Content uploaded by Peeter Espak
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Peeter Espak
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
The God Enki in Sumerian Royal Ideology and Mythology
... And even van Dijk modifi ed his earlier reading from NUN.KI to nun-ki, i.e., presumably, from "Eridu" to "prince(s) of the earth/place(s)." 7 6 Hallo 2000: 37-50;2010: 547-572. 7 Hallo 2010: 548-549. ...
... The origins of Enki are the subject of a debate in Sumerian mythology described in Espak (2010, 233). Michaelowski (1998, 219) suggests he was originally a Semitic god imported to the Sumerian pantheon; Espak (2010), however, rejects this idea. A large number of myths about Enki have been collected from many sites, stretching from southern Iraq to the Levantine coast. ...
The motifs appearing on an incised bone artifact retrieved from the underwater site of Neve-Yam, dating to the sixth–fifth millennium BC and associated with the Pottery Neolithic/early Chalcolithic, Wadi Rabah culture, are subjected to systematic analysis using a methodology for research into symbolic subjects which tracks iconographic survival, focusing on the fusion and renewal of symbols. Mythical and historical evidence is assembled and assessed and art history sources are drawn upon, to provide a more comprehensive explanatory approach for the diverse lines of evidence. Iconographic links between motifs on the bone figurines with later Sumerian mythology require a re-evaluation of the chronological dispersion of symbolic graphemes; the application of new research on the relationship between art and writing suggests that narrative-making rather than evocation can be identified in this material. Such narratives reveal Neolithic precursors of ancient cosmological concepts and bring to light a tantalizing set of features which help to illuminate pre-literate, aniconic narratives of an early pantheon in the Neolithic period of the Near East.
Teesid: Käesolev artikkel on pühendatud sumerikeelse kirjandusliku teksti Tum-mali ajalugu tõlkimisele ja analüüsimisele. Tummali ajalugu on väga oluline tekst Sumeri ajaloo ja kuningavõimu ning religiooni ajaloo seisukohast, sest see peegeldab teksti koostajate ideoloogilisi suunitlusi ja ideid.
In this article, the authors examine the divine support and religious justification of wars by Anatolian and North Syrian rulers in the Late Bronze Age, an epoch of international diplomacy. Notable is that many wars and conflicts in the region of Anatolia and North Syria took place in this period, which may have occasioned an increasing need to justify them by appeal to divinities. Rezumat. În acest articol, autorii analizează contribuția divină și motivarea religioasă a războaielor de către conducători anatolieni și din nordul Syriei în Epoca Târzie a Bronzului, o perioadă favorabilă diplomației internaționale. Un aspect notabil este faptul că multe din războaiele și conflictele din regiunea Anatoliei și a Syriei de Nord au avut loc în acest moment, ceea ce e posibil să fi creat o nevoie tot mai mare de a le justifica prin apelul la divinități.
Textual material concerning the god Marduk is scarce until the reign of
Hammurapi (1792–1750 BCE), the most distinguished ruler of the Old
Babylonian dynasty (1894–1595 BCE). Thus, the emergence of this god in the
Sumero-Akkadian pantheon and his city Babylon in the political landscape of
ancient Mesopotamia is still shrouded in mystery. It is possible to address the
problems concerning the early developments of Marduk as a process of several
beginnings. First known beginnings of Marduk reach back to the Early Dynastic
Period in the middle of the third millennium BCE. The following periods up to
the first half of the Old Babylonian period piece by piece brought new
information regarding Marduk and his associations with other deities. More
information is present from the second half of Hammurabi’s reign onwards. As
has often been said it seems that Hammurapi’s political advancements paved the
way for the rising prominence of his city god Marduk in the pantheon.
It is not the place here to give an all-embracing treatment on the early
developments of Marduk but some tentative sketches about his beginnings will
be presented. The purpose of this article is to briefly discuss the textual material
up to the end of the Old Babylonian period. Firstly, the earliest sources from the
third millennium will be discussed. There follows a short discussion on
Marduk’s temple and his divine consort. The following – the bulk of this article
– is dedicated to the discussion on the beginnings of Marduk’s identification
with the gods Asalluḫi, Ninurta, Enlil, and Enki. The main question that this
study tries to answer is to what extent and how these important Mesopotamian
deities influenced the divine figure of Marduk in the early history and theology
of Mesopotamia up to the end of the Old Babylonian period. It is worth
mentioning that some of the assessments of Marduk’s early position are many
decades old and need revaluation.
It is hard to determine a definite period in Near Eastern history when we can already speak about the terms "holy war" or "theology of war". Major military conflicts were certainly already taking place in the 4 th millennium BC and before the invention of cuneiform ca. 3300-3200 BC in Mesopotamia. It is reasonable to believe that the archaic Sumero-Akkadian city-gods were considered "fer-tility gods" or "gods of vegetation" providing and guaranteeing their subjects with their daily livelihood. They were probably not seen as mighty warlords like Ningirsu or Enlil in later Sumerian royal inscriptions and myths. 2 The only available information about the social structures, religion, customs and political ideologies of archaic Mesopotamia comes from analyses of archaeological materials which, unfortunately, never allow a full understanding or comprehension of how the ancient mind actually interpreted or defined ideological or religious questions. It can only be concluded that there was a large variety of politically and socially complex and developed early states (Charvát 1993, 2002) along with political and military alliances between different states. Around every major city there were several subordinate smaller cities and habitations, including surrounding agricultural areas with their complex irrigation systems. In order to maintain those systems coordinated and more centralised governance and supervision was probably a must. Relations between individuals as well as those between different states were certainly regulated by orally fixed contracts and 1 Originally published in ENDC Proceedings, 2011, 14: 115-129. 2 Cf. Espak (2010: 215-217) for a description of early pantheon and its nature.
The aim of the thesis is to explore the attitudes of 14-16 years old Estonian students Estonia to religion and religious diversity, to explore their views on the role of the school in promoting dialogue and tolerance among representatives of different worldviews, and to investigate in which ways religious education alters their views on these issues. The research was done in the framework of constructive epistemology using a sequential exploratory strategy and employing a mixed methods’ approach for the empirical studies. Three relevant empirical studies are presented. The qualitative and the quantitative study investigated the views held by students about religion and religious diversity. Studies of classroom interaction of religious education classes in two contrasting schools explored the patterns of interaction used in the classroom situation. A video–ethnographic data collection method was combined with stimulated recall. Incident-analysis stemming from conversational analysis was used to interpret the data. The study reveals that experience of religious education may contribute to more open attitudes among students both with religious and secular worldviews. Possibilities to promote dialogue between different worldviews are hindered by teacher centered pedagogical context. Grounded in the findings of the empirical studies dialogical pedagogies for non-confessional approaches to religious education are examined and policies for strengthening active tolerance in the context of school in Estonia are discussed. Although knowledge about religions is an important prerequisite for mutual understanding it is not sufficient. Reflective and emphatic approach and contacts with representatives of different worldviews and religions are needed for promotion of active tolerance. Käesolevas väitekirjas uuritakse 14-16-aastaste Eesti koolinoorte suhtumist religiooni ja religioossesse mitmekesisusse ning nende arvamusi kooli rollist selles. Empiiriliste uuringute läbiviimisel on lähtutud sotsiaalkonstruktivistlikust epistemioloogiast ning kasutatud kombineeritud metoodikaga järjestikku uurivat strateegiat. Töös on esitatud kolm uuringut. Õpilaste suhtumisi kaardistati alguses kvalitatiivsete suulise ja kirjaliku intervjuu meetoditega ning siis kvantitatiivse ankeetküsitlusega. Saadud vastuste põhjal võib öelda, et õpilaste informeeritus religioonist on napp, olemasolevad eelarvamused koos religiooni pidamisega eraasjaks soodustavad õhkkonda, kus nii usulise taustaga õpilased kui ka need, kes on huvitatud religioonist, on kergesti haavatavad. Lisaks sisaldab väitekiri kahes koolis salvestatud tundide suhtlemismustrite analüüsi, kus uuritakse nii maailmavaatelise dialoogi edukaid kui ka ebaõnnestunud katseteid. Uurimus näitab, et religiooniõpetuse kogemus võib kaasa aidata nii usulise kui ilmaliku maailmavaatega õpilaste avatumale suhtumisele maailmavaatelisse mitmekesisusse. Võimalused erineva maailmavaatega õpilaste vaheliseks dialoogiks jäävad aga tihti õpetajakeskse pedagoogika kontekstis realiseerimata. Uuringute tulemusi arvesse võttes järeldatakse, et kuigi teadmised religioonist on oluline eeldus vastastikkuseks mõistmiseks, peaks õpetus lisaks sisaldama reflektiivset ja empaatilist lähenemist ainele ning võimaldama suhtlemist erinevate maailmavaadete ja religioonide esindajatega, toimugu see religiooniõpetuses, teistes ainetes või integreerituna kooliellu.
The task of this thesis is to describe a manuscript of Tallinna Linnaarhiiv (Tallinn City Archives) with the shelf mark f. 230, n. 1, s. Cm 3 (shortened Cm3). This Latin manuscript is one of the few that can be connected with Estonia’s medieval period and all the more remarkable because it includes at the end a text written by an English scribe. It is the only codex with material of English provenance that is known to have been in Estonia since the Middle Ages, and it testifies to the breadth of transmission of Latin material of homiletic interest in the high and late medieval period. In describing the manuscript the main concern is to find traces of ownership and usage of the codex to place it in the context of medieval intellectual life in Estonia. The manuscript contains texts that were intended for the preparation of sermons (Summa de abstinentia of Nicolaus de Byard OFM?, fl 13th med; Sermones de tempore et de diversis and Sermones de sanctis of Nicolaus de Gorran OP, † 1295) and also an alphabetical register and a calendar (themata per totum annum dominicalia et ferialia). The last part of the Cm3 presents a conspectus of Tractatus moralis de oculo written ca. 1285 by Peter of Limoges, but without the title and the name of the author. The dissertation concerns itself mostly with this text and also presents a transcription and translation of the Tallinn Tractatus moralis de oculo. Dissertatsiooni eesmärgiks on kirjeldada, publitseerida ja tõlkida osa Tallinna Linnaarhiivi käsikirjast fond 230, nimistu 1, säilik Cm 3 (lühendatult Cm3). See ladinakeelne konvoluut on üks vähestest, mis on säilinud Eesti keskajast ning tähelepanuväärne ka selle poolest, et sisaldab lõpuosas ilmselt Inglise kopisti poolt kirjutatud teksti. Tegemist on teadaolevalt ainukese Inglise päritolu käsikirjaga, mida on võimalik seostada Eesti keskajaga. Cm3 sisaldab jutluste ettevalmistamiseks mõeldud tekste (Nicolaus de Byard OFM(?) (fl. 13 saj.keskel) Summa de abstinentia ning Nicolaus de Gorran OP († 1295) Sermones de tempore et de diversis ja Sermones de sanctis), tähestikulist registrit ja kalendrit (dominicalia et ferialia totius anni). Cm3 viimane osa on 13. sajandi 80ndatel aastatel Limoges’i Petruse poolt kirjutatud moraaliallegoorilise traktaadi (Tractatus moralis de oculo) konspekt. Limoges’i Petruse traktaat silma kohta on ühest küljest jutlustamise abivahend, kuid samal ajal pakub ta jutlustamiseks välja allegoorilisi tõlgendusi selleaegsest kõige moodsamast teadusest.
Naram-Su'en, souverain d'Akkad, offrit au dieu Enlil un grand vase d'argile rempli d'huile et recouvert d'inscriptions. Ces inscriptions narraient la difficile victoire de ce roi contre les insurges conduits par Amar-girid, qui regnait sur la ville d'Uruk. Le recipient original n'existe plus, mais le texte qu'il portait nous a ete transmis par des fragments de copies d'ecoles de l'ancienne Babylonie. Ce sont ces documents qui nous sont presentes dans cet article.
Nüüdisaegne Euroopa kristlus, mida esindavad konfessionaalsed kirikud, aga ka kindla konfessionaalsuseta usukogukonnad või spetsiifiliste spiritualiteetide kandjad, on asetunud konteksti, mis erineb oluliselt eelmiste sajandite harjumuspärasest corpus christianum’i ehk kiriku ja ühiskonna sümbioosi situatsioonist. Corpus christianum’i situatsiooni taandumise ja ühiskondliku elu diferentseerumine toimub paralleelselt ühiskonna sotsiaalsete vormide sekulariseerumisega koos pluraliseerumise ning individualiseerumisega. Kuni ei ole selgeid tõendeid sekulariseerumise suuna pöördumisest, pole põhjust seda argumenti kõrvale heita. Euroopa ühiskond ja Euroopa kirikud on asetatud küsimuse ette edasistest stsenaariumitest. Positiivne, ofensiivne hoiak on evangelisatsioon. Uurimuse eesmärgiks kirjeldada evangelisatsiooni oikumeenilist perspektiivi ja ressursse Euroopa kontekstis. Sellest eesmärgist tulenevalt on uurimus dispositsioneeritud kolmeks suureks peatükiks, mis tegeleb kolme teemavaldkonnaga: a) Euroopa konteksti kirjeldamine, b) evangelisatsiooni teoloogiliste aspektide uurimine ning c) oikumeenilise evangelisatsiooni perspektiivi esitamine ja praktiliste ressursside hindamine. Uurimuse probleemiasetus on järgmine: millised neist ressurssidest, mis tulenevad evangeeliumist, kiriku misjonaarsest olemusest ning kirikute oikumeenilisest kohustusest, on praktilises evangelisatsioonis kasutatavad ja millistel tingimustel; millistes teoloogilistes ja praktilistes väljendusvormides avaldub nüüdisaegne evangelisatsioon; kuidas on oikumeeniline evangelisatsioon võimalik? Oikumeenilise evangelisatsiooni perspektiiv Euroopa kontekstis seisneb sekulariseerunud inimese kommunitseerimises evangeeliumiga selliselt, et läbi isikliku usulise pöördumise omandatakse osaduses Jumalaga ja kaasinimestega toimiv ning kiriklikult väljendatud sotsiaalne elulaad. Selliselt rajatud religioossus pretendeerib avardumisele privaatsest sfäärist avalikku. Evangelisatsiooni oikumeenilisus võimaldab seda, et nii kollektiivselt kui ka individuaalselt väljendatav religioossus saab inspireeritud ühest ja samast evangeeliumist, kuigi esitatuna erinevate kiriklike traditsioonide tingimustele vastavalt, ning et transformeeriv evangeelium saab rakenduda kristliku ühtekuuluvusena praktilises elus. Present-day Christianity in Europe, being represented not only by confessional churches but also by religious communities with neither determined confessionality nor bearing a specific spirituality, is framed by a context which differs greatly from the conventional situation of Christendom, i.e. the symbiosis of church and society prevalent in previous centuries. The diminishing of Christendom and differentiation of social life takes place in parallel with secularization combined with pluralisation and individualization. Having no clear evidence that secularization would change its course, there is no reason to disregard this argument. European society and European churches face the possibility of the following scenarios. A positive, offensive attitude would be evangelization. The present study aims to describe the ecumenical perspectives and resources for evangelization in the European context. Proceeding from this objective the study is divided into three chapters treating three larger fields of subject: a) describing the European context, b) studying the theological aspects of evangelization, and c) presenting the perspectives of ecumenical evangelization and realistically evaluating the resources. The problems under investigation in this study are the following: which of the resources proceeding from the Gospel, from the missionary essence of the church and the church’s obligation for ecumenicity, are used in practical evangelization and on which terms; what is the theological and practical outcome of present-day evangelization; how would ecumenical evangelization be possible? The perspective of ecumenical evangelization in the European context is to communicate the Gospel to a secularized person so that through personal conversion and in communion with God and our fellow man, a working and church-bound social lifestyle is obtained. Such religiosity makes claims to expansion from the private to public sphere. The ecumenicity of evangelizations enables both collective and individual religiosity to be inspired by the same Gospel, though its presentation varies according to the different traditions in different churches, and the Gospel that changes human life is to serve as a basis for life in Christian unity.
Thesis (doctoral)--University of Tartu, 2005. Includes bibliographical references (p. 292-301).
Gnoosis ja juutlus. Vana Testamendi ja juudi motiivid gnostilises kirjanduses ja gnostitsismi päritolu küsimus. Gnoosis on religioosne liikumine, mis levis Rooma keisririigi esimestel sajanditel vahemeremaailmas, kuid tema religioonilooline päritolu ei ole kuni tänaseni selge. Gnoosise juuri on otsitud nii kristlusest, kreeka filosoofiast, kui ka erinevatest Lähis- ja Kesk-Ida religioonidest (muinasegiptuse-, babüloonia- ja pärsia usundist). Kuigi tänapäeval on ülekaalus teooriad, mille järgi gnostitsismi tekkimist on mõjutanud erinevad religioonid, ei peeta gnoosist lihtsalt üheks antiikaegse sünkretismi vormiks, vaid religioosseks liikumiseks (või koguni omaette religiooniks), millel on oma vaimne struktuur. Siiski on erinevate religioonide panus gnoosise tekkimisele olnud erinev. Eriti silmatorkavad on gnostilises kirjanduses motiivid, mis pärinevad juutlusest, kristlusest ja kreeka filosoofiast. See näib esmapilgul kinnitavat kirikuisade seisukohta, et gnoosises tuleb näha ühte kristlikku hereesiat, kuid juudi päritoluga ja kreeka filosoofiast pärinevad motiivid leiduvad ka gnostilistes tekstides, milles puuduvad igasugused kristluse mõjud. See tõsiasi, nagu ka fakt, et paljud gnostilised mütologeemid on juudi päritoluga, näib kinnitavat hoopis teooriat, mille järgi gnoosise juuri tuleb otsida juutlusest. Käesoleva töö autor ei püüa luua uut ja originaalset teooriat gnoosise päritolu kohta, vaid püüab selgitada välja, kas gnostilises kirjanduses leiduvad arvukad Vana Testamendi ja juudi päritoluga motiivid kinnitavad teooriat gnostitsismi juudi päritolust. Käesoleva töö autor annab esmalt põhjaliku ülevaate erinevatest teooriatest gnoosise päritolu kohta, käsitledes eriti põhjalikult teooriaid, mis otsivad selle liikumise juuri erinevatest juutluse religioossetest vooludest (apokalüptika, tarkusõpetus, varane juudi müstitsism jne). Seejärel käsitleb ta erinevaid Vana Testamendi ja juudi päritoluga motiive gnostilises kirjanduses ja kirikuisadel, heebrea ja aramea päritoluga sõnu ja sõnamänge koptikeelsetes gnostilistes tekstides ning küsimust mandalaste päritolust. Töö autor jõuab seisukohale, et teooriat gnoosise juudi päritolust kinnitab nii suur hulk kaalukaid tõsiasju, et seda teooriat võib pidada olemasolevatest teooriatest kõige tõelähedasemaks. Kõige tõsiseltvõetavam vastuargument sellele teooriale on autori arvates gnoosises leiduv terav poleemika mitmete juutluse põhiseisukohtadega (Jumala ainulisus, Toora kui Jumala Seadus), kuid seda on võimalik seletada ka argumendina selle kasuks, et gnoosise juuri tuleb otsida ringkondadest, mis olid küll teatud perioodil juutlusesse kuulunud, kuid seejärel juutlusest eemaldunud („hereetikud“, proselüütidest renegaadid). Nad lõid endale uue religioosse identiteedi, mis sageli vastandab end teravalt juutlusele, kuid sisaldab endas samal ajal jälgi sellest, et selle identiteedi loojatel ja kandjatel on olnud isiklik kontakt juudi religiooniga. Tõenäoliselt on selliseid inimesi olnud nii Palestiinas kui ka teistes Rooma idaprovintsides (Egiptuses, Väike-Aasias jm) ning ilmselt nende vahendusel tekkisid 1. sajandi lõpul või 2. sajandi algul pKr ka kristluse ja gnostitsmi kontaktid, mille tulemusena kujunes välja eraldi gnoosise haru – kristlik gnoosis. Gnosticism and Judaism. Old Testament and Jewish elements in Gnostic writings and the question of the origin of Gnosticism. Gnosticism is a religious movement that spread in the Mediterranean World during the first centuries of the Roman Empire, but its religious origin remains unclear to this today. The roots of Gnosticism have been sought in Christianity and Greek philosophy, but also various Near and Middle East religions (Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian and Persian religions). Although today, theories according to which the appearance of Gnosticism has been affected by various religions prevail, Gnosticism is not just considered a form of antique syncretism, but a religious movement (or even a religion of its own) with its own spiritual structure. Even so, the effects that different religions have had different on the appearance of Gnosticism are varied. Elements from Judaism, Christianity and Greek philosophy are especially conspicuous in Gnostic writings. At first glance, this seems to confirm the position of church fathers that one Christian heresy must be seen in Gnosticism, but the elements with a Jewish origin and arising from Greek philosophy are also found in the Gnostic texts that have no Christian effect whatsoever. This fact, just like the fact that many Gnostic mythologems are of Jewish origin, seems to confirm the theory according to which the roots of Gnosticism must be found in Judaism instead. The author of the present paper does not attempt to establish a new and original theory on the origin of Gnosticism, but attempts to find out whether the numerous elements originating from the Old Testament and Judaism confirm the theory of the Jewish origin of Gnosticism. First, the author of the present paper gives a comprehensive overview of various theories on the origin of Gnosticism, paying special attention to the theories that search for the roots of Gnosticism from the religious movements of Judaism (Apocalypticism, teachings of wisdom, Early Jewish Mysticism, etc.). After that, the author discusses various elements of the Old Testament and of Jewish origin in Gnostic writings and used by church fathers, words and wordplays of Hebrew and Aramaic origin in Coptic language Gnostic texts, and the issue of the origin of Mandaeans. The author of the paper reaches the conclusion that the theory of the Jewish origin of Gnosticism is confirmed by such a great amount of weighty facts that this theory can be regarded as the closest to the truth out of the existing theories. The most serious counterargument to this theory, in the author’s opinion, is the controversy with several main aspects of Judaism found in Gnosticism (only one God, Torah as the Law of God), but it is also possible to explain it as an argument in favour of finding the roots of Gnosticism from circles that had been Jewish in certain periods, but then had withdrawn from Judaism (“heretics,” proselyte renegades). They created a new religious identity for themselves, which often sharply opposed Judaism, but at the same time contained traces indicating that the creators and bearers of this identity had had personal contact with the Jewish religion. Such people have probably been found in both Palestine and other East Roman Provinces (Egypt, Asia Minor, etc.) and at their mediation, Christian and Gnostic contacts were established at the end of the 1st century or at the beginning of the 2nd century AD, as a result of which, a separate branch of Gnosticism appeared – Christian Gnosticism.
Dissertatsioonis vaadeldakse süstematiseeritult ja taustaga suhestatuna Nõukogude religioonipoliitika rakendamist Moskva patriarhaadi Eesti Õigeusu Piiskopkonnas a-il 1954–1964. Uurimuses antakse ülevaade poststalinistlikul aastakümnendil Eesti piiskopkonna halduskorralduses ja vaimulikkonnas toimunud muutustest ning selgitakse välja, millised neist olid tingitud Nõukogude religioonipoliitikast ja millised mitte. Dissertatsioonis tõestatakse, et liberaliseerimis- ja sulaprotsessid osutusid sulaajal kohalikus õigeusu piiskopkonnas lühiajaliseks – piirdudes vaid aastatega 1956–1957. A-il 1958–1964 kasvas administratiivne surve usuelule, kogudusi likvideeriti vägivaldselt ja vaimulikkond vähenes drastiliselt. Võimust sõltumatult tekkisid 1950. a-te keskel nt eesti vaimulike erimeelsused ametliku liiniga kalendrireformi ja leeritraditsiooni legaliseerimise küsimustes. Kiriku ja riigi suhete kõver Eesti õigeusu piiskopkonnas kujunes poststalinistlikul aastakümnendil eriti muutlikuks. Religioonipoliitika tõuse ja mõõnu selles suunasid eeskätt muudatused NSVLi võimuladvikus ja üleminek stalinistlikult totalitaardiktatuurilt N. Hruštšovi ainuvalitsevale parteiaparaadile. This doctoral thesis handles systematically the influence of the Soviet religious policies upon the Estonian Orthodox Eparchy of the Moscow patriarchate in 1954–1964, while taking into consideration the historical background. The research gives an overview about the changes in the administration of the Estonian Eparchy and in the personnel of the clergy and aims to find out the factors for these changes – which ones of them were caused by the Soviet religious policies and which ones not. The thesis proves that the liberalization and the „thaw” processes were just short-term ones – covering only the years 1956 and 1957. In 1958–1964 the administrative suppression upon religious life increased, the congregations were shut down by force and the number of clerics decreased rapidly. Independent of the authorities and the official course, there were some differences in points of view of the Estonian clergy in the middle of the 1950-ties about the calendar reform and the legalization of teaching the catechism to young people. The curve of church-state relations in the Estonian Eparchy during the post-Stalinist decade was very dynamic. The rise and ebb of the religious policies were influenced by the changes, which took place among the highest authorities in the USSR, and by the transition from Stalinist totalitarian dictatorship towards N. Khrushchev’s single-party system.