchers and in major projects. Analysis of reception
has focused almost solely on the media use of minorities. Reception, effects and interpre-
tation of majority audiences are still rather neglected18. A number of research initiatives
have been taken in the eld of media use of minorities:
In Finland two interrelated projects have been launched in 2007. Kaarina Nikunen
(2007) focuses on the media use of young people with an immigrant background and
Heikki Luostarinen, of the University of Tampere, is directing a three-year project that
will, rst, map the media use of immigrants in general and, second, examine the reception
of immigration-related news among both native Finns and some immigrant groups.
The media practices of immigrants were studied in Sweden for the first time in
the late 1990s in a survey based on interviews with 470 people (Weibull & Wadbring
1998). However, more detailed analysis is currently being conducted. Ingegerd Rydin
and Ulrika Sjöberg, of the University of Halmstad, are conducting a project entitled
“Media practices in the new country”. This project analyses the media use and practices
of families with an immigrant history using ethnographic methods, the focus being on
young people between 12 and 16 years of age.
In Norway, at the University of Oslo, Henry Mainsah has worked on Cameroonian-
Norwegian audiences and is conducting doctoral research on migrants’ use of the
Internet. Sharam Alghasi, of the University of Oslo, has analysed the media practices
of Iranian-Norwegians 19 and is continuing this work in his doctoral dissertation. Eva
Bakøy, of the University College of Lillehammer, is conducting research on television
use among migrant women.
In Denmark, research on minorities’ media practices began relatively early. In 1999,
Connie Caroe Christiansen (2003) analysed media use among the largest immigrant
groups originating from outside Western Europe. Thomas Tufte (2000; 2002; 2003)
studied the media use of young people in one area in Copenhagen and analysed media
use more generally in collaboration with Maja Riis (Tufte & Riis 2001). In addition,
Peter Hervik (1999) analysed reception among majority audiences in 1997. The research
design included both textual analysis of Ekstrabladet’s and Jyllands-Posten’s journalistic
content and audiences’ reception of the same newspapers. Hervik concludes that the
xenophobic attitudes among audiences were mainly based on the negative representation
of immigrants repeatedly produced in these newspapers.
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overview of nordic Media researcH on iMMigration and etHnic relations
Concepts of identity, transnational and diaspora are widely used and currently ex-
plored in Nordic research on media use among minorities. Research results suggest that
people with a migrant background live increasingly in a global and transnational public
sphere. They gather information from a variety of sources, while stressing the media
in countries of origin and international media. Nevertheless, what media people follow
depends greatly on their country of origin. For instance, African television channels
are not available in the Nordic countries. National Nordic media are often experienced
as presenting immigrants negatively and increasing hostility in the surrounding society
(Christiansen & Sell 2000; Alghasi 2007; Mainsah 2005). Mustafa Hussain (2002; 2003)
suggests that this is one of the main reasons why people with an immigrant background
in Denmark prefer to get their information from international sources.
In the public debates, the media use of immigrants is often approached as an inte-
gration issue, the starting point being the general assumption that transnational media
use decreases integration and loyalty to the new country. However, this nationalistic
view has been disproved in the research, for instance in studies by Christiansen (2003;
2004) and Tufte (2003), who claim that in a transnational situation it is natural and fa-
cilitative of integration to follow media in a diverse manner. Actually, participation in
the public debates and interest in social issues in the new country are related to social
capital and self-esteem. Therefore, migrants who are active participants in transnational
communities are often active participants in the host society. Christiansen (2004, 188)
suggests that watching television news from the homeland should be characterized as a
transnational practice. Migrants are generally gathering information and entertainment
through more multiple channels than are the native-borns, and therefore they live in a
much more transnational space. However, depending on the language skills, it is not
only the news from countries of origin that migrants tend to follow, but also international
media such as Al Jazeera or BBC World are among the channels that are often watched.
The reasons for not choosing to watch Danish language channels are experienced racism
within the news texts and lack of sufcient language skills (Christiansen 2004, 193).
Moreover, Tufte (2003) highlights that the media use of the young is diverse. American
talk shows, series and movies unite the young no matter which background they have.
Still, young people are very much aware of the “ethnic” conicts that receive intensive
media attention. Their experience supports the claim that news coverage constructs a
division between “us” and “them”.
For Future Research: New Perspectives, Comparative Research
and Collaboration
To sum up, the development of the eld in the Nordic countries started in the 1980-1990s
and was based on text analysis, mostly quantitative and qualitative content analysis
and discourse analysis of majority media’s texts on immigration and ethnic minorities.
The rst research initiatives asked what topics were raised by the mainstream media,
what viewpoints and sources were stressed. Later on, the research focus has widened to
cover various dimensions of media output as well as production and reception. Nordic
researchers are currently taking these steps as research initiatives are being pursued
from new perspectives. Still comparative research among the Nordic countries, and
between other European countries, is scarce. This is surprising, especially considering
that there is no language barrier to comparison, as Nordic people can understand each
other’s languages, except that the Finnish language media cannot be understood by
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Karina Horsti
other Scandinavians. One reason for the lack of comparison may be that many studies
are nanced by national institutions and associations aiming to produce knowledge for
national policy making20. Furthermore, the policy orientation inuences the quality of
research: A substantial part of the research tends to be descriptive mapping and reporting
rather than theoretically and methodologically innovative research. In addition, there
is a lack of international publications, although some of the studies, e.g. doctoral dis-
sertations, are of high quality. There is only one Nordic publication within this theme
(Tufte 2003), albeit excluding Finland.
There is clearly a need to develop collaboration among researchers studying ethnic
relations, migration and the media at various levels – national, regional, European and
global – to solve some of the problems in the eld. Due to the relative youth of the eld
in many countries and its multidisciplinary nature, the networks of individual doctoral
students and senior scholars as well as institutions should be wider. Not all institutions
have expertise in the eld, which makes international mentoring schemes, seminars and
summer schools crucial for young researchers. Furthermore, media and communication
sciences should increase its presence within international research associations dealing
with migration and ethnic relations.
Notes
1. At the time of writing, a multidisciplinary Nordic IMER association is being established, the chair located
at SAXO Institute, University of Copenhagen. More information about the Nordic Research Network for
Media, Migration and Society please visit http://sockom.helsinki./ceren/migranord/
2. This last question was as follows: How would you characterize Nordic research on ethnicity, immigration
and the media? What should be strengthened methodologically, theoretically and/or empirically?
3. Migration Policy Institute, MPI Data Hub. www.migrationinformation.org. [Referred 16.5.2007].
4. Finnish data on “foreign-born nationals” from 2006 published by the Ministry of Interior, Työministeriön
maahanmuuttotilastoja www.mol. (referred 9.5.2007), Swedish data on “immigration” from 2005, (Sta-
tistics Sweden, SCB, gives a list of countries of origin of immigrants by year, which makes comparison
difcult. Therefore, this list characterizes the immigrants who arrived during 2005 (excluding Swedish
nationals). Danish data from 2006 Statbank Denmark www.statbank.dk (referred 9.5.2007), Norwegian
data from 2006 Statistisk sentralbyrå www.ssb.no (referred 9.5.2007).
5. Overview of research in the EU15 countries illuminates the state of research between 1995-2000, includ-
ing Finland, Sweden and Denmark (ter Wal 2002).
6. See also an earlier overview by Pietikäinen and Luostarinen (1997).
7. I would like to thank all the researchers who replied to the questions. Special thanks to Leonor Camauër
who has initiated the Nordic collaboration in the rst place at Nordic conferences of communication
researchers and within the Nordic research network. I am also thankful to Eija Poteri, Nordicom Finland,
who performed the data search.
8. In the Nordic countries, this research eld is characterized mainly using the terms ethnicity, ethnic mi-
norities, immigration, migration and integration. Terms such as race and race relations are not generally
used, although the role of socially constructed “race” is recognized in research on discrimination and
racism.
9. Nordic Research Network for Media, Migration and Society. For further information: http://sockom.
helsinki./ceren/migranord/index.html or contact project leader Karina Horsti at http://sockom.helsinki.
/ceren/english
10. These reports are available electronically at SOU (Statens Offentliga Utredningar) documents. http://
www.sweden.gov.se/sb/d/108;jsessionid=aeh7odptLbie [Referred 28 August 2007].
11. In Finland, doctoral dissertations in the eld so far are Männistö 1999 (media images of Islam); Pietikäin-
en 2000; Kuusisto 2000; Raittila 2004; Horsti 2005; Nordberg 2007 (partly media related). In Sweden,
Löwander 1997; Brune 2004; Nygren 2004; Roosvall 2004 (partly related to ethnic minorities), Dahlsted
2005; Tigervall 2005; Hultén 2006. In addition, Merja Ellefson and Anna Levin are defending their dis-
sertations in 2007. In Denmark: Marselis 2003 and Andreassen 2005. Prior to these dissertations, books
by Mustafa Hussain, Ferruh Yilmaz & Tim O’Connor (1997) and Peter Hervik (2002) were central to the
development of the eld in Denmark. In Norway, only one doctoral dissertation has been published to
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date on the topic under analysis here; it is by Elisabeth Eide (2002). However, Eiri Elvestad at NTNU in
Trondheim will soon defend a dissertation on media use of Norwegian-Vietnamese.
12. Minority media in Finland (Kauranen & Tuori), Sweden (Camauër) and Denmark (Hussain) have been
mapped in a project coordinated by Myria Georgiou. Reports available at http://www.lse.ac.uk/collec-
tions/EMTEL/Minorities/reports.html [Referred 28 August 2007]. For a mapping of Swedish minority
media see also Camauër 2005.
13. By the term ‘text’ I mean all genres of media texts and images in print media, television, radio, and the
new media.
14. Suvi Keskinen at the University of Tampere, Finland, is currently analysing media coverage of the case as
one part of her post-doctoral research on ethnicity and violence directed at women.
15. In addition to international research on the Prophet Mohammed caricatures (Kunelius & Eide 2007), there
is research in all countries on Islam and Muslims in the media. Danish research in this area was referred to
earlier. In Finland, Mari Maasilta, Pentti Raittila (both University of Tampere) and Karin Creutz (Univer-
sity of Helsinki) are currently conducting a study focusing on mainstream media’s presentation of Islam
and Muslims.
16. A joint research project on multicultural newsrooms in Berlin and Stockholm was initiated in 2007 by
Heike Graf and Gunilla Hultén of Södertörn University College. (Mångfaldslinjer: Journalistisk produk-
tion ur ett mångkulturellt perspektiv i Stockholm och Berlin). Gunn Bjørnsen, Hogskolen i Oslo, is work-
ing on a doctoral dissertation on cultural competence in editorial rooms and journalist education.
17. The journalist programme at the university had a committee that also discussed several strategies to
increase the number of ethnic minority students. To qualify for the programme, the student and/or both
parents have to be born outside of Norway. Source: Interview with lecturer Anne Fogt 18 August 2007.
18. There has been pilot focus group research on the reception of majority youth and adults in Finland
(Nikunen 2007; Raittila 2007).
19. http://www.culcom.uio.no/forskning/artikler/mainsah-eng.html [Referred 23. July 2007.]
20. Some examples: In Sweden, the rst study in the eld was published by the Labour Market Department
(Arbetsmarknadsdepartmentet) (Hedman 1985) as part of a report on discrimination. In addition to uni-
versities and colleges, other institutions nancing and ordering research in the Nordic countries have been
the national journalist’s associations, various state departments and ministries.
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