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P R W P 5163
“Green Stimulus,” Economic Recovery,
and Long-Term Sustainable Development
Jon Strand
Michael Toman
e World Bank
Development Research Group
Environment and Energy Team
January 2010
WPS5163
Produced by the Research Support Team
Abstract
e Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development
issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. e papers carry the
names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. e findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those
of the authors. ey do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and
its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.
P R W P 5163
is paper discusses short-run and long-run effects of
“green stimulus” efforts, and compares these effects
with “non-green” fiscal stimuli. Green stimulus is
defined here as short-run fiscal stimuli that also serve
a “green” or environmental purpose in a situation of
“crisis” characterized by temporary under-employment.
A number of recently enacted national stimulus
packages contain sizeable “green” components. e
authors categorize effects according to their a) short-
run employment effects, b) long-run growth effects, c)
effects on carbon emissions, and d) “co-benefit” effects
(on the environment, natural resources, and for other
externalities). e most beneficial “green” programs in
times of crisis are those that can stimulate employment
is paper—a product of the Environment and Energy Team, Development Research Group—is part of a larger effort in
the department to investigate effective policy responses to the crisis. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on
the Web at http://econ.worldbank.org. e author may be contacted at jstrand1@worldbank.org.
in the short run, and lead to large “learning curve” effects
via lower production costs in the longer term. e overall
assessment is that most “green stimulus” programs that
have large short-run employment and environmental
effects are likely to have less significant positive effects
for long-run growth, and vice versa, implying a trade-off
in many cases between short-run and long-run impacts.
ere are also trade-offs for employment generation in
that programs that yield larger (smaller) employment
effects tend to lead to more employment gains for largely
lower-skilled (higher-skilled) workers, so that the long-
term growth effects are relatively small (large). Ultimately,
the results reinforce the point that different instruments
are needed for addressing different problems.
“Green Stimulus,” Economic Recovery, and
Long-Term Sustainable Development
Jon Strand *
Michael Toman
Development Research Group, Environment and Energy Team
World Bank
* Corresponding author (Jstrand1@worldbank.org). The authors are grateful to Ben Jones, Eduardo Ley,
Milan Brahmbhatt, and Jordan Schwartz for their helpful comments and suggestions. Responsibility for
remaining errors is the authors’ alone. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are
entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and its affiliated organizations nor those of the Executive
Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.
2
“Green Stimulus,” Economic Recovery, and Long-Term Sustainable Development
1. Introduction
The current worldwide economic crisis, starting in the latter half of 2008, has led to
substantial discussion of new ideas on how to best emerge from the crisis situation. One set of
ideas has been advanced under the general heading of “green stimulus” or a “green new deal”.
This has become a somewhat imprecise catch phrase for various proposals to undertake
economic stimulus activities that at the same time are seen to have advantageous
environmental and economic growth effects. In that context, there has been particular
emphasis on clean-energy investments that will expand demands for labor and other factors of
production in the near term (the stimulus), while providing longer-term environmental
benefits including mitigating greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and, potentially, enhanced
economic growth. Various green stimulus plans have been promoted by higher-income
countries including the United States and Europe, as well as some middle-income countries,
as discussed below.
Several overlapping arguments have been offered in support of green stimulus programs, all
of which in one way or another emphasize the “green” aspect. One argument is that particular
green stimulus activities can have equal or greater effects on job creation and near-term
economic activity compared to other stimulus activities. In other words, the activities are
seen to be “win-win” in terms of recovery from the crisis and putting in place more
environmentally sustainable investments for the longer term. Another argument holds that
with a presumption of greater global demand over time for various forms of “green
technology,” green stimulus investment now can provide a “first mover” advantage that will
allow the country to take a stronger competitive position in meeting that demand. In this case,
the activities are seen to be win-win with respect to environmental protection and economic
advance over the longer term, in addition to whatever short-term stimulus effects are
provided.
Other arguments are related to the political economy of environmental policy. A worry is that
the crisis may lead to a “return to basics” in some countries, with environmental (including
climate change) concerns receding into the background in terms of political interest, while
shorter-run targets to increase jobs and economic output take on a disproportionate central
role. A related argument for green stimulus is that political economy considerations prevent
the imposition of appropriate direct policy measures for internalizing climate change and
other environmental externalities over the longer term. The promotion of green projects on
short-term stimulus grounds may then be a second-best alternative from an environmental
perspective as well, in particular if it helps to reduce “locking in ”more emissions-intensive
and less clean capital stock in the longer run.
These arguments, emphasizing multiple benefits resulting from the application of a single
policy instrument, obviously need some empirical substantiation to be persuasive.
Conceptually, they may appear to contrast with the basic principle of efficient economic
policy design which states that to most efficiently address multiple policy targets, one needs
to have separate policy instruments each directed at one specific target.1 It is here important
1 This principle of efficient economic policy design is given by the so-called Tinbergen rule, which states that
efficiently attaining particular targets for n economic target variables requires n independent instruments (or
policy variables). See Tinbergen (1952); Tinbergen’s development of this principle was important for his Nobel
3
that the instruments operate independently, which means that they are not duplicative but
work in different ways on the economic variables of interest.
In this paper we review various arguments for green stimulus, in particular as they might
apply to developing countries, given their lower incomes relative to advanced industrialized
countries. We focus in particular on arguments for why some categories of “green stimulus”
activity may have less of a stimulus impact than other (green or non-green) such activity; and
why some activities labeled green stimulus may have positive employment and environmental
impacts, but mainly over a longer term. Conceptual arguments are buttressed by the limited
numerical information currently available for making such judgments.
Because both theory and evidence remain limited, our conclusions are somewhat tentative.
Nevertheless, we find reasons to conclude that the immediate stimulus effect of many
proposed green stimulus measures may be fairly limited relative to other available
alternatives. Multiple benefits more likely may be found in infrastructure and other
investments that help enhance longer-term economic growth and environmental sustainability
– though there are still tradeoffs in this realm as well. There are categories of spending that
can have a more significant short-run stimulus effect, while also contributing to various
“green objectives.” Examples are in the areas of environmental cleanup activities, in energy-
efficiency retrofits, and in increased efforts to monitor and deter illicit extraction of natural
resources such as forests and biological species.
On this reasoning, stimulus efforts should focus more on measures that are effective at
increasing aggregate demand and employment in the short run, taking into account their
potential impacts on longer-term environmental and economic trends as well. Longer-term
economic growth and environmental sustainability should be advanced mainly by distinct but
complementary measures. In composing portfolios of shorter-term and longer-term measures,
the balance between more or less “green” investments or other expenditures should reflect the
social values (“shadow prices”) of environmental damage or improvement, relative to the
economic opportunity cost.
Our analysis leaves open various questions about the near-to-medium term economic
sustainability of some green investment components in stimulus packages. Many assessments
of the job-creation and growth-promotion opportunities from clean energy investments, even
by those advocating those investments, provide more evidence on longer-term versus short-
term opportunities. That leads in turn to unresolved questions about the ease with which the
outcomes of clean energy investment can be achieved when one considers economies not in
the troughs of recession. In addition, a number of assessments underscore, deliberately or
implicitly, the need for stronger public policies to increase demand for clean energy
investment over the medium term. This is because many clean energy investments are not yet
cost-competitive with conventional energy sources solely on the basis of private-market costs;
those cost differences will not be closed until there is further innovation and learning-by-
doing through increased use of clean energy induced by policy; and current policy does not
yet provide sufficient impetus for an economically efficient scaling-up of clean energy.
We hasten to add that the above remarks are not arguments against clean energy initiatives.
As noted above, the economic value of such benefits needs to reflect the potential
environmental gains as well as the costs of supplying clean energy. That said, however,
Prize award (with Ragnar Frisch) in 1969, the very first for economics. See also the textbook treatment by
Johansen (1965).
4
“green” development in the medium or long run is impossible to achieve without micro units
(households and businesses) facing appropriate price signals. A greater public-induced
supply of “green” goods is only part of the story and not by itself sufficient or sustainable. In
the concluding section of the paper we argue that reforms of price distortions that work
against green investment and consumption patterns are crucial not only in the longer term, but
also in the context of short-term stimulus.
A further initial warning should also be given, related to the use of fiscal policies for short-run
activity regulation in developing countries more generally. As argued by Kraay and Serven
(2008), fiscal policies particularly in lower-income developing countries tend to be pro-
cyclical, for various political and economic reasons; are difficult to reverse; and may have
limited stimulus effect in the short run. While this may leave one somewhat pessimistic about
the prospect of using fiscal policies to stimulate LIC economies, it does not affect our main
argument here, which relates to the relative degree of “greenness” that is desirable in a given
fiscal policy.
2. Some Implications of the Economic Crisis for Environmental and Natural
Resource Management and Quality
As an additional backdrop for a discussion of green stimulus, it may be helpful to consider
impacts of the current economic downturn on the quality of the environment and on natural
resource management. In terms of the crisis, most attention has so far been drawn to reduced
overall economic activity and employment. The crisis also is likely to have impacts on the
management and exploitation of environmental and natural resources in many developing
countries. However, these impacts will depend on a variety of factors.
For example, a crisis that dramatically reduces urban employment opportunities may lead to
return migration to rural areas, and for some back to farming, and increase the rate of rural
poverty.2 This may result in additional pressure to deforest through agricultural expansion by
poor and subsistence farmers.3 Another main avenue is via commercial logging, and crisis-
induced changes in prices and terms of trade. Heavy devaluations, experienced by some
countries in crisis (as exemplified by Indonesia in the 1997-1998 East Asia crisis), may make
increased logging more lucrative. On the other hand, timber prices are likely to drop during a
global recession, which may work in the opposite direction.4 The fiscal regime, for public
management of forest extraction and related revenues, could here be central.5
Crises also may affect environmental quality in developing countries, but these potential
effects can be complex and dependent on certain initial conditions in specific countries. One
factor is environmental regulation. In countries with a relatively high degree of regulation,
the crisis could lead to environmental deterioration if the enforcement of standards is
weakened in an effort to reduce the impacts of the crisis. Where there is relatively little
effective environmental regulation, on the other hand, the crisis could lessen pressure on the
2 See Barbier (2004), Deininger and Minten (2002) for studies of the relationship between poverty and
deforestation in LICs.
3 Dauvergne (1999) showed that the 1997-1998 East Asia crisis led to increased deforestation, and laxer
enforcement of forest laws, in Indonesia. From Pagiola (2001), there were no similar effects for Thailand nor the
Philippines; these countries were however much less seriously hit by this crisis.
4 See World Bank (1999); and Wunder (2003) where the main argument is that exogenous positive (negative)
wealth shocks to a country could dramatically reduce (increase) deforestation.
5 See the discussion in World Bank (2003).
5
environment due to reduced economic activity. However, these influences are difficult to
separate out from other factors such as the effects of the crisis on the composition of output,
and ongoing trends in the composition of energy consumption.6
3. Defining “Green Stimulus”
We propose the following definition:
Green stimulus is the application of policies and measures to stimulate short-run economic
activity while at the same time preserving, protecting and enhancing environmental and
natural resource quality both near-term and longer-term.
This definition is wide and applies to outcomes rather than to instruments used to achieve the
outcomes. The focus in the definition is on measures to increase short-run economic activity
with lasting beneficial environmental impacts. The fundamental underlying premise is that
“win-win” outcomes could be achieved through such policies.
Any long-run effects that green stimulus policies have for the environment and natural
resources, and for growth, must clearly be taken into account when evaluating the effects of
the stimulus. Positive co-benefits will add to the attractiveness of “green stimulus” policies.
We denote green stimulus activities conceived of in terms of increased spending on green
activities and commodities as direct green stimulus. The increased spending could be
undertaken by the government or by the private sector in response to targeted subsidies or tax
incentives. This will be the main object of our discussion in this paper. Such activities can be
contrasted with indirect green stimulus activities, which consist of policies that work through
the price mechanism, including changes in broader-based taxes or fees and “green tax swaps”.
Such policies could imply that revenue raised from, say, increased environmental taxes or fees
can be applied by the government to increase activity elsewhere in the economy, green or
otherwise; or they could be refunded to households and/or businesses through reductions in
other taxes or fees.7
We further distinguish among different categories of direct green stimulus. One would be
current spending on activities seen as “green,” e.g. environmental cleanup or production of
renewable energy. A second is investment in the environment and natural resources through
protection or restoration activities, including retrofits for pollution reduction and prevention
and improved socio-economic resilience to climate change. A third category is comprised of
new investments in traditional physical or human capital, including for infrastructure,
designed to yield significant environmental or climate change co-benefits.8
Some key questions with respect to setting priorities for near-term stimulus and longer-term
investment are:
6 These issues are addressed by López (2009). While these linkages are logically plausible, more research is
required to investigate them empirically.
7 Non-fiscal measures such as changes in energy utility regulation also could have positive environmental
impacts, depending on their nature.
8 Infrastructure design is a significant driver of carbon emission; poor infrastructure design can commit society
to high levels of emissions for long future periods; see Shalizi and Lecocq (2009); Strand (2009b); World
Development Report 2010, Chapter 4 (World Bank 2009c).
6
(1) In the context of short-term stimulus, what is the degree of complementarity between
short-term macroeconomic goals (increased effective demand and employment), and longer-
term environmental and natural resource benefits? Win-win opportunities likely depend on
strong complementarities. On the other hand, there may be tradeoffs between investments
that give greater economic “kick” and those that set in motion greater environmental benefits
over the longer term.
(2) Similarly, what is the degree of complementarity between investments that most enhance
prospects for long-term growth, and those that lead to greater long-term environmental
benefits? Here, a new investment or an extension of a near-term stimulus investment is more
attractive when complementarities are stronger.
(3) In combining points 1 and 2, one may ask, what are prospects for realizing “triple-
benefits” – short-term stimulus, longer-term growth, in addition to lasting environmental and
natural resource benefits – when considering alternative expenditure plans? Alternatively,
there may be fewer cases with significant overlap between green stimulus (maximum
expansionary policy impacts with environmental co-benefits) on the one hand, and longer-
term investment with green co-benefits on the other. One example would be short-term green
investments which are not economically sustainable over the longer term, so that the
environmental gains are more ephemeral or the investments require costly ongoing
subsidization. Another example would be green stimulus measures that have weaker impacts
on short-term output or employment than alternatives – though then one also needs to
consider if the alternatives would tend to lock in less green trends for long-term growth.
4. Structure of Green Items in Recently Developed Stimulus Packages
We next consider in somewhat more detail some of the stimulus packages that have been
proposed by key countries. These focus primarily on direct stimulus.
Table 4.1 indicates the scope and types of green stimulus as part of larger stimulus packages.
Overall, out of an identified proposed stimulus spending of US$2.8 trillion, about US$435
billion (about 15 percent) has been classified as “green.” Much of the proposed “green”
spending is in high-income countries, along with China and South Korea. China has the
largest overall “green” package; and South Korea’s shows the largest “green” share of any
proposed package.
Note that much of the proposed “green” spending (more than two-thirds of the total; and for
China almost 100 percent) is for heavy infrastructure including rail, power grids, and water
and sanitation.9 This highlights the issue of how to define “greenness” of different
expenditure components. For example, in reducing carbon emissions, rail investments may
have substantial positive impact, but mainly in the longer run; grid investments support
rapidly growing electricity consumption and may increase emissions, depending on the extent
to which the investments also improve the efficiency of transmission (reduce line losses). On
the other hand, for increasing the population’s access to a sustainable water resource base and
9 OECD (2009) contains a similar table but with different classifications of items. The “green” parts of stimulus
for countries such as China and Korea are here drastically lower than in Table 4.1. The reason is a much more
restrictive definition of green, which in particular excludes infrastructure investment that is not directed
explicitly at the environment.
7
to clean water in particular, water sector improvements would be more valuable.10 It is also
difficult from the figures to immediately know how much infrastructure investment is
replacement of old infrastructure, with no major environmental improvements; and how much
is new infrastructure with green characteristics but also stimulates negative impacts by
alleviating bottlenecks in the economy. More obviously carbon-reducing activities, including
increased building efficiency and low-carbon vehicles, also play a role (albeit mainly in high-
income countries).
10 The effect of water sector investments on emissions will depend on factors including the energy efficiency of
pumps and treatment equipment, the reduction in water waste vis-à-vis the increase in water supply; and the
effects on methane emissions of different treatment options.
8
Table 4.1: Summary of Current Direct Stimulus Programs (March 2009), and their
“Green” Components
Power Energy Efficiency
Water/
Waste
Country Total
stimulus
(in $US
billion)
"Green"
Stimulus(in
$US
billion)
"Green
Stimulus"
(%) Renewable CCS/Other Building
Efficiency
Low
carbon
vehicle Rail Grid
Australia 26.7 2.5 9.3 - - 2.48 - -
China 586.1 221.3 37.8 - - - 1.5 98.65 70 51.15
India 13.7 0 0 - - - - - - -
Japan 485.9 12.4 2.6 - - 12.43 - - - -
South
Korea 38.1 30.7 80.5 - - 6.19 - 7.01 - 13.89
Thailand 3.3 0 0 - - - 1.8 - - -
EU 38.8 22.8 58.7 0.65 12.49 2.85 1.94 - 4.86 -
Denmark
Germany -
04.8 1.8
13.8 -
13.2 0.9
- -
- -
10.39 0.9
0.69 -
2.75 -
- -
-
France 33.7 7.1 21.2 0.87 - 0.83 - 1.31 4.13 -
Italy 103.5 1.3 1.3 - - - - 1.32 -- -
Spain 14.2 0.8 5.8 - - - - - - -
UK 30.4 2.1 6.9 - - 0.29 1.38 0.41 - 0.83
Other EU
states 308.7 6.2 2 1.9 - 0.4 3.9 - - 0.03
Canada 31.8 2.6 8.3 - 1.08 0.24 - 0.39 0.79 0.13
Chile 4 0 0 - - - - - - -
US 972 112.3 11.6 32.78 6.55 30.74 4.76 9.92 11.92 15.58
Total 2,796.00 436 15.6 38 20.1 66.8 15.9 121.8 91.7 81.6
Sources: Robins, Clover and Singh (2009); HSBC (2009); Jones (2009); Barbier (2009).
5. Conceptual Arguments on Effectiveness of Green Stimulus
Table 5.1 below provides a first-cut conceptual categorization of different spending and
activity, in terms of their principal effects. The table encompasses both “direct” and
“indirect” green stimulus activities. We consider three categories of green stimulus policies,
each discussed below. The first column indicates the potential for short-term stimulus effects,
on the assumption that there is under-employment of labor and other factors of production.
These effects would tend to taper off as the economy moves toward full employment. The
other three columns are concerned with longer-term effects. The longer-term growth effects
will depend on the efficiency of the investments themselves and on what other uses of
resources might be crowded out.
Environmental cleanup, energy efficiency retrofits, and at least some natural resource
maintenance and safeguarding measures are likely to have reasonably strong stimulus effects
as well as significant positive effects on environmental and natural resources. Local
environmental effects of bio-energy expansion and carbon sequestration will depend on the
specific impacts on land and other natural resources and on the environmental characteristics
of the fuel use. Effects on overall economic growth are likely to be limited except in cases
9
where improved energy efficiency has a substantial impact on total energy expenditure (or
potentially where resource contamination has a very widespread effect on productivity).
Impacts on GHG emissions are also likely to be limited, except for energy efficiency retrofits
and (potentially) carbon sequestration (where an important component might be reduced
deforestation as well as land restoration). The net GHG impacts of biofuels remains
controversial, though there is significant evidence that substitution of crop-based fuels for
fossil fuels cause little net drop, and GHGs could well increase for a substantial period from
release of stored GHGs in the soil due to cultivation.
For investments in renewable electricity production, the effects will be sensitive to the scale
of investment as well as its cost-effectiveness. The near-term stimulus effects are likely to be
fairly limited since renewable electricity scale-up takes time. The effect on longer-term
economic growth depends on the extent of further cost-reducing advances in renewable
technologies.11 The impacts on other environmental and natural resources would reflect a
variety of factors including reduced air pollution, reduced impacts of resource extraction, and
reduced deforestation that are scale-dependent. Significant-scale renewable energy
investment would have large effects in reducing GHG emissions and, in most cases, fairly to
very significant other environmental benefits.
The effects of scaled-up production for new biomass-based energy would be similar to those
for electricity, except that the effects on other environmental and natural resources would be
sensitive to how the bio-energy is produced. The impacts of investments to improve energy
efficiency in new capital also would be similar, though the fact that such investments provide
pay-offs from lower energy costs reduces uncertainty about the impacts of long-term growth.
Depending on the scale of the savings, we would expect small-to-moderate positive impacts
on growth. Green infrastructure investment likewise has this general pattern, except that its
high capital cost will limit any long-term positive impact on growth.
Investments in reducing or preventing pollution could have low or medium stimulus effects,
depending on the labor intensity of the processes involved. Effects on GHG emissions are
mixed, with the prospect of increased emissions in a number of cases due to additional
consumption from the pollution control system. Investment in strengthening long-term
resilience of natural resources to climate change would tend to have medium-scale stimulus
effects (being more labor-intensive in many cases than industrial pollution control), and
medium-to-high impacts on long-term growth depending on the vulnerability of the country in
question. Some adaptation investments could reduce GHG emissions (e.g. through increased
reforestation for land protection), while others could cause an increase (e.g., water storage that
results in a substantial period of increased methane emissions from decomposing vegetation).
Our third category of activities in Table 5.1 is something of a catch-all, and includes
congestion reduction measures, changes to encourage denser and more mixed-use urban
development, the “cash for clunkers” program, and expanded recycling. Many of these
activities have their main effects over the longer-term, implying limited short-run stimulus
effect (“cash for clunkers” being, perhaps, a counter-example).12 To the extent that longer-
11 Fankhauser, Sehlleier and Stern (2008) note that near-term stimulus effects of direct government investment in
renewable energy might be larger than for many other investments, because these technologies are not cost
effective and thus require more inputs per unit output than alternatives. As renewable technologies mature, this
effect would dissipate. See also our discussion of this issue, in Section 6 below.
12 Most likely, the “cash for clunkers” program has few long-term benefits, as its main impact is to move the
phase-out of fuel inefficient vehicles up in time. Its short-run stimulating effects, as well as the “greenness” of
10
term investments also increase overall productivity, they will also have greater effects on
long-term growth. This could be the case for example with increased access to electricity
through grid expansion, reduced waste of time due to congestion, and denser mixed-use cities
that promote agglomeration economies and more efficient commerce. For different reasons,
both expanded recycling (to cut down on health and environmental risks of poor waste
management) and congestion reduction (with a co-benefit of increased transportation energy-
efficiency) can have significant positive effects on the environment and natural resources.
Net impacts on emissions of GHGs are likely to differ. The net impacts of recycling depend
on realized reductions in emissions of landfill gases and greater energy efficiency of re-
processing materials, as compared to any increased energy consumption in the recycling
collection and processing system. The overall environmental and GHG impacts of grid
expansion depend, among other things, on the types of energy sources used for power
generation.
The table reveals some likely tradeoffs between the effects of alternative policies. First,
activities with the greatest potential immediate stimulus effects (in particular, for employment
in the short run) often seem to have less favorable growth effects (energy efficiency retrofits
and some resilience-increasing activities being possible exceptions). Conversely, a number of
activities with strong long-term impacts on growth and welfare are likely to have more limited
short-run stimulus effects. Environmental clean-up, natural resource safeguarding, and
improving energy efficiency seem to have positive environmental as well as stimulus effects
in the short run, as well as environmental effects in the longer run. Considering likely impacts
of expanding biofuels production and carbon sequestration, these depend on how such
activities are carried out. Better-performing measures with respect to stimulus have in many
cases limited or ambiguous GHG reduction impacts. Improved energy efficiency, reduced
congestion, and energy-saving changes in urban structure can improve growth, and at the
same time reduce GHG reductions. The same should hold for expanding the level of
renewable energy production, on condition that the technologies used become more cost-
competitive over time.
the program, also remain to be proven unambiguously; its main effect could have been to serve as a subsidy to
new vehicle purchases.
11
Table 5.1: Major Categories of “Green Stimulus” Policies and
Their Anticipated Principal Effects*
*The judgments reflected in the table entries seek to take into account differences in production
processes in developed and high-income industrialized countries; for example, bio-energy likely
would be more labor-intensive in the former.
Policy category Type of effect
Short-term
stimulus Long-term
growth GHG emission
reductions Environment
and resource
“co-benefits”
(1) Quickly implemented, labor-
intensive, activities
(a) Non-hazardous
environmental cleanup
(b) Natural resource
maintenance, monitoring and
policing
(c) Energy efficiency retrofits
(d) Expansion of currently
cultivated bio-energy
(e) Expanded biological carbon
sequestration
High
Medium/High
High
Medium/High
Medium
Low/Medium
Low
Medium
Low
Low
Low
Variable
Medium
Variable
Medium
High
High
Medium
Variable
Variable
(2) Capital investments in
environmental and natural
resources
(a) Conventional pollution
control/prevention
(b) Increased renewable
electricity production
(c) Introduction of new forms
of bio-energy
(d) Energy efficiency
improvements in new capital
(e) Green transport
infrastructure
(f) Investment to strengthen
resilience of natural resources
to climate change
Low/Medium
Low
Low/Medium
Low/Medium
Low/Medium
Medium
Medium
Variable
Variable
Low/Medium
Low
Medium/High
Variable
High
Medium/High
High
Medium/High
Variable
High
Medium/High
Variable
Medium
Medium/High
High
(3) Other specific programs with
“green” characteristics
(a)“Cash for clunkers”
(b) Development and expansion
of recycling systems
(c) Congestion reduction
measures
(d) Altered urban forms for
greater density and mixed use
(e) power grid expansion
Medium
Low
Low
Low
Low
Low
Low
Medium
Medium
Medium/High
Low
Low/Medium
High
Medium/High
Low/Medium
Low/Medium
Variable
Medium/High
Low/Medium
Variable
12
What can we say based on Table 5.1 about the desirability of making any particular stimulus
package more “green?”13 The answer to this question depends in large measure on the nature
and magnitude of extra “co-benefits” resulting from greater stimulus for green activities. The
short-run extra co-benefits comprise largely the internalization of otherwise non-corrected
external effects, many of which are environmental, most directly from environmental cleanup
activities, and land and biodiversity conservation; but also e g effects such as reduced accident
rates and congestion from road traffic when fuel prices are increased.14 The longer-term
economic and environmental co-benefits are potentially even more significant. These will
depend on more detailed aspects of the policy environment as well as on the activities
themselves. We need to stress that the environmental benefits of pollution cleanup, energy
demand stimulus and biodiversity conservation are likely to erode if environmental protection
policies are not also at the same time strengthened.
The longer-term benefits of green stimulus are likely to be related to at least two main
considerations. The first is the extent to which the investments provide capital services that
are more productive and/or less costly than alternatives. For example, if renewable energy is
costlier to provide than fossil-fuel energy aside from environmental spillover effects, then the
real opportunity cost of energy will rise if green stimulus programs contain large renewable
energy components (that would need to be backed up by different forms of regulation to
ensure their continued use).
The second consideration, acting as a potential counterweight to the former, is whether the
stimulus investment can create enough economies of scale and learning-by-doing effect to
bring the production costs for renewable energy or other “green” services and technologies
down to levels comparable to those of less green alternatives, gradually over time.
Supporting such activity as part of green stimulus will no doubt entail cost-reducing learning-
curve effects. Explicitly or implicitly, this factor looms large in a number of green stimulus
proposals. Supporting green activity with high learning-curve potential during crisis could
then be doubly gainful: such activity is currently highly labor-intensive, which can be an
advantage today (in particular, when it stimulates employment for worker categories that are
currently unemployed); and enhanced activity in the “green” sector may reduce future labor
costs, which is also advantageous as efficiency and not employment concerns gradually take
over as the central goals.
It must again be stressed that the degree of “greenness” is likely to differ among items. As an
example, investments in transport and urban infrastructure are likely to be “green” only
indirectly as they may permit the development of a less than otherwise energy-intensive
society over time. While this effect may be indirect, it could be substantial, a reason being that
transportation and urban infrastructure, once laid down, is likely to commit society to
particular (high, or low) levels of carbon emissions for very long future periods.15 Here,
obviously, it matters greatly exactly how investments are made. Also, some programs
13 We are abstracting from the issues raised by Kraay and Serven (2008), who argue that fiscal policy may be
relatively ineffective or awkward for crisis stimulus in LICs.
14 For an extensive discussion of co-benefits of environmental policies, with focus on climate policy, and with
application mainly to the OECD countries, see OECD (2009b). An important point made in this study is however
that many “secondary” benefits can be secured more efficiently by policies directed more directly at underlying
distortions that give rise to the potential co-benefits.
15 See Shalizi and Lecocq (2009), Strand and Miller (2009), for recent further discussion of such issues.
13
(including some directed at energy demand) may have short-run environmental effects only,
with small or no long-run effects.16
As discussed above, economic theory tells us that an efficient policy design requires separate
instruments to be applied to achieve separate targets. In practice, however, at least two
concerns tend to modify this principle. First, resource re-allocations that are actually welfare-
improving for all are unattainable as a matter of policy practice.17 Moreover, best achievable
allocations given practical constraints on instrument use are exceedingly difficult to
characterize, at least when we wish to do so with high precision.18 Adding to this problem in a
crisis situation is the fact that the economy then is likely to be far away from having an
efficient resource allocation, and any movement in the direction of greater efficiency then can
be deemed as attractive. The second concern is that the number of practically available
instruments is likely to be smaller than the number of targets, and/or not well suited to
achieving relevant targets. Such concerns are likely to be particularly serious in developing
countries.
In practice, effective instruments that are at one’s disposal will need to do more than address
just one particular target variable. There is thus at the outset no reason a priori to spurn
consideration of the potential for multiple benefits from applying any one given instrument. It
is then important to be clear about what sorts of market failures, besides macro-economic
under-performance, could give rise to any additional such benefits. Aside from a range of
(short- and long-run) environmental concerns, various rationales have included market
barriers to energy efficiency on cost grounds; barriers to the introduction of innovative
technologies; energy security considerations; and distributional concerns. Each of these
rationales needs scrutiny in evaluating the multiple benefits a particular action might
engender.
While some measures involve public expenditures. in many sectors most investment will or
should be carried out privately, such as in the housing market, in capacity expansion for
renewable industries, and sometimes even in transport (toll road construction; bus operation).
Efficiency considerations here often favor the private sector, at least in terms of maximizing
capital returns (corrected, appropriately, for externalities). A compelling argument here is the
discipline created by the market, to strive at higher returns thus minimizing potential
inefficiencies. For public investment no such disciplining mechanism exists, at least not
automatically. A potential counterweight (that may as a minimum require heavier market
intervention) is that private-sector investors typically take a perspective that is overly short-
run, facing the need for relatively short-term returns; while this problem is less noted for
16 The “cash for clunkers” program in the US is probably a case in point. Here the main environmental objective
is to induce a rapid exchange of older low-mileage vehicles for new (higher-mileage) ones. Since the required
fuel-efficiency improvements for new vehicles are relatively small, and since many of these “clunkers” would in
any case be phased out over the next few years, the environmental gain (in the form of emissions reductions
beyond those that would otherwise have been achieved) is likely to be small. It seems at least obvious that it
would have been a far preferable to induce the same fuel consumption reduction through an increase in the motor
fuel tax.
17 A desirable policy may be potentially Pareto improving, in the sense that all individuals could in principle be
made better off through an appropriate set of transfers between individuals. In practical policy, however, not all
such transfers will actually be effectuated. As a result some individuals will end up losing, which may be a
problem for the political implementability of the policy.
18 This follows as a corollary to the main theorem of “second best”, first stated by Lipsey and Lancaster (1956).
This theorem states that, when one condition for first-best optimality is violated, all first-best conditions should
in general be violated; with a complex relationship between them. The theorem applies in particular when the
number of instruments is short of the number of targets, as discussed below.
14
public investments. Another consideration is that private investors, in crisis situations, may
tend to be overly risk averse and/or credit constrained, thus limiting the practical scope for
productive investment in crisis times. Finally, the prevalence of externalities or “spillovers” is
important: when such effects dominate, incentives for private investments may be nonexistent
(as investors are not able to appropriate a sufficient share of their investments’ social returns),
and public investment must be used.
6. Potential Quantitative Effects of “Direct Green Stimulus”
6.1 Results for High-Income Countries
Empirical evidence on the macroeconomic and environmental effects of the different
categories of green stimulus remains limited. Moreover, it is almost entirely focused on
advanced developed countries, with particular emphasis on clean energy investments that are
intended to stimulate the economy while contributing to reducing GHGs. Nevertheless, we
can attempt to draw some conclusions relevant to developing countries from the available
literature. One potential source of information is the literature on benefits of green stimulus
programs being advanced by advocates for such programs and for green investment more
generally.
To this end, we have examined a number of studies and analyses of clean energy investment,
from both high-income countries and from some developing countries. One study of note is
released by the Sustainable Energy Finance (SEF) Alliance, a network of organizations
collaborating with the UN Environment Programme’s Sustainable Energy Finance Initiative
(SEFI); and the Global Climate Network (GCN), a group of research centers and other
organizations engaged in research and outreach on the economics and politics of greenhouse
gas mitigation. While hardly a comprehensive review, the reports by these two wide-ranging
groups consolidate a great deal of information related to clean-energy assessment.
Two key observations about the employment impacts of clean energy investment come from a
review of this literature. First, near-term employment stimulus effects are not highly
emphasized. For example, many of the employment projections are for 2020 or 2030.
Building up clean energy takes time and there has been a tendency for near-term employment
impacts to be overstated (SEF Alliance 2009, pp. 82-83).
Moreover, the reports highlight that potential employment increases over time are the product
of several distinct influences. Input-output models show that job creation per unit of
environmental expenditure can be significant (Bezdek, Wendling and DiPerna 2008).
However, jobs will be lost as well as gained in the near to medium term as the economy
adjusts, though there is some evidence that clean-energy investments are more labor intensive
than fossil energy investments (GCN 2009b, p. 6). In addition, scarcity of key skill types as
the sector grows could slow the economic impacts of clean energy investment. Energy
efficiency investments are likely to be an exception, since they have the potential for
significant economic returns in the near term and overall social returns sufficient to warrant a
substantial level of global investment over the longer term (Anderson 2006).
The other key observation for evaluating projections of employment and other impacts from
investments in clean energy is that the projections generally assume that governments
maintain or increase their policy support for such investments. In part this support can result
15
from potentially efficiency-enhancing barrier reductions (increased non-discriminatory access
to transmission, improved information and clearer economic rewards for energy efficiency),
better regulation of conventional pollution from fossil energy, and increased support for
innovation. But much the green energy literature also assumes significant future reductions in
CO2 emissions in developed countries, and/or posits increased financial support through
public venture capital investments, subsidies of private investment, tariff designs, etc. (SEF
Alliance 2009, GNC 2009a, 2009b, UNEP 2008a). The applicability and cost effectiveness of
such measures in developing countries is open to question.
We turn next to some recent quantitative assessments from model simulations of various
“green simulation” measures. One such analysis addresses U.S. measures under the Obama
administration stimulus bill (Houser, Nohan and Heilmayr 2009). While not directly
applicable to developing countries, the calculations may still be useful as a reference case.
Table 6.1: Impact of US$1 Billion Additional Spending on “Direct Green Stimulus”
Activities. Projected for U.S. Under the Obama Economic Stimulus Bill.
“Green” program Overall
employment
impact, job
years, initial
year
Energy cost
saving, US$
million annually,
2012-2020
CO2 emissions
reduction, 1000
tons annually
2012-2020
Private share,
overall
generated,
average
Household
weatherization 25100 207.8 440.7 0
Federal building
retrofits 25300 386.7 546.9 0
Green school
construction 25200 609.2 905.8 0
PTC extension 39100 562.5 727.7 76.1
ITC increase 33300 208.7 213.4 47.0
CCS demo projects 28500 225.3 341.6 68.8
“Cash for
clunkers” 46900 433.0 1112.5 86.8
Hybrid tax credit 11100 - - 0
Battery R&D 22500 1278.8 1332.8 0
Mass transit 34500 23.6 87.3 27.4
Smart metering 40000 918.0 207.4 50.0
Average for green
stimulus 30100 450 593 -
Road investment 25200 -32.8 -35.4 0
Source: Houser, Nohan and Heilmayr (2009).
The main results, given in Table 6.1, are scaled to show figures for a $1 billion increase in
expenditure.19 The table indicates that the effects on employment, energy consumption and
19 Note that the table includes some “current spending” items, and some items more naturally categorized as
infrastructure investment (including school construction, battery R&D and mass transit). All are consistent with
our definition of “direct green stimulus” including government expenditures and provision of incentives for
increasing specific activities. Employment effects include all directly and indirectly induced effects.
16
carbon emissions of additional spending in these programs, per unit of planned expenditure,
vary considerably. The ex ante assessed employment effect is greatest for the “cash for
clunkers” program. It is also high for continuation of the production tax credit for certain
renewable resources including wind, and about average across the options considered for
improving building energy efficiency. Other programs are indicated to have significant
employment effects per unit of expenditure, but this effect would only materialize over time.
Such effects are particularly strong for battery R&D, smart metering, and green school
construction (for the two latter, the long-run overall employment effects are in the range three
times the short-run effects; and for the former an even greater effect). The programs by
themselves (and given that they are not accompanied by e g more general pricing reforms) do
not significantly reduce overall U.S. carbon emissions.20
One must however be a bit cautious in interpreting the numbers from the Houser et al study,
as it is based on a number of potentially contestable assumptions. One is the spending
propensity of households of money freed up by lower energy costs, which is assumed in the
study to be 50 percent. Another issue is that a good deal of the effects is in terms of “moving
up” the employment effect to the current year, which would otherwise occur in later years (as
e g for the “cash for clunkers” program). Such aspects of course make the study even more
uncertain as a model for similar effects in developing countries.
A few recent studies from high-income countries, all focusing on employment effects of
renewable production, may also be of value as a backdrop. Several of these are for European
economies where the overall public support to renewable energy has been the greatest. Note
that support to renewables production represents a somewhat different category of policies
that that just studied for the U.S., in particular as it major effects are more of a long-run
character. Renewables support is also typically given a variety of formal justifications apart
from net employment or macro output effects (including energy security, reduced carbon
emissions, and learning effects and technological development in the energy sector). Even so,
at least in many European countries, net job creation has by many been emphasized as a main
benefit of support to the renewables sector.
The conclusion of some of these studies is in this respect quite negative. Álvarez et al (2009)
discuss employment effects of public support to renewable production in Spain, considering
also the lost opportunities to support employment in alternative sectors. The conclusion is that
for each job created in the renewables sector, more than two jobs are lost in the rest of the
economy. To large measure this conclusion reflects the substantial current difference in
energy (in particular, electricity) production costs from renewables, relative to production
costs based on other energy sources. This has at least two aspects: first, insofar as direct
public support to the renewable sector is concerned, such support is expensive per job created,
relative to what can be created in other sectors; secondly, insofar as the support comes in
terms of a feed-in tariff structure, electricity prices are raised above rates otherwise
experienced, leading to higher business costs with resulting job losses elsewhere. Such losses
vary among renewable energy sources, and are particularly high for photo-voltaic solar
electricity production. 21
20 The reduction in overall carbon emissions in the U.S. related, say, to a “green stimulus” program of overall
size US$ 50 billion would, under these assumptions, amount to about 30 million tons annually, or about half of
one percent of current U.S. annual carbon emissions.
21 The numerical estimates on employment generation from this study have been criticized harshly in the SEF
Alliance (2009) study, on a number of accounts. A main objection is that the study is non-specific when
17
The second study, by CEPOS (2009), considers employment effects of Danish wind energy
production. Denmark is today the country with the greatest relative reliance on wind energy in
its electricity production mix: with a current share of about 20 percent in terms of potential
power generation.22 This has however come at substantial cost. Over the period 2003-2008,
the average direct government subsidy per employed worker per year was in the range
US$10000-15000. In addition there is substantial “feed-in” support, via high electricity prices,
to Danish wind turbine manufacturers and power producers based on wind. Although no
direct net employment figures are offered, the report argues that on net, the funding going to
the wind sector could have been more effective in creating employment if going to other
sectors.23
The two aforementioned studies do not claim to fully capture macroeconomic effects of
renewable production and subsidy. A recent and more comprehensive study, by Ragwitz et al
(2009), is far more ambitious in this respect. This study attempts to model overall
macroeconomic effects of implementing the recently approved European Union plan for
scaling-up of renewable production, up to 2030; the effects here include realistic assessments
of potential crowding-out of other investments and activities, and disincentive effects of
energy price increases as a result of higher energy prices (following e g from feed-in tariff
schemes). The conclusion from this study is that there could be noticeable, but not very large,
employment effects of this scaling-up, in the short and medium run; as an average for the
EU27, employment increases by about 0.15 percent of the labor force by 2010 as well as by
2020. In the longer run employment effects are smaller, which follows from energy cost at
that stage passing a threshold beyond which negative further employment effects dominate.
GDP effects are here, relatively speaking, more advantageous in the longer run (presumably,
as the types of employment that are stimulated by renewable in the long run tend to be high-
skilled, with high value added).
In part to illustrate the range of approaches to this basic issue in the literature, we also
mention one further study from the US, Kammen et al (2006), with different perspective and
conclusions. They consider employment-generating effects over the lifetime of different
facilities for production of electricity, based on a variety of energy sources.24 The finding that
they emphasize most is that, given current technologies, solar PV creates close to 10 times the
amount of employment (per MW generated) relative to more traditional energy sectors such
as coal and gas, and 4-10 times the employment generated by other renewable such as wind
and biomass (these, in turn, generate up to 3 times as much employment as traditional
sources). This study emphasizes the positive learning effects of current PV production and its
positive spillover on future production costs. On the other hand, these results cannot hide the
fact that production cost for PV relative to other (renewable or traditional) energies, is
currently very high, and that the current value added per worker in the sector is still very low.
calculating employment effects of renewable production, in terms of jobs foregone in other sectors. While the
numerical detail may well be inaccurate, their main qualitative points, that expensive renewable production tends
to crowd out other potential (and often more efficient) job creation, is in our view valid.
22 The report however argues that the share of electricity actually produced from wind power is smaller, only
about
23 It is however also emphasized that, during the 2003-2008 period, there was virtually no unemployment in
Denmark and the absorption of labor in the wind sector represented a loss (as this labor would have had higher
social returns elsewhere).
24 See also Fankhauser et al (2009) for further discussion and references.
18
In reality, the Kammen et al study from the US is not really contradictory to the European
studies cited, including the Spanish and Danish studies. Kammen et al focus almost
exclusively on job creation due to additional power generation, a limited metric since it does
not factor in the opportunity cost of government subsidies for renewable energy. For a given
unit cost difference between a renewable energy source and an alternative, the opportunity
cost increases with the amount of energy created. Moreover, the greater the cost gap between
a renewable energy source and its alternative, the more expensive per unit is the renewable
energy production and thus the jobs created per unit of additional renewable energy.
Overall, these studies strongly indicate that government support to producing and developing
renewable energies is not a very efficient way of creating additional short-run employment in
high-income countries; at least, not when appropriately accounting for the opportunity cost of
public funds going into such support. This is perhaps most clear from the Ragwitz et al (2009)
study for the entire European Union, which is the deepest and best documented of these
studies. This conclusion goes against some officially touted public views; but is in our view
not really surprising. The main rationale for public support to renewable energy production in
high-income countries is, and must be, its long-run R&D perspective (in addition to a possible
“energy security” motivation), with the presumption (or perhaps hope) that unit production
costs will come down, perhaps dramatically, over time. Otherwise, such support will remain a
perennial drain on fiscal resources, and this public money could, overall, be better spent
elsewhere.
As already emphasized, the numbers and analyses presented for high-income countries are not
necessarily applicable to most developing countries. In part this is because some of the
activities (including significant R&D for new green energy) are outside the scope of what
many developing countries are likely to undertake, whatever might be their effects on
economic activity in richer countries. For types of projects that are relevant for developing
countries, employment effects per unit of spending are in some cases likely to be greater,
given lower labor productivity.25 But in other cases, the direct employment effects per unit of
spending could be smaller in developing countries – as when renewable energy projects do
not lead to expanded domestic manufacturing but rather to increased imports for the
equipment.
One of the most important issues from a developing country perspective is the relative effects
compared to impacts of “non-green” infrastructure projects. One category of non-green
infrastructure investments likely to increase carbon emissions, namely road investments, is
included for comparison (in the bottom line of the table). For this project type, the
employment effect per dollar spent is less than the average for “green” programs, by about
one fifth.26 Unfortunately, without a more detailed data base it is not possible to make
judgments about how the relative performance of these categories might vary in developing
countries. However, there are a good number of examples where an expanded and upgraded
road system increased employment and output, even if it also raised GHG emissions.
To sum up, the employment effects of different direct green stimulus programs relevant for
developing countries vary for two main reasons. First, overall labor productivity may vary;
then the employment effect of a given spending will tend to be greatest where labor
25 This would be the case in which stimulus activities raised productivity as well as contributing to reduced
environmental stress.
26 The difference with respect to energy costs and carbon emissions is of course relatively speaking much
greater, since road investment projects tend to increase such costs “down the road”, as seen from the table.
19
employment is the lowest. This implies a trade-off: a very high (low) immediate employment
effect of given spending is unlikely (more likely) to be very beneficial in the longer run, in
terms of spurring technological development and growth, since largely low- (high-) quality
labor is stimulated. Secondly, the import content of demand may vary. Domestic employment
will then be stimulated most when the import share is the smallest; with a high import share
much or most of the stimulus will rather spill over to foreign economies. While having a low
import share is unambiguously favorable from a domestic demand management perspective,
stimulating demand in sectors with low labor productivity is not unambiguously favorable.
Ideally, we wish to allocate any free labor power to activities that yield the highest possible
returns; which is often likely to clash with our aim to induce a maximal employment effect.
6.2 Results for Developing Countries
We next examine more specific (but so far, scant and spotty) information on costs of short-run
“green” job creation in developing countries. Table 6.2 below provides projected figures for
the South Korean green stimulus proposal.27 The assessed employment effects of this package
per US$ billion of spending are similar to those for the US, which may seem surprising as
wage levels and labor productivities are lower in South Korea. Note however that the two
tables are not fully comparable, as only direct employment effects are counted in Table 6.2,
whereas indirect and multiplier effects are counted in the US-based assessment in Table 6.1.
The sector that stands out as having the most impact on employment per unit expenditure is,
perhaps not surprisingly, forest restoration. We see otherwise that “vehicles and green
energy” have relatively poor employment-generating effect, while “energy conservation” and
“environmentally friendly living space” generate relatively many jobs per dollar spent.
Table 6.2: Employment Effects of Green Spending Items in South Korea’s “Green
Stimulus” Package
Spending item Total
Employment
Increase
Total Planned
Spending (US$ m) Employment
Increase/US$ Bn
Added
Expenditure
Mass transit 138,000 7,005 19700
Energy conservation 170,000 5,840 29100
Vehicles and clean energy 14,300 1,490 9600
Env friendly living space 10,800 350 30900
River restoration 200,000 10,500 19000
Forest restoration 134,000 1,750 76600
Water resource management 16,000 685 23400
Resource recycling 16,000 675 23700
Green information 3,000 270 11100
Total 703,000 28,600 24600
Source: Barbier (2009).
27 South Korea is not a typical developing country (it is also an OECD member). We include it here rather than
above, as it is a “lower-income” country compared to the others considered above.
20
Projected employment effects of renewable energy production in China are shown in Table
6.3 below.28 This table reveals enormous differences in the employment-generating effects of
different forms of renewable energy production, from around 7-8 thousand jobs per US$
billion of value added for wind power and solar photo-voltaics, to almost 200,000 jobs per
US$ billion for biomass. This reflects great differences in skill levels as well as labor
intensities (most jobs in the wind and solar PV sectors are high-skilled, while low-skilled
farmers are employed in biomass production), as well as induced effects on imports (much of
the equipment used for wind and solar PV is imported). The table however vividly illustrates
that the employment effects of renewable energy production in developing countries is likely
to vary dramatically across renewable energy sources.
Table 6.3: Employment and Value Added in Chinese Renewable Energy Production.
Employment in Numbers of Workers, Output in US$ Million.
Renewable
sector Generation Manufacturing Service Total Output
value,
US$ mill
Employment
per US$ bn
Wind 6000 15000 1200 22200 3375 6600
Solar PV 2000 38000 15000 55000 6750 8150
Solar
thermal 400000 200000 600000 5400 111000
Biomass 1000 15000 250000 266000 1350 197000
Total 9000 468000 466000 943000 16875 55900
Source: Renner, Sweeney and Kubit (2008).
It follows that accounting for the macroeconomic effects of a stimulus package simply by a
“number of jobs” created is often highly misleading. Many or most jobs in the wind or solar
PV sector are, as noted, likely to be high-skilled; work done in these sectors can contribute
substantially also to future technical development and growth (e.g., by “moving down the
learning curve”). Most jobs in solar-thermal and biomass production are by contrast lower-
skilled, with less scope for technological enhancement and learning effects for the individuals
employed.
A recent World Bank study (Schwartz et al 2009) examines implications of fiscal stimulus in
Latin American countries. Some calculated effects from this study are given in Table 6.4.
Note that employment effects there include only workers directly employed by the projects;
no attempt has been made to calculate “secondary” effects (of procured deliveries of goods
and services) or “tertiary” employment effects (from further rounds such as multiplier effects
of generated spending). In that sense the numbers must be interpreted quite differently e g
from those in the Houser et al. Study for the US, which accounts for such effects. Still, we
find quite sizable employment effects in many cases, notably for projects in the water sector
in Honduras; in contrast the Brazilian projects considered give smaller direct employment
(this is most so for hydropower projects where the direct employment effect is marginal).29
28 Note that the per-unit employment figures in Table 6.3 are not directly comparable to the figures in Tables 6.1-
6.2: the former indicate value added per job; the latter are fiscal costs of creating additional green jobs.
29 Note that macro effects on employment could also in this case, in principle, be overestimated if the workers
engaged in the respective projects have good employment opportunities elsewhere. However, the analysis team
assessed such alternative employment opportunities as very small on the whole.
21
Table 6.4 also gives separate figures for unskilled and skilled labor, as the respective wage
shares of total activity generated. Interestingly, for some of the water-sector projects in
Honduras the skilled share appears to be quite high (note also that for hydropower projects in
Brazil, basically all engaged workers are high-skilled).30 These numbers indicate that the
“growth dimension” of some of these projects may be substantial; although this of course
remains to be scrutinized further. Note again that these numbers are very conservative in the
sense of only registering employment that is generated directly by the respective projects.
Table 6.4: Direct Employment and Economic Activity Generated by “Green” Stimulus
Activities in Latin American Countries. Employment in Man Years per US$ Billion.
Activity Generation as Share of Total Activity.
Sector Direct
employment Share skilled
labor Share
unskilled
labor
Share
domestic
inputs
Share foreign
inputs
Water capitation, Honduras 43,300 28 % 12 % 40 % 20 %
Water network
rehabilitation, Honduras 58,300 30 % 20 % 40 % 10 %
Water network expansion,
Honduras 66,700 20 % 30 % 40 % 10 %
Water treatment plant,
Honduras 25,000 10 % 10 % 80 % 0
Rain drainage, Brazil 34,000 8 % 16 % 28 % 48 %
Sewerage, Brazil 21,800 4 % 11 % 67 % 17 %
Hydro power, Brazil 4,500 5-10 % 90-95 %
Rural electrification, Peru 23,000 14 % 7 % 26 % 53 %
Source: Schwartz, Andres and Draboiu (2009).
Which types of “green stimulus” will be most significant for different developing countries
requires further investigation, with additional data. The job-creating, and emissions-reducing,
effects of such stimulus need to be far more rigorously assessed than has been done to date.
One also needs a further analysis of the types of labor engaged by the various projects, by
skill category and, ideally, by opportunity cost. Effects are likely to vary widely across
countries/regions and among sectors. Most likely, forestry and biodiversity conservation, the
water sector, and environmental cleanup (where more remains to be done in many low-
income countries), as well as energy efficiency and some renewable energy production (such
as biomass for heat and electricity generation) are even more significant “green” activities in
developing countries than in high-income countries; some of these also may be relatively
good job generators, at least in the short run.
Among other sectors, the employment-creating and revenue-generating effects of expansion
of biofuels production and exports could be substantial in some countries, depending on local
conditions and the comparative economics of biofuels versus alternatives. Other renewable
energy sectors, including wind power and solar photo-voltaics, are likely to be less significant
in developing countries over the short-run than in high-income countries, since developing-
30 Precise definitions of “high” and “low” -skilled labor can vary by country and project; in particular the
threshold of what is considered high-skilled could be lower in Honduras than e. g. in Brazil.
22
countries’ plans for expansion of such activities are currently moderate and it takes time to
scale up. Moreover, much of the needed basic R&D likely will be carried out in high-income
countries.31 In addition to lag times from in scaling up, stimulus impacts may be limited if,
for example, there is no follow-on effect in domestic manufacturing. Over the longer haul,
these parts of the renewables sector may be a fruitful avenue for activity expansion in
developing countries. As solar and wind technologies further mature, investments in these
resources could help some developing countries improve their competitive position relative to
high-income countries in the global economy.
7. Discussion and Final Comments
Barbier (2009) assesses potential job-creating effects of green stimulus. Three areas are, in his
view, central for the combined task of job creation and promoting conservation and carbon
emissions reductions: (a) improving energy efficiency and conservation; (b) expanding “clean
energy” supply options; and (c) improving the sustainability of transport. The direct evidence
of employment-generating effects from such policies is however scant, reflecting the dearth of
relevant applicable individual-country data in the current literature. Those activities that
involve larger capital investments (for example, biomass processing facilities and domestic
biofuel production facilities as well as some transport initiatives) will bear most of their fruit
over the longer term and thus are much less likely to provide strong short-term stimulus than
other alternatives.
In terms of overall activity generation with a long-term perspective rather than short-term
stimulus, infrastructure investment is likely to be an especially important expenditure
category. The recently issued Infrastructure Diagnostic Tools paper (World Bank 2009a;
particularly Annex 2) emphasizes transport, energy supply, water and the urban sector as the
most relevant sectors for infrastructure investments with that can provide positive economy-
wide impacts over time as the projects are realized, and that can potentially include “green”
components. Still, the “greenness” of available investment categories varies considerably. No
less important in our context is that much investment categorized as “green” is relatively large
and with long time horizons, providing value in terms of attaining long-term goals but less
useful for short-term stimulus. Within the transport sector, for example, the “greenest”
infrastructure investments would be those that substitute out the most energy demanding
transport modes, notably motorized private road transport. But infrastructure projects here are
heavier and/or longer-term (such as rail or broad-based BRT), and thus less suited to be short-
run measures. Within activities such as water supply and electric power transmission there
could be somewhat better opportunities for win-win situations related to short-run public
expenditure, through upgrading and improvement of existing infrastructure, to improve
efficiency of delivery.
Focusing on the energy sector, many projects to develop and support renewable energy
sources on a large scale would have similar characteristics, as would projects to replace coal
with less carbon intensive fuels, or to improve the thermal efficiency of coal burning (in
power plants, factories etc.) Among projects with more immediate-term impacts are energy
efficiency measures in buildings (weather-proofing), and in agriculture, which could yield
significant cost savings and also be relatively labor intensive. The same could apply to
upgrading of power transmissions systems which allow for reduced losses of given power
31 Notable exceptions here are China for wind power, and India for solar photo-voltaics; both are aiming to soon
become world leaders in their respective fields.
23
generated. Small-scale investments in off-grid renewables could also have positive near-term
impacts, but their scale is likely to be small relative to the overall stimulus requirements under
discussion.
For water infrastructure, most relevant investments likewise are relatively large, with long
planning horizons and lifetimes, and thus probably less effective for short-term stimulus –
though some near-term benefits certainly are realized by starting up projects that are actually
“shovel-ready.” However, the longer-term issue here, related to major investment projects, is
the extent to which the execution of such projects leads to more overall efficient allocation of
given water resources. In the water sector there are, in many developing countries, a large
potential for improving the efficiency of given water infrastructure, in terms of reducing leaks
and the degree of illicit water extraction. Such improvements can be made by simply
upgrading existing infrastructure, which is typically labor-intensive, and this can be done at
relatively short notice.32
For the urban sector and urban investment, the “greenness” concept is a more complex one.
One factor is more concentrated urbanization, which may lead to less urban sprawl, resulting
and thereby less energy use and carbon emissions relative to services rendered.33 Increased
urbanization in developing countries may also have substantial “green” aspects by taking
population pressure off forested areas with threatened deforestation. However, such
demographic changes will have only limited impacts in the near term (e.g. if urban
investments slow down reverse migration of unemployed).
This discussion suggests that the scope for short-run “direct green stimulus” through
increased investments in developing countries could be relatively small. This is because most
such investment is lumpy and takes time to plan and implement, and a hurried application can
be counterproductive as it may turn out to not fully meet each country’s required needs.
Stimulus through current expenditures which do not directly add to infrastructure may then
look more promising. However, significant additional research is needed to better address
these questions quantitatively.
Central to our discussion in this paper is our classification of stimulus measures in Table 5.1,
and the assessed (short- and long-run) effects of these measures. Overall, this table reveals
few obvious candidates for triple-win policies, with simultaneous strong benefits for short-
term economic recovery, longer-term growth, and long-term environmental benefits. Certain
labor-intensive renewable energy investments could, in principle, have strong stimulus
benefits in the short term and, if economically sustainable, long-term benefits due to reduced
GHG emissions and improved growth. Certain infrastructure projects could be beneficial to
long-term growth and emission reduction, but their short-term stimulus benefits are probably
limited.
In the context of clean energy investment, there is a need to increase R&D funding to enhance
the economic competitiveness of large-scale renewable investments. However, as we noted at
32 In many cities in Latin America, Africa and Asia, more than 50 percent of potential water supply is lost to
leaking pipes, which can be repaired or replaced. In many cases greater efforts to control how water is allocated,
may in themselves bring improvements. For example, illicit water extraction and reselling from tank trucks is in
some cases a problem, whose elimination may bring several improvements both in efficiency and in terms of
reduced energy consumption.
33 Glaeser and Kahn (2008) show that per-capita carbon emissions are dramatically lower for relatively compact
urban regions in the US, such as the New York metropolitian area, when compared to metropolitan regions that
are more decentralized, such as Atlanta or Houston; and even more so when compared to rural regions.
24
the start of this paper, “green” development in the long run is difficult to achieve without
micro units (households and businesses) facing appropriate price signals. This implies the
need for including, as part of effective long-term “green growth” policies, the removal of
subsidies and other distortions (in particular for energy consumption) that lead to inefficiently
low levels of market-motivated “green” investment. While many of the relevant distortions
are politically motivated and thus difficult to remove, there are nonetheless several reasons
why such changes in pricing policies need to be advanced.
While direct stimulus through increased spending may have higher near-term economic
benefits in times of crisis (through additional employment and activity thereby generated), it
is, under such circumstances, also likely to face higher financing costs than in more normal
times. While wage rates and prices of some commodities may be lower in crisis times, fiscal
budgets will be far tighter, and credit more expensive and more difficult to obtain.34
Moreover, the drop in energy prices during a crisis may ease the political constraints on
governments’ ability to implement a desired phase-out of energy subsidies.
In addition, long-run economic and environmental effects of removal of pricing distortions are
likely to be far stronger than the effects of increases in direct government expenditures. The
main reason is that the former provide increased incentives for long-term investment, thereby
also increasing the efficiency of the long-term resource allocation. Pricing reforms can
complement targeted direct investments to remove bottlenecks in the economy. Investments
without pricing reforms face greater inertia by not embedding similar types of incentives.
Perhaps most importantly, an economy in crisis faces difficult tradeoffs. Decisions to set
priorities must be made to allocate spending, in types and amounts, in a time of diminished
resources and constraints on the ability to increase debt. As a result, the need to create
additional “fiscal space” by raising additional public revenue without unduly distorting the
economy also attains a higher priority – especially if there are also plans for significant direct
stimulus.35 Since the fiscal balance is typically worsened by such spending, the long-term
growth prospects are more uncertain as the government’s future fiscal space is diminished.36
In contrast, to the extent that fiscal measures that serve to correct energy-related price
distortions also serve to increase government net revenue, such revenue can be used to help
finance short-term stimulus and longer-term investment in green public-sector infrastructure
with less of a long-term public debt burden. When indirect stimulus targets in particular the
removal of environmentally harmful subsidies or under-taxation, the policies can also have
substantial environmental- and climate-related “co-benefits”. For these reasons, as well as
those cited above, the current crisis provides an especially important occasion for addressing
persistent distortions in market prices or under-taxation of energy and other natural resources.
Some recent studies have attempted to quantify the magnitudes of direct and indirect subsidies
in the environmental and natural resources sectors.37 It will be important to improve such
quantification, including also the revenue losses from under-capture of resource rents for
34 Indeed, at least in part as a consequence of the countercyclical cost and availability of funds and credit to
governments, fiscal policy in many LICs tends to be not countercyclical but rather procyclical, as discussed by
Kraay and Servén (2008).
35 See also IMF discussions of similar issues e g in Heller (2005).
36 See Servén and Kraay (2008) for a discussion of general principles of fiscal policy to meet the current crisis;
their strong advice is that fiscal expansions be sustainably financed.
37 See for example IEA (2008). UNEP (2008b) also addresses energy subsidies.
25
publicly managed resources; the employment and other economic effects of increased fiscal
space through price reforms; and the practical feasibility of overcoming political economy
barriers to the reforms.
Conversely, there is need for more research on the implications of direct green stimulus for
long-run fiscal sustainability. Here one big question is whether direct green stimulus provides
better or worse ability of the economy to recuperate public revenue down the road. This must
be based on an analysis of sectors, activities and groups most benefitting from a green
stimulus effort, with comparison as well to economy-wide measures to enhance fiscal
sustainability.
26
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