Working mothers: Family-work conflict, job performance and family/work variables

Abstract

The present study examined the relationship between family-work conflict, job performance and selected work and family characteristics in a sample of working mothers employed at a large retail organization. The hypothesis of a negative relationship between family-work conflict and job performance was rejected. Married women reported significantly higher family-work conflict than unmarried women, while women in the highest work category gained the highest job performance rating. More than half the sample indicated that paid work was more important than their housework and reported that their working had a positive impact on their families. The findings are discussed in relation to the changing work and family identities of non-career women.

Full text

The increasing number of women in the workforce is a global
phenomenon and South Africa is no exception in this regard.
Casale (2004) refers to this growth trend as the ‘feminization’ of
the labour market. She notes that, whereas in 1995 about 38
percent of all women of working age were active in the work
force, in 2001 nearly 51 percent of them were economically
active. However, this increase has been in the lower paying
categories, resulting in a larger percentage of women being
concentrated in these categories in more recent years compared
to the mid-nineties.
Casale and Posel (2002) contend that unlike other countries
where women workers are being drawn into the labour market
because of demand for female labour, in South Africa women
are being forced to join the workforce, out of sheer economic
need. They also observe that as a result of the increasing
participation of women in “less secure” (p.1) work in the
labour force, there has been an increase in the unemployment
figures for women. While women form 43.8 percent of the
workforce, they also comprise 52.3 percent of the unemployed
(Gender Advocacy Project, 2003). With rising unemployment
and scarcer employment opportunities, workers in low-level
jobs are in the precarious situation of having to accept low
salaries and ensure family survival or face unemployment and
economic hardship. While these situations carry with them
the potential for frustration and resentment, they could also
offer opportunities for growth. Given their dire financial need
and limited work options, employees are likely to be
committed to their work and to strive for favourable work
evaluations and promotion. This is especially true in industry,
where worker commitment and performance are major
contributors to the economic success of the company. In
this work setting, it is in the interests of the employer to
retain the best workers, and workers realize that failure
to perform adequately may place them at risk for dismissal
or replacement.
In traditional two-parent families, the father was seen as the
family breadwinner while the mother was the nurturer
and homemaker. These roles have evolved over the years
with more women accepting the role of paid employment in
their lives and men beginning to take on household and
parenting duties (Pleck, 1993; Theunissen, van Vuuren &
Visser, 2003). For the growing number of single parent
families (Robles, 1997), the concomitant increase in social and
economic responsibilities is inevitable. The negative impact
on the coping resources of single women is even greater
(Verbrugge, 1993). According to Census96, there were almost
3.5 million female-headed households in South Africa
(reported by Wallis & Price, 2003).
Marsden, Kalleberg and Cook (1993) cite the distinction made
by Hakim (1991) between two types of working women – one
oriented toward a homemaker career and the other focused on
work as a central goal. It is reasonable to assume that women
in the first category may be less likely to pursue further
education and training. If this group find themselves forced to
join the workforce for economic reasons, they are likely to be
employed in semi-skilled positions or jobs that require
minimal training. The personal and economic realities that
women face could result in a variety of role combinations,
pointing to a shortcoming in Hakim’s distinction. For
example, it does not include those women who choose to work
from home or are self-employed. In addition it does not
mention the mother role – for both types of women, the
mother role may or may not apply. Many women attempt to
balance both roles and several models have been proposed
which offer further insight into ways in which work and
family roles interact. Wallis and Price (2003) describe three
theories that are used in the literature:
a) Segmentation theory – work and family are seen as
distinct domains in which individuals operate in terms
of time, place, attitudes, feelings and behaviour. The
basic assumption here is that since energy and time are
limited, resources taken up in one role means that
the other role is neglected. Greenhaus and Beutell’s
(1985) description of the work-family conflict as a form
of inter-role conflict in which family and work
demands are incompatible in some way is an example
of this theory.
CYNTHIA J PATEL
patelc@ukzn.ac.za
VASANTHEE GOVENDER
ZUBEDA PARUK
SAROJINI RAMGOON
School of Psychology
University of KwaZulu-Natal (Howard College)
ABSTRACT
The present study examined the relationship between family-work conflict, job performance and selected
work and family characteristics in a sample of working mothers employed at a large retail organization.
The hypothesis of a negative relationship between family-work conflict and job performance was rejected.
Married women reported significantly higher family-work conflict than unmarried women, while women
in the highest work category gained the highest job performance rating. More than half the sample indicated
that paid work was more important than their housework and reported that their working had a positive
impact on their families. The findings are discussed in relation to the changing work and family identities of
non-career women.
Key words
Employed mothers, family-work conflict, job performance
WORKING MOTHERS: FAMILY-WORK CONFLICT, JOB
PERFORMANCE AND FAMILY/WORK VARIABLES
39
SA Journal of Industrial Psychology, 2006, 32 (2), 39-45
SA Tydskrif vir Bedryfsielkunde, 2006, 32 (2), 39-45

PATEL, GOVENDER, PARUK, RAMGOON
40
b) Spillover theory – is based on the carry-over of attitudes from
one role to another. People who are enthusiastic and
committed in one role will carry over the same enthusiasm to
the other role.
c) Compensation theory – if individuals are not satisfied in one
role they will seek satisfaction in the other role.
In their review on role salience, Niles and Goodnough (1996)
describe a study by Madill et al. (1988) in which 4 categories of
employees (professional, managerial, clerical/sales and
skilled/unskilled) are compared. The greatest difference in role
salience between males and females was in the clerical/sales
group with women placing more emphasis on home and family
than on work. This suggests that there may be more ambivalence
and stress arising out of the tension between work and family
demands in this category of worker compared to the career
woman. Netemeyer, Maxham and Pullig (2005) point out that
the main shortcoming in their study on the work-family
interface was the failure to measure the importance of family
role versus the job role for employees. Eagle, Icenogle, Maes and
Miles (1998) concluded from their review that workers report
more work to family conflict than family to work conflict and
that family boundaries are more permeable than work
boundaries. In contrast, Spykerman (1997) opposed this
contention in her review on gender roles and work, in which she
concluded that family roles contribute more to role conflict than
work roles. When financial need forces an individual to
relinquish traditional roles and re-prioritise their values, workers
are likely to become acutely aware of the need to keep
interference resulting from family responsibilities at a
minimum since, for the majority, a job means survival.
In general the work to family focus has attracted more research
attention than the family to work influence (Burley, 1995;
Carlson, 1999; Eagle et al., 1998).
Haar (2004) points out that the ‘single direction’ focus (work to
family conflict or family to work conflict) is methodologically
flawed. While some researchers have begun to recognize the bi-
directional nature of work and family demands (Burley, 1995;
Kinnunen & Mauno, 1998), the review by Kossek and Ozeki
(1998) shows that work-family measures that indicate the
direction of role conflict perform better than measures that
combine items measuring both directions. From a research
point of view the work-family focus may be more appropriate for
social inquiry, while the family-work focus may be more relevant
to organizational stakeholders.
Among lower level workers the financial imperative is generally
the most important reason for work. In addition when job
insecurity is a reality, workers may hold on to their positions
and increase the effort that they put into their work, thereby
exacerbating family to work conflict (Kinnunen & Mauno,
1998). The focus needs to shift away from ways in which work
interferes with traditional parental and marital roles toward the
threat of family pressures on work performance.
From industry’s point of view, it would be reasonable to assume
that employers are invested in retaining the best workers and in
ensuring that performance is kept at an optimum level.
Eagle et al. (1998), referring to the American labour force, make
the point that the retention of workers depends on suitable
human resource practices. Employers, therefore, need to be able
to recognize the role of family demands and devise appropriate
ways of accommodating workers’ needs and responsibilities in
order to enhance work performance. According to Somers and
Birnbaum (1998) this issue is neglected in research.
If, as Grzywacz, Almeida and McDonald, (2002) point out,
structural features of the family, like parental and marital status,
are likely to influence work and family dynamics, then it follows
that working mothers may attempt to keep family to work
conflict at a minimum so that their financial contribution to the
family is not threatened. More specifically, Burke and Greenglass
(2001) found that personal demographics predicted family to
work conflict, while organizational stressors predict work to
family conflict. Butler and Skattebo (2004) point out that since
the parent role has stereotypically been associated with women,
working mothers may be more prone to family-work conflict
than working fathers. For working mothers therefore, it may be
expected that the lower the interference from the family, the
better the work performance.
Eagle et al. (1998) found that respondents with children reported
significantly greater time-based family-work conflict than
respondents without children. The number of children is said to
be a good predictor of family to work conflict (Kinnunen &
Mauno, 1998) but not a reliable predictor of women’s work
performance (Campbell, Campbell & Kennard, 1994). The latter
found that mothers with younger children (5 and younger)
obtained better work performance ratings than women with
older children. They speculate that the women work harder to
‘protect’ their source of income as a result of their keen
awareness of the financial contribution that they make and
suggest that this argument would have greater support if the
women’s motivations for working were also known.
Since the family role has traditionally been seen as the central
one for women, research on working mothers has tended to
focus on the impact of work on the family, as more women take
on the worker role (Simon, Kummerling & Hasselhorn, 2004;
Theunissen et al., 2003; Wallis & Price, 2003). Frye and Breaugh
(2004) point out that this trend has resulted in a better
understanding of the work-family conflict than the family-work
conflict. In addition, most studies (Brink & de la Rey, 2001;
Grzywacz et al., 2002; Theunissen et al., 2003; and those
reported in Unger & Crawford, 1992) have been conducted on
professional women or women in high level positions and have
tended to neglect women in lower paid positions.
Aims of the study
The present study was designed as an exploratory investigation
of the relationship between family-work conflict and job
performance rating in a sample of working mothers in a retail
institution.
Hypothesis
There is a negative relationship between family-work conflict
and job performance
Secondary aims included an examination of several
demographic variables, family variables and work issues in
relation to family-work conflict and job performance rating.
RESEARCH DESIGN
Research approach
An exploratory survey design using questionnaires and scales
was employed.
Participants
Of a total number of 123 working mothers employed on a full
time basis at a large retail organization in Durban, South Africa,
100 women participated in the study. The racial breakdown was
as follows: 48 were Black, 35 were Indian, 16 were Coloured and
one was White. Twenty women were 30 years of age or below, 27
were between 31 and 40 years old, 35 were between 41 and 50
years, and 18 were over 50 years. Sixty-seven of the participants
were married and 33 were not, while 61 lived in a nuclear
(consisting of father, mother and children) family and 39 lived
within an extended family system. With regard to educational
level, 17 had a primary school education, 78 had secondary
education and five had a tertiary level of education. The mean

WORKING MOTHERS
41
length of service (including broken service) was 11.04 years. All
the women that had left work at some stage in their work lives
(n = 86) reported that they were forced to return to work for
purely financial reasons.
Category One workers included till packers and service area
assistants, Categories Two and Three were clerical staff and cashiers
respectively, while Category Four was made up supervisors.
Measuring Instruments
Four sets of measures were obtained. These were:
a) A biographical questionnaire, including age, educational
level, marital status and number of children.
b) The Family to Work Conflict Questionnaire as used by Eagle,
Miles & Icenogle (1997). It was made up of items taken from
three separate instruments developed by Frone, Russell and
Cooper (1992), Gutek, Searle and Klepa (1991) and Wiley
(1987), all cited in Eagle et al. Internal consistency estimates
of reliability for the three scales were 0,78; 0,81 and 0,85
respectively. The thirteen-item instrument used a 5-point
Likert Scale response format (coded such that 1 = strongly
disagree to 5 = strongly agree). The possible scores ranged
from 13 to 65: the higher the score, the higher the family to
work conflict.
c) A set of questions measuring family and work issues,
developed by the first two authors of the present study,
included the following:
 Work category (with 1 indicating the lowest, and 4
indicating the highest work category)
 Did you start work pre/post marriage?
 Do you think you would be a better mother if not working
(yes/no)?
 Number of years of service.
 Which is more important to you (paid work/house work)?
 Given a choice, would you continue working (yes/no)?
 What is your preference (paid work/house work)?
 How do you perceive the influence of work on your life
(positive /negative)?
d) A Job Performance Rating (JPR) developed by the retail
organization from which the sample was drawn, included
such issues as punctuality, ability to handle pressure,
systematic worker, customer service, respect/collegiality.
There were ten items in all and each participant was rated on
a scale from 1 to 10, with scores between 1 and 3 reflecting
‘poor’ performance, scores between 4 and 6 ‘average’, and
between 7 and 10, ‘very good’ to ‘excellent’. The range of
possible scores was 10 to 100.
Procedure
Permission for the study was obtained from the Human
Resources division of the retail organization where the study was
conducted. The purpose of the study, along with issues of
confidentiality and anonymity, were explained to the employees
at a staff meeting. The questionnaires were then distributed to
those who consented to participate, and were completed during
their break in the presence of the second author who responded
to any queries.
Participants’ immediate supervisors, who were requested to sign
consent/confidentiality forms prior to the assessments,
completed the job performance ratings.
RESULTS
The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for
Windows Version 11.0 was used to analyse the data. The analytic
options in this study were somewhat restricted as a result of the
small sample. The Pearson r was used to test the main hypothesis
of a relationship between family-work conflict and job
performance. Ideally, factorial analysis of variance techniques
should have been employed to analyse group differences.
However, given the small sample size, separate one-way anovas
and t-tests were used. The latter were used to examine
differences between groups on the dependent variables, namely,
job performance and family-work conflict. Post hoc analysis,
using the Scheffé Test, was conducted to locate significant
differences where more than two groups were involved. It must
be pointed out that more meaningful insights, for example
interactions among variables, were compromised in the process.
Descriptive statistics including percentages, means, standard
deviations, and chi-square analyses (for categorical data) were
also used.
T
ABLE 1
MEANS, STANDARD DEVIATIONS
,
INTER-CORRELATION OF MEASURES
AND
ALPHA COEFFICIENTS ON THE DIAGONAL
Mean SD 1 2
1. Job Performance Rating (JPR) 54,03 11,67 (0,90)
2. Family-Work Conflict (FWC) 27,86 12,71 0,15 (0,97)
For both the Job Performance Rating (JPR) and Family-Work
Conflict (FWC) Scales the alpha coefficients were 0,90 and 0,97
respectively, indicating excellent inter-item consistency. With
the Job Performance Rating having a possible score range of 10
to 100, the mean score for the sample was 54,03, with 7 percent
of the respondents scoring under 40, 68 percent scoring between
40 and 60, 21 percent between 61 and 70 and just 4 percent of
the respondents obtaining ratings over 70.
The Family-Work Conflict Scale, having a possible score range of
13 to 65, yielded rather low scores with a mean of 27,86. Sixty-
seven percent of the sample obtained scores below 30 on the
scale, indicating low family to work conflict, 33 percent of the
scores were evenly spread between 31 and 50 and just 6 percent
received scores over 50.
The Pearson r was used to calculate the relationship between job
performance and family-work conflict, as well as with the other
continuous variables, age and years of service. While the
relationship between the two main variables was found to be
positive, rather than negative as expected, this value was not
significant. Of the other relationships, only age and job
performance rating was found to be significant (r = 0,20; p < 0,05),
indicating that the older the worker, the better the job
performance rating.
The following tables contain results of the analyses from the
comparisons of means (for the variables job performance rating
and family-work conflict) and the frequencies for the categorical
data collected on family and work issues.
T
ABLE 2
ONE WAY ANOVA FOR JOB PERFORMANCE RATING
(JPR) × EDUCATION
MEANS (SD) F
Primary Secondary Tertiary
JPR 49,41 (8,55) 54,42 (11,47) 63,60 (18,41) 3,19*
*p < 0.05
The above table shows that workers with higher education
received better job performance ratings than those with lower
education. Post-hoc analyses (Scheffé Test) revealed that the
tertiary educated sample was assigned significantly higher
performance ratings than the sample with primary education.
These results need to be treated with caution because of the
small sample size and large variance in the former group.

PATEL, GOVENDER, PARUK, RAMGOON
42
T
ABLE 3
O
NE WAY ANOVA FOR JOB PERFORMANCE RATING (JPR), FAMILY-
WORK CONFLICT (FWC) × WORK CATEGORY (WC)
MEANS (SD) F
WC1 WC2&3 WC4
JPR 50,88 (9,16) 58,66 (14,34) 56,42 (10,38) 5,22**
FWC 23,84 (10,73) 30,50 (13,34) 39,58 (11,15) 10,19***
**p < 0.01
*** p < 0.001
Since there were only two workers in Category Two, they were
combined with Category Three.
With regard to job performance rating, comparison of the means
indicated that there were significant differences between the
different work categories with Category Three (cashiers, sales staff
and clerks) receiving the highest ratings. Post hoc analyses
revealed that there were significant differences between the
lowest, Category One (till packers and service area assistants) and
middle, Category Three (cashiers, sales staff and clerks), with the
latter receiving more positive evaluations than the former.
On family-work conflict, there were significant differences in
the family to work conflict reported between the different
categories. The Scheffé test indicated that the main difference lay
between the highest, Category Four (supervisors) and lowest,
Category One (p < 0,001). The supervisors revealed more family
to work conflict than the till packers and service area assistants.
The middle category also had significantly higher family-work
conflict scores than the lowest level workers (p < 0,05).
T
ABLE 4
T-T
EST ON SELECT FAMILY VARIABLES AND FAMILY-WORK CONFLICT
Mean SD t
Marital Status
Married (n=67) 30,52 12,96
Not married (n=33) 22,45 10,41 3,35***
Better Mother (if not working)
Yes (n=45) 25,82 12,59
No (n=55) 29,53 12,68 -1,46
Work influence (on family)
Positive (n=56) 29,59 12,57
Negative (n=44) 25,66 12,69 1,55
***p < 0.001
Of the family variables, the married women experienced
significantly more family to work conflict than those women
who were not married. Interestingly, those women who said
they would be better mothers if they did not work reported
lower (though not significantly so) family to work conflict than
those who said that they would not. Similarly, those who
reported that their working had a negative influence on family
had lower family to work conflict than those who reported
positive influences.
Table 5 indicates a significant relationship between the
womens’ perceived work influence on family and their
perception of themselves as mothers if they were not working.
Almost all mothers who reported that their working had
positive influences on the family also said that they did not
feel they would have been better mothers if they were not
working. All those who reported negative influences on
family, said they would have been better mothers if they were
not working.
T
ABLE 5
C
HI-SQUARE ANALYSIS OF ‘WORK INFLUENCE’ × ‘BETTER MOTHER’
Work influence Chi square
Positive Negative
Better mother
Yes 1 44 96,03***
No 55 0
*** p < 0,001
TABLE 6
CHI-SQUARE ANALYSIS OF ‘WORK CATEGORY’ × ‘WORK INFLUENCE’
WC1 WC2&3 WC4 Chi-square
Work influence
Positive 33 13 10 6,90*
Negative 23 19 2
*p < 0,05
The chi-square analysis revealed a significant relationship
between work category and mothers’ perception of the impact of
work on the family. Fifty-nine percent of the lowest category
workers and 83 percent of the highest category workers reported
that their working had a positive impact on their families.
Almost 60 percent of the middle category felt that working had
a negative impact on family.
T
ABLE
7
C
HI-SQUARE ANALYSIS OF ‘IMPORTANCE OF HOUSE VS PAID WORK’
× ‘
DECISION GIVEN CHOICE’
Importance of: Housework Paid work Chi square
Decision given choice
Continue working 14 (15,7%) 55 (61,8%) 1,86 (ns)
Stay home 7 (7,9%) 13 (14,6%)
Chi–square analysis did not yield a significant relationship
between ‘Importance of house versus paid work’ and
‘Decision given choice’. In the latter case they were asked
if they would continue working if they were given a choice.
As expected, of the 68 participants who said paid work was
more important, almost 81 per cent said that they would
continue working if given the choice. The remaining 11
respondents who rated both housework and paid work
as equally important were omitted from the analysis because
of the small number.
DISCUSSION
The socialisation of women from childhood into accepting
home maker and nurturer roles and giving these precedence
over work roles is an issue that has occupied the minds of
social researchers for decades. Whilst labour legislation has
supported the involvement of women in the work place, with
the introduction of equity laws and paid maternity leave
intended to lure women back to the work place after having
children, the real tension lies with working mothers. They
continue to receive the message from society that they should
curb their work involvement in order to minimize the impact
of their jobs on their family lives (Butler & Skattebo, 2004;
Eagle et al., 1998). At the same time it is expected that

WORKING MOTHERS
43
economic and work pressures should demand minimal, if any,
interference from family. Garey (1995) highlights the dilemma
by pointing out that the term ‘working mother’ fuses the
individual concepts worker and mother, each of which have
different and opposing societal expectations. Women are
therefore faced with reconciling this apparent incompatibility,
resulting in inter-role conflict (Eagle et al., 1997). Since the
family role has traditionally been seen as central to a woman’s
identity, working mothers are usually seen as more likely to
experience stress when attempting to juggle work and family
demands (Eagle et al., 1998) and more likely to allow family to
interfere with work responsibilities.
Contrary to expectations, the hypothesized negative
relationship between family-work conflict and work
performance was not found in this sample of working mothers.
In an experimental study by Butler and Skattebo (2004), the
experience of family-work conflict had no effect on
performance ratings given to female workers, yet men
with conflicts were assigned lower ratings. Instead, in this
study a weak positive correlation was found. Although the
association was not significant, there appeared to be a slight
tendency for those who reported greater family to work
conflict to obtain better job performance ratings. In line with
the Campbell et al. (1994) explanation, it may be the case that
the women in the present study work hard, and do not
allow family demands to impact on their work performance
as expected, because they are very aware of the financial
implications of the work role.
According to Greenhaus and Powell (2003), family-work
conflict is likely to impact on work performance when family
demands are high and when pressure to participate in the
work domain is low. For this sample, the opposite may be true,
with work pressure being stronger than family pressures,
resulting in a weak family-work conflict and job performance
link. Moreover, Noor (2004) suggests that women are
becoming more involved and committed to work and this may
be a factor in their handling of work and family roles.
Approximately two thirds of the sample indicated the
importance of paid work over housework, with about the same
number choosing to continue working if given the choice.
Somers and Birnbaum’s (1998) finding that career
commitment was positively related to job performance in
their sample (87 percent of which were women) of hospital
employees provides further support for this.
While the job performance ratings appeared to be normally
distributed, the majority of the women obtained low scores on
the Family-Work Conflict Scale, resulting in a positively
skewed distribution. This finding could be accepted at face
value and as Grzywacz et al. (2002) suggest, these working
mothers were attempting to keep family to work conflict at
a minimum so as not to threaten their financial contribution
to the family. Alternatively, the women may have been
inclined to underreport the effects of their family
responsibilities on their work, because the study was conducted
at their place of employment.
On the job performance ratings, significant relationships were
obtained between education, age and work category variables. In
the absence of research on these issues in relation to job
performance and the limited sample size, the following
interpretations remain speculative at best.
Education was associated with higher job performance ratings,
with women having tertiary education being assigned
significantly higher performance ratings than those with
primary education. This may be related to the fact that women
with higher education are more likely to have career
aspirations, have an intrinsic interest in their work and
therefore invest more in their jobs, resulting in higher
performance ratings compared to women with lower education
whose involvement in the work place may be driven by purely
monetary gains. Women in the former group are also likely to
have higher feelings of self-efficacy, which could translate into
better work performance.
Another significant finding was that the older the worker, the
better her job performance rating. It is possible that the older the
worker, the longer the years of service and the more experience
resulting in better work performances.
The middle category (cashiers) workers received significantly
higher evaluations on job performance, than the lowest category
(till packers and service area assistants). Perhaps this can be
ascribed to the former group feeling that they can aspire to
promotion to the next level whereas, for the lowest level
workers, promotion to the highest category seems too distant. In
addition, the nature of the work done by cashiers allows for
more interaction with customers, providing the opportunity to
engage in service-oriented tasks, thereby creating a better
impression of their work performance.
Family-work conflict scores also differed by work category, with
the highest conflict scores recorded by supervisors, cashiers next
and finally packers with the lowest scores. Significant differences
were found between till packers and both cashiers and
supervisors. The greater responsibilities and demands at the
workplace may be reflected in these senior workers experiencing
their family demands as affecting their work commitments.
They may also be expected to take work home and may perceive
their family responsibilities as an obstacle to the completion of
their work tasks.
Supervisors, who were more senior, and possibly more secure in
their jobs than the lower category workers, may also have felt
safer to report higher family to work conflict rather than
minimizing it compared to the lower category of workers.
Although more than half of the sample reported positive
influences on the family, the breakdown by worker category
yielded some interesting findings. Although the supervisors
(Category Four) experienced the highest FWC, 10 of the12 in the
group indicated that their working had a positive impact on their
families. Surprisingly almost 60 percent of the Category One
workers reported positive influences and 60 percent of Category
Three workers reported negative influences. This finding may be
explained by women in Category One regarding ‘positive
influence’ on their families in terms of the financial
contribution they were able to make to their homes, while
women in the supervisor category (Category Four) may have
associated the term with notions of independence, providing
positive role models and being in a position to offer a better
quality of life to their families.
Further investigation of the middle category (who reported a
negative impact) revealed that 75% of them were married. In fact
higher family-work conflict scores were found among the
married women compared to the single women. It is very likely
that the family interference with work for this middle group
refers to marital discord and their working is seen as having a
negative influence on the family. Adams, King and King (1996)
also report that family-work conflict was found to decrease
marital satisfaction. This may testify to society’s expectation
that women should find it acceptable to allow family
responsibilities to intrude on their work but not vice versa.
It has been suggested that differences between husbands’ and
wives’ perceptions of women working often contribute to
conflict (Lupton & Schmied, 2002; Spurlock, 1995). It may be the
case that husbands become resentful of their additional family
and household responsibilities as a result of their wives working
and/or that their traditional role as breadwinner is threatened,
leading to marital strain. Women in this group then see their
working as having a negative influence on family.

PATEL, GOVENDER, PARUK, RAMGOON
44
Unlike Kinnunen and Mauno’s (1998) finding, in the present
study the number of children was not related to family-work
conflict or to job performance rating.
The finding that more than half the sample reported positive
influences of their jobs on family and that 68 percent regarded
paid work as more important than housework is an
acknowledgement of the growing financial contributions that
women are making to their homes. Whilst in the past, working
women complemented their partners’ income, women’s
financial contributions are increasingly representing an
integral if not sole source of income for many families. This is
further supported by the finding that while more than 80
percent said they were forced to work for financial reasons
(after a break in service), it may be the case that after
experiencing first hand the emotional and social rewards of
work, about the same number indicated that they would
continue working rather than stay at home.
Moreover, the finding that more than half the sample did not
think they would be better mothers if they stayed at home,
acknowledges the growing number of women who resist the
traditional roles foisted upon them by society and who no longer
define their identities purely in terms of these roles. Loscocco’s
(1997) interviews with self employed men and women indicated
that they often spoke about breadwinning and nurturing in the
same breath. This suggests that the good provider and good
mother roles that were traditionally used to distinguish between
fathers and mothers need to be re-examined since a blurring of the
two identities seems to be occurring. This speaks to the need to
recognize the growing involvement of women in the work place as
more than just a hobby or temporary distraction from their ‘more
important’ roles in the home. It may also mean that the work role
serves to enhance their identities, forcing a re-examination of the
conflict hypothesis and lending support to the critique around
role salience. It also recognizes the need to remove the burden of
minimizing the spillover effect from family to work for women
and making it a concern of all the stakeholders involved. While
these interpretations are offered with a degree of caution, it must
be remembered that the possibility of social desirability cannot be
ignored given that the questionnaires were completed in the work
environment. It may be the case that, although anonymity was
assured, the women might have been reluctant to admit the extent
to which family impacted on their work responsibilities.
The general picture that appears to be emerging though, is that,
contrary to expectations, these women report low family to
work conflict, they report positive effects on family with 80
percent indicating they would continue working if they were
given a choice.
One of the major shortcomings of this study is the small sample
size, which limits the use of more advanced statistical analyses.
In addition, this study assumed that family roles were important
to these women and instead chose to ask about the (paid) work
role in relation to the (unpaid) housework role. We could have
asked them to rate the different roles in order of importance.
Future research should heed the suggestion of Cinamon and
Rich (2002) that we first identify people in terms of the
importance they attach to work and family roles and then
examine its relation to levels of work-family conflict.
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