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Metalinguistic, Shmetalinguistic: The Phonology of Shmreduplication

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Abstract

Linguistics This paper explores English shm- reduplication and aims to answer questions that have previously been left open on the subject. Results from an online survey show emerging patterns that have not been adequately addressed in the literature. It will be shown that shm- reduplication targets prosodic landmarks, syllabic landmarks and the phrasal site of the target of reduplication. Instances of avoidance phenomena will also be discussed and analyzed. The results suggest that shm- reduplication is computed by a grammar that is formed through underdetermined exposure.
Metalinguistic, shmetalinguistic: the phonology of shm-
reduplication
Andrew Nevins and Bert Vaux
MIT and Harvard University
1 Introduction
English shm-reduplication, as in Oedipus shmoedipus, is well known but
incompletely understood. McCarthy and Prince (1986:71) for instance
state that “the initial consonants, if any, are replaced by a specified
consonant or cluster” [in this case Σµ-]. Sanders 2000 similarly states “a
word is fully reduplicated, and the initial onset of the reduplicant is
replaced with schm-”. Such analyses leave many subcases of shm-
reduplication unexplained; what about cases where shm- does not replace
the entire onset, as in breakfast-shmreakfast (in the film Mall Rats)? What
about obscene, obschmene, where shm- overwrites a medial onset? What
about árcade, shmárcade, where the stress of the base word changes?
Despite frequent references in the literature (e.g. Feinsilver 1961,
McCarthy and Prince 1986, Zwicky and Pullum 1987, Pullum 1991,
Alderete et al. 1996, Ginzburg and Sag 2000), English shm-reduplication
and its attendant problems have yet to receive a thorough or satisfactory
linguistic study. To address these lacunae we conducted a detailed online
survey.1 Based on the principled variation that emerged, we characterize a
restricted set of morphophonological operations with implications for both
rules and representations as they may variably target prosodic landmarks
(first vs. stressed syllable), syllabic landmarks (onset vs. first consonant)
and the phrasal size of the target of reduplicative morphemes (first word
vs. entire phrase). Second, based on subjects’ treatment of s-, m-, schm-,
and sh-initial words, and words whose output is an existing schm- initial
word (e.g. Joe schmo), we argue that avoidance phenomena show a
regularity that, contra Pullum 1991 and Sanders 2000, cannot be dismissed
as metalinguistic.
2 How did shm-reduplication develop?
Though shm-reduplication is most familiar from English, individuals who
are familiar with it generally feel it to be of Yiddish origin. Southern
(forthcoming) suggests that shm-reduplication arose in Yiddish from a mix
1 The survey can still be taken at http://www.ai.mit.edu/projects/dm/shm.
of Turkic Echo m- and East Slavic sh-. The Oxford English Dictionary on
the other hand sees it as an English-internal development, “derived from
the numerous Yiddish words that begin with this sequence of sounds”. The
existence of early Yiddish forms in shm- supports the former theory over
the latter (cf. Weinreich (1980:623-4), who seems to think that the
construction goes back several centuries in Yiddish.) Southern cites in his
support Yiddish shmallig, employed in a manuscript of c.1600 to disparage
hallig ‘holy’. Yitskhok Niborski (personal communication) hypothesizes
that the archetype for shm-reduplication in Yiddish is the collocation tate
shmate ‘father shmather/rag’, which he states was already in use more than
150 years ago in European Yiddish communities. It would have been used,
he adds, by an embittered wife against the man who provided her with
children but not with an income. In this case shmate is an independent
lexical item meaning ‘rag’, but it may have provided the vehicle for
reanalysis as an echo formation.
Lockwood 1978 claims that shm-reduplication migrated into from Yiddish
into American English in the late 19th century, and became integrated into
common usage by the 1930s. The Oxford English Dictionary cites its first
known use in English as crisis-shmisis (Goller 1929:V.ii.215).
Today shm-reduplication enjoys a fairly wide distribution in English, and
is not limited to Yiddish or Jewish contexts, as shown by the following:
(1) “Pedro Schmedro. The third-place Red Sox may have their big gun
going to the mound this afternoon at the SkyDome, but as far as
the exuberant Blue Jays are concerned, it’s a case of too little,
too late.” (The Toronto Star, June 25, 2000)
(2) “Breakfast?! Breakfast shmreakfast, look at the score for God’s
sake. It’s only the second period and I’m winning twelve to two.
Breakfasts come and go, Rene, but Hartford, the Whale, they only
beat Vancouver maybe once or twice in a lifetime.” (Mallrats,
1995)
3 What does shm- mean?
Shm-reduplication resembles echo formations in other languages in being
used to downplay or deride a particular phrase (cf. Emeneau 1939 for
South Asian languages). As one survey respondent put it, applying shm-
reduplication to a form indicates “I care so little about [it] that I will
pronounce it flagrantly incorrectly, so there”. The dismissive sense of the
construction can also be employed modally, to reassure, to downplay a
situation or problem that is potentially overwhelming or threatening, or to
lighten a situation with humor by pretending to dismiss it.
The elements of a shm-reduplication generally take the form of a topic-
comment binomial pair, often with incomplete list intonation. As we have
discussed with Michael Wagner, it may be that the intonation of shm-
reduplication is crucial to deriving its meaning: the intonation of
enumerating a list of items that share a common property, whose second
item is in this case, a total nonsense word, may indicate that the first item
resides in a natural class with unimportant items.
4 The survey
The semantics and pragmatics of shm-reduplication are relatively clear, but
its phonological, morphological, and syntactic behavior are less so. In
order to elucidate the nature of these aspects of the phenomenon, we
conducted an online survey consisting of 55 questions designed to elicit
information on the treatment of variables including m-initial inputs, shm-
initial inputs, non-initial shm, glide-initial inputs, second-syllable stress,
ambisyllabicity, compounding, phrase structure of different types, lexical
blocking, and complex onsets. The order of the questions and of answers
was randomized for each survey respondent. Each question was multiple
choice, in the following general format:
(3) Person A: Who did that awful painting hanging in your
basement?
Person B (pointing at her husband): Umm, Lee did.
Person A: Lee did, _____! I know that you painted it, you
untalented fop!
A. Lee shmid
B. Shmee shmid
C. Shmee did
D. Nothing sounds good here
E. Other [ ]
Comments on this question [ ]
As of this writing, 190 individuals have completed the survey; our
discussion and analysis are based on the results from these. Since some
respondents did not complete the survey and the order of questions was
randomized each time the survey was administered, each question has
fewer than 190 data points.
We then administered a second survey of 200 individuals, to test additional
variables and establish a baseline for shm-reduplication in basic cases.2 All
200 individuals answered each of the five questions in this second survey.
5 Analysis
We begin our analysis with the phonological behavior of shm-
reduplication. We situate our interpretation of the reduplicative and
overwriting aspects of the phenomenon within the theory of Anchor Points
developed by Yu 2002 and Nevins & Vaux 2003, which in brief
hypothesizes the following:
(4) Phonological Rules cannot count.
(5) Phonological Rules can only refer to a restricted set of Anchor
Points.
In this theory, processes such as infixation and reduplication can only
target one of the following prominent landmarks (cf. Pierrehumbert and
Nair 1995):
(6) Anchor Points: 1st σ, 1st foot, 1st consonant, 1st vowel, stressed σ,
final σ
Each of these targets is attested for both reduplication and infixation:
(7) Infixation after first foot: Ulwa karas:-ka-mak ‘knee’
(McCarthy and Prince 1993)
(8) Reduplication after first foot: Yidiny mula-mula-ri ‘initiated
man’ (Dixon 1977, cited in McCarthy and Prince 1999)
(9) Infixation after Initial Consonant: Sundanese n-ar-aho ‘to
know’ (Robins 1959); Atayal k-maial ‘talk (actor focus)’
(Egerod 1965)
(10) Reduplication after Initial Consonant: Mangarrayi g-ab-abuji
‘old persons’ (Downing 2001)
(11) Infixation after first vowel: Katu ka-r-chet ‘dead’ (Costello
1988)
(12) Reduplication after first vowel: Ø (but Pima may provide an
example)
(13) Infixation Before Stressed σ
σσ
σ: English e-goddamned-váporate
(McCarthy 1982)
2 This survey can be seen at
survey.net.nz/survey.php?7b71e88ecfa1f070b7199fd4f5fbf785.
(14) Reduplication Before Stressed σ
σσ
σ: Chamorro hu-ga-gándo
‘playing’ (Topping 1973)
(15) Infixation before final σ
σσ
σ: Hua haru-
/
a-po ‘not slip’ (Haiman
1980)
(16) Reduplication before final σ
σσ
σ: Dakota spa-ha-ha ‘broken off’
(Shaw 1976)
As observed in Raimy 2000:69-70, in a representational model in which
reduplication is represented as an operation of introduction of precedence
relations, infixation and reduplication become quite similar; both involve
an anchor-point specification in the realization of a morphosyntactic
feature. We claim that infixation and reduplication can only target this set
of positions. Infixation is the introduction of a precedence relation
(including new segmental material) whose start point transitively precedes
its end point, while reduplication is the introduction of a precedence
relation (including new segmental material in cases of fixed segmentism)
whose start point is transitively preceded by its end point. Given their
representational similarity, one expects that these two processes can target
the same set of non-edge constituents. The logical conclusion for Yu is that
infixation (and presumably reduplication as well) must be stated as
inviolable, non-gradient Align constraints. We adopt this inventory of
anchor points (edge constituents and prominent constituents) as complete,
noting that restricting precedence-introducing relations to these points
prevents the grammar from “counting”, and disables infixation or
reduplication after, say, the third vowel in an octosyllabic word.3
We hypothesize that the set of anchor points provided by the above theory
accounts for the range of attested variation in shm-reduplication. That is,
speakers will vary as to where they insert shm-, but the range of variation
will be confined to the inventory of anchor points in (6). When a learner
hears bagel shmagel, there are many hypotheses compatible with this
single pattern (overwrite the first consonant, overwrite the first onset,
overwrite up to the nucleus, overwrite in the stressed syllable, etc.). The
underdetermined nature of this sort of data allows speakers to postulate a
range of rule targets, all of which are compatible with the data for simple
(i.e. one-consonant-onset with initial stress) forms, but reveal variation
when speakers are required to produce more complex forms.
3 Thus mitigating the concerns raised by Downing 2001 about the generative
space of precedence-based reduplication.
Turning next to mechanics, the fundamental operations for shm-
reduplication consist of three steps: (i) adding a new precedence relation
from the last segment of the input word to the sequence /Σµ-/, (ii) adding a
new precedence relation from the sequence /Σµ-/ to the anchor point (i.e.
postulated target) of the rule, and (iii) linearizing the structure. Step (ii) is
the locus of variation. The most common target of (ii) in shm-reduplication
is the first vowel. Thus, where denotes immediate precedence, most
speakers postulate the representation as in (17):
(17) bagel
m←Σ
The representation in (17) is within the precedence-based model of Raimy
2000 (see also Fitzpatrick & Nevins 2002). We adopt a precedence-based
model because it allows explicit formalization of the target of a
morphophonological rule resulting in reduplication. In this model, the
output token [bagel-shmagel] is phonologically ambiguous, in the way that
I saw the man with the telescope is—it has more than one possible
structural analysis. Generalization of the phonological realization of the
semantic target of shm-reduplication from one of these analyses of the
ambiguous string generates in the massive variation we document in this
paper, as exemplified in (18).
(18) variation by anchor point in shm-reduplication
a. targets first syllable versus stressed syllable
shmobscene (30% of respondents) vs. obshmene (28%)4
b. shm placed at target in stressed syllable versus second copy
starts with shm at target in stressed syllable
confusion conshmusion (34%) vs. confusion s(h)musion
(11%)5
c. targets material after first consonant versus first onset
breakfast s(h)mreakfast (10%) vs. breakfast
s(h)meakfast (87%)
4 47/128 respondents (37%) preferred no output for obscene; 1 respondent
favored shmene.
5 47/113 respondents (42%) preferred no output for confusion; 13% preferred
shmonfusion.
For the purposes of comparison, we will address why we do not adopt the
shm-reduplication analysis of Alderete et. al 1999. In their model, bagel,
shm- and RED (the abstract instruction to reduplicate) are inputs to a
computation that is based on violation counting. Violations are counted
such that it is worse for the output to miss something in the input (MAXIO)
than it is for the reduplicant to contain something that is not in the base
(MAXBR); i.e. MAXIO >> MAXBR. The output [bagel-shmbagel] would
satisfy both of these constraints, but is rejected for phonotactic reasons. In
the computation of [bagel-shmagel] vs. [shmagel-shmagel], the latter loses
because it fails to include [b] from the input. However, with this same
computation, the optimal output for the input /eel/ is *[shmeel-shmeel].
Moreover, while the analysis predicts [wig-shmig] as optimal, 10/115 of
our respondents did not choose this option. The issue of how to deal with
all of the variation that we successfully model in the current paper is not
addressed, as Alderete et. al idealize to a unique output in English for shm-
reduplicating bagel.
In addition, the crosslinguistic generality of this model is questionable, as
Hindi v-reduplication yields [roti-voti] and never *[roti-vroti] for the input
/roti/, even though the latter output should be a penalty-minimization
dream come true. Finally, for proponents of the view that a simple re-
ranking of the constraints MAXIO >> MAXBR should produce an attested
reduplication pattern, it is demonstrable that their re-ranking will yield a
reduplicative system in which an input with three onset consonants will
never deliver shm- reduplication, and the optimal output for /string/ would
be [string-string]. As is more fully discussed in Nevins 2003, these
properties of Alderete et al.’s model all result from the fact that
computation is done in terms of counting the number of segments in
violation; in this case, because 3 is more than 2. Our model, as mentioned
above, is exempt from counting, and avoids such pathological predictions.
5.1 Complex Onsets
With these theoretical preliminaries in mind, we now turn to the data. One
of the first variations that we noticed in shm-reduplication is between those
who do and do not preserve elements of word-initial consonant clusters. In
order to determine the parameters of this variation, we included in our
survey four questions containing (or potentially producing) different types
of word-initial clusters: Cr (breakfast), CCr (street), Cl (floozie), and r
(rich). We also included two stimuli of this type in the follow-up survey,
broom and floss.
The treatment of Cr clusters was evenly split between the two options
mentioned above when no other factors interfered, as can be seen for
broom in (19).
(19) a. broom shmoom 39%
b. broom shmroom 37%
c. broom smroom 6%
e. no output 18%
The remaining Cr stimuli showed a greater preference for the r-less
treatment:
(20) with r without r no output
a. breakfast 10% 87% 3%
b. street 4% 71% 22%
c. rich 3% 82% 13%
Cl clusters also display preference for the l-less treatment:
(21) with l without l no output
a. floss 16% 72% 11%
b. floozie 3% 88% 10%
The CR- cluster data in (19-21) suggest that speakers are most likely to
form the strongest generalization—target the segment immediately
following the first onset—when presented with underdetermined data of
the bagel shmagel type. Note, though, that a non-trivial percentage of
speakers select the more restrictive hypothesis that targets the segment
immediately following the first consonant.
5.2 Glides
Recently, several phonologists have debated an issue related to the
complex onset problem just discussed, the behavior of post-consonantal
glides. Barlow 2001 and Yip 2003 have suggested on the basis of Pig Latin
that English speakers may have two representations for a sequence like
[spju], one that syllabifies the [j] in the onset, and one that attaches it to the
nucleus. Nevins & Vaux 2003 and Idsardi & Raimy 2003, on the other
hand, have suggested that English post-consonantal [j] is always part of the
nucleus, and that the attested variation in reduplicative behavior results
from two different rule variables.
To investigate this issue we tested five words with appropriately situated
post-consonantal glides. Our results are tabulated in (22), where “+glide”
is a cover term for forms like union shmyoonion and wig shmwig, and “-
glide” represents forms that do not copy the glide, such as union
shmoonion and wig shmig.
(22) base form +glide -glide null output total
a. union 19% 75% 5% 114
b. use (verb) 8% 68% 22% 116
c. confusion 13% 38% 48% 986
d. wig 5% 92% 3% 114
e. dwarf 31% 63% 6% 199
We account for the variation in (22) by postulating that speakers
hypothesize two different targets for the reduplicative pointer: one group
adds it from /Σm/ to the first nuclear segment, giving e.g. union
shmyoonion, and the other adds a relation from shm- to the first vowel,
yielding e.g. union shmoonion. Speaker variation thus depends on the
target of the reduplicative pointer, not the representation of glides. This
analysis has the advantage over Barlow and Yip’s theory of employing a
uniform representation for all prevocalic glides, and explaining the fact
that speakers may treat /ju/ sequences differently in different language
games (cf. Idsardi & Raimy 2003)—the glide as a prenuclear segment
remains constant, but the game-particular rule contains a different anchor
point variable.
5.3 [+anterior] dissimilation
Having encountered individuals who employ sm- rather than shm- with
words containing a strident consonant {Σ τΣ Ζ δΖ σ ζ}, we included in the
survey several questions to test the extent of this phenomenon. Our
findings are summarized in (23), where “Σµ” is a cover term for forms like
witches shmitches, and “sm” represents forms that employ sm-, such as
witches smitches.
6 15 additional respondents said shmonfusion, which is not relevant to the
treatment of post-consonantal glides. These were not included in the
computation.
(23) base form Σ
ΣΣ
Σµ
µµ
µ sm null output total
a. witches 70% 17% 12% 114
b. Ashmont 70% 17% 13% 115
c. ash 66% 10%7 21% 115
d. massage 43%8 4% 48% 122
e. schnozz 66% 3% 27% 113
Why does Σ change to s precisely in forms containing one or more
stridents? We propose that it results from the rule of [anterior]
dissimilation represented in (24):
(24) [+strident] [+strident]
| |
X X
| |
[-ant] [αant]
The system that produces ash shmass modifies (24) by delinking the
second [anterior] specification rather than the first.
5.4 Non-initial stress
Most varieties of shm-reduplication require initial stress on both the base
and the reduplicant. What happens when the base does not have initial
stress? Canonical cases of shm-reduplication do not enable us to answer
this question, because they all involve bases with primary initial stress. It
turns out that speakers employ a variety of different strategies: if the initial
syllable bears a secondary stress most speakers promote it, as in économics
shméconomics; if it does not, as in arcáde, speakers split fairly evenly
between preserving the base stress in the reduplicant (arcáde shmarcáde,
40%) and overriding the base stress (árcade shmárcade, 47%). The
alteration of the base stress in the latter form is noteworthy; it is not clear
whether this is due to the rhythm rule or a desire for prosodic identity
between the based and the reduplicant.
We tested for potential influence of lexical competitors by including the
verb permít, which contrasts with its nominal counterpart only in terms of
7 10 respondents produced smash, and 2 produced shmass.
8 Responses grouped in this category were shmassage (39), shmage (7), and
mashmage (6).
stress, the former being final and the latter being initial (pérmit). Of the
107 individuals who answered this question, only 12 (11%) allowed the
verb to shm-reduplicate, whereas 105 (98%) allowed shm-reduplication of
the noun.
We also discovered that it is not uncommon to shm-reduplicate internally
on the stressed syllable in words with non-initial stress, as shown in (25):
(25) form initial % internal % null
a. confusion shmonfusion 13 (con)s(h)musion9 44 42%
b. obscene shmobscene 33 (ob)shmene10 31 40%
c. massage s(h)massage 36 (ma)s(h)mage11 11 48%
d. terrific shmerrific 67 tershmiffic12 5 26%
e. arcade shmarcade 87 (ar)shmade13 3 9%
Though not evident from the forms in (25), internal shm-reduplication is
not restricted to the second syllable; we have heard forms such as
regulations, regushmations and understandable, undershmandable. Since
in the latter case the stress coincides with a morpheme boundary, we
decided to include a form where the two do not align, unbelievable, and
found that 45% produced shmunbelievable, 38% preferred no output, 7%
chose unshmelievable, 6% picked unbeshmievable, and 3% produced
shmievable.
The last of these options shows not only that shm-reduplication for some
speakers refers to the stressed syllable, but also that the reduplicant may
begin from this syllable. Such forms have been produced by Spitzer 1952
(confúsion shmooshun) and Howard Stern (masságe shmage), among
others.
Interestingly, a small number of individuals associate shm- to both the
initial and the stressed syllables, producing forms such as forbidden,
shmorshmidden, which appeared in an episode of the Fox program
Futurama.
9 34% produced conshm(y)oosion, 8% produced shmoosion, and 3% produced
smoosion.
10 36 tokens of obshmene, and 1 of shmene.
11 6 respondents gave mashmage; 7 gave shmage.
12 Note the preservation of the base /r/, suggesting that it is ambisyllabic for
these speakers.
13 2 respondents produced arshmade, and one produced shmade.
6 Morphology and syntax
Having examined the phonological variation that results from the
inventory of anchor points and the nature of phonological rule postulation,
we turn to variation in another domain: morphologically complex words.
As it is impossible that shm- reduplication happens in the lexicon”, that
leaves one place for word-formation to happen: in the syntax. Though
shm- reduplication has a phonological form that looks a bit different from
more concatenative modes of morpheme exponence, its composition in the
syntax is still achieved through the operation of Merge. The source of
variation that we observe arises from the fact that the morpheme of which
shm-reduplication is an exponent (call it ECHO, which is quite likely
featurally underspecified and derives its interpretation through pragmatics)
may attach at multiple levels in the syntactic tree.
As Lidz (2001) discusses, echo reduplication can apply at various points
within a syntactic structure. For example, Kannada gi-reduplication can
occur either inside or outside of the case-marker on a noun. Thus, the input
[baagil] `door’ can be merged with ECHO and then [[baagil] ECHO] can be
merged with the K(ase) morpheme -annu (26a), or [baagil] can be merged
with K and then [[baagil] K] can be merged with ECHO (26b).
(26) a. baagil-giigil-annu ‘doors-shmoors-acc.’
b. baagil-annu giigil-annu ‘doors-acc-shmoors-acc’
There is no semantic difference between these derivations; it constitutes a
straightforward case of two sequences of Merge with the same morpheme
inventory, resulting in radical variation once the structure is phonologically
spelled out.
The results of our survey demonstrate that variation in the site of merge of
ECHO in the syntax obtains in shm-reduplication as well. For instance,
given a phrasal input, our respondents varied as to whether shm-
reduplication applied to the first XP in the phrase (27b-c), or the most
deeply embedded (27a):
(27) Q16 Person A: Dear, you'd better stop squandering our money
on golf clubs. Jacob wants a laptop, and you owe him big-
time after embarrassing him in front of his friends by
getting Chumbawumba to play at his bar mitzvah.
Person B: Jacob wants a laptop, _____! That spoiled brat
has enough junk already, and Chumbawumba were ahead
of their time!
a. shm- targets laptop (9%)
b. shm- targets Jacob (5%)
c. shm- targets both Jacob and laptop (3%)
d. Ineffable for whole sentences (78%)
We also examined shm-reduplication in endocentric compounds:
(28) Q11 Person A: You know what we really need? A cookie
cutter.
Person B: Cookie cutter, _____! We have enough kitchen
utensils!
a. shm- targets cookie (65%)
b. shm- targets cutter (10%)
c. shm- targets both cookie and cutter (7%)
d. Ineffable for compounds of this type (19%)
It is notable that exocentric compounds (e.g. walkman) are significantly
more resistant to internal schm-reduplication (contrast (29a-b)), perhaps
indicating that these are not built by the syntax.14
(29) a. shm- targets man (1%)
b. shm- targets walk (93%)
c. shm- targets both walk and man (3%)
d. Ineffable for compounds of this type (3%)
The variation in (28), however, clearly demonstrates that ECHO can attach
in various places in compounds, and supports Lidz’s (2001) hypothesis
that morphological optionality is the result of different Merge sites.
14 Names, on the other hand, seem to allow a variation that we have little
explanation for in syntactic terms, e.g. Donald Shmumsfeld (26.5%),
Shmonald Rumsfeld (18.5%).
In an interesting paper, Travis 2001 proposes that syntactic reduplication
(e.g. I need a DOCTOR doctor) involves movement of a copy to check a
feature. Presumably, one copy of the XP stays in base position, while a
higher one moves to the head with the uninterpretable feature. However,
we would like to point out that shm-reduplication can never appear in
argument position (in fact, in stark contrast to e.g. Hindi v- echo
reduplication).
(30) a. *I don’t want to go to Europe, Shmeurope
b. Europe, Shmeurope, who wants to go there!
(31) Optimality, schmoptimality—who needs *(it)?
We suggest that shm-reduplication involves obligatory movement to a
Topic phrase (above the position of wh-movement, as shown by (30)) from
an argument position, often with obligatory resumption (as in (31)) in the
base position.
7 Coprecedence, and allomorphy
Shm-reduplication has received some discussion as an example of an
avoidance phenomenon. McCarthy and Prince 1986:68 observe that “even
English speakers with little experience of the phenomenon…report that
words already beginning with the cluster shm cannot enter into this pattern:
*shmaltz-shmaltz (with the intended reading).” They then claim that
speakers confronted with shm-initial words replace the overwriting -m-
with -p- (shmaltz shpaltz), but our study reveals a far greater range of
variants, as shown in (32) and (33):
(32) base % shm- % null output % other
a. Schmidt 3 76 21
b. schmooze 5 64 31
c. schmuck 5 67 28
(33) alternative overwriting sequences
a. schmuck: shluck, shnuck, schnook, fluck, shpuck, vluck,
shmluck, shuck, shfuck, shvuck, smuck, fuck, shmukster, my
ass, (Bronx cheer)
b. schmooze: shnooze, flooze, shmooze, shpooze, shlooze,
vlooze, shplooze, shmmooze, mooze, wooze, commooze,
my ass
Some have suggested that shm-reduplication is infelicitous with shm-initial
words because the latter already contain the derisive semantic connotations
shm-reduplication is intended to produce. This hypothesis fails to explain
the fact that words lacking these semantics, such as Schmidt, show the
same avoidance effects.
We propose instead to link this phenomenon to the cross-linguistic fact
about most (but not all—cf. Bengali -) instances of echo reduplication
that when the fixed segmentism would result in identical base and
reduplicant, avoidance occurs, as exemplified in (34)-(36).
(34) Hindi aam vaam, paani vaani, vakil
Σ
akil
(35) Turkish kitap mitap, *masa masa
(36) Turkish cip ciliz, dop doluz, dim dik (dissimilation with
obstruents; cf. Kelepir 1999)
A blanket statement that Antifaithfulness or non-identity is required does
not explain why it is precisely the fixed segment that dissimilates: a
presumable solution to an Antifaithfulness requirement for shm-
reduplication would be schmear, schmeak15 , but Turkish, Hindi, and
English speakers always dissimilate the fixed segment, as we saw in (34).
A theoretical question that arises, however, is how long-distance
dissimilation of a potentially unbounded sort can be stated in local terms.
In fact, as Fitzpatrick and Nevins 2002 shows, the precedence-based model
offers a quite natural derived relation, coprecedence, defined in (37).
(37) When AC and BC, then A and B are coprecedents
(denoted by AB)
The environment for dissimilation is exemplified for Turkish (38) and
Hindi (39):
15 To carry forth the spirit of the penalty-minimization view to its logical
conclusion, we put the epenthetic segment at the end of the word, minimally
disrupting continuity, and choose /k/ as the epenthetic segment, since we
know, from the KEKU theorem (Fitzpatrick, Nevins, and Vaux 2003), that /k/
is as good a candidate for the most unmarked consonant as /t/.
(38) Turkish m-reduplication (cf. (35))
a. masa
m
b. Ineffable structure: mm
(39) Hindi Representative Plurality (cf. (34))
a. vakil
v
b. Dissimilation rule: v Σ / v_
The statement of the rule for shm-reduplication is less systematic than it is
in Hindi. While the structural change clearly differs for our respondents,
the structural description for the rule, delivered by the formalism in (37), is
virtually invariant: dissimilate when two Σµ sequences coprecede.
Avoidance allomorphy looks like long-distance dissimilation. But when
two v’s are coprecedent this is a local relationship, and provides a context
for dissimilation. Shm-dissimilation occurs not as metalinguistic correction
(pace Pullum 1991, Sanders 2000), but due to a simple coprecedence-
based allomorphy rule.
8 Ineffability
The ineffability that we observe in many sub-cases of shm-reduplication,
most notably with shm-initial words, raises another serious theoretical
issue. As Gerfen 2001 observes, “a fundamental axiom of OT is that all
constraints are violable”. The idea behind this generalization is that a
grammar always picks the best of a set of candidate outputs, an idea that
stands in explicit and intentional contrast to the inviolable constraints
employed in pre-OT phonology. Absolute ungrammaticality directly
contravenes OT’s central principle of Violability. Absolute
ungrammaticality moreover plays a central role in human language,
appearing robustly in all known phonological systems.
Prince and Smolensky 1993 propose to generate certain cases of
ineffability by combining a Null Parse candidate, which is mysteriously
stipulated to satisfy all well-formedness and faithfulness constraints, with a
constraint MPARSE, which assigns a violation only to the Null Parse
candidate. This analysis fails to capture the intuition that (for example)
shm-reduplication of schmuck produces no output, rather than a
phonetically null output. Orgun and Sprouse 1999 demonstrate moreover
that the Null Parse analysis creates unresolvable ordering paradoxes in
Turkish. They conclude that grammars must be able to contain inviolable
constraints, which requires that we abandon the pivotal OT notions of
Violability and Emergence of the Unmarked. In contrast, the theory we
employ in this paper directly accounts for ineffability in terms of
inviolable constraints.
But what exactly motivates the inviolable constraint involved in echo
reduplication? We tentatively suggest that nonrecoverability is involved: if
one pronounces a form such as schmidt schmidt, luck shmuck, or jews
schmooze (the name of Rob Reiner’s talk show in the film Primary Colors)
it may not be sufficiently clear that shm-reduplication has occurred. This
analysis may be able to help explain the different degrees of lexical
blocking observed between forms where the output competes with a well-
known word, such as joe shmoe (cf. schmo), and forms where the
competing word is not well-known, as in ear shmear (cf. shmeer); the
former case was ineffable for 34% of respondents, whereas the latter was
only so for 10% of respondents.
Contributions
We have shown, through our survey, that speakers have clear and
consistent linguistic intuitions, suggesting that shm-reduplication is
computed in the grammar, and that the the systematic responses of
speakers to these forms show that this is not a metalinguistic phenomenon
to be dismissed, and that the notion of metalinguistic is vacuous here, as
speakers’ strategies still manipulate phonological objects. We have
suggested that an individual’s grammar for shm-reduplication is generally
formed through underdetermined exposure, and we have identified several
distinct subtypes of shm- reduplication, and shown that, as the variation is
principled, it supports a theory of anchor points, as developed in Yu 2002
and Nevins and Vaux 2003.
Having demonstrated the importance of shm-reduplication as a source of
data for models of phonological representation, word formation, and the
status of ineffability in a grammatical computation, we would like to point
out that the importance of shm-reduplication extends even beyond its
illustration of the points we have discussed here. At this same conference,
exactly twenty years ago, Alexis Manaster-Ramer demonstrated that the
copying dependency in what he called “reshmuplication” constituted one
of the first bona fide examples that the status of natural language within a
complexity hierarchy could be conclusively derided as context-free,
context-shm(r)ee.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank all of the indivuals who took our survey, and Toby
Ayer, Sarah Benor, George Bergman, Susan Brunka, Justin Cooper, David
Diaz, Noam Elkies, Elissa Flagg, Rebecca Starr, and Donca Steriade for
helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Special thanks to
Charlie Cheever, Marc Prud’hommeaux, Jeff Surette, and Dorothy Weiss
for help with designing the survey and tabulating and analysing the data.
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