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The Italian Extreme Right On-Line Network: An Exploratory Study Using an Integrated Social Network Analysis and Content Analysis Approach
Abstract
All over the world, extreme right activists and neo-nazis are using the Internet as a tool for communication and recruitment in order to avoid national laws and police investigations. The last 10 years have seen both the diffusion of CMC environments and the rise of extreme right movements in several European countries. This study investigates the structure of the Italian extreme right network, taking into account the latest trends in the social psychology of CMC to describe the nature of ties among Italian extreme right websites.
... The analysis of the online activities of far-right groups can help uncover the discourse promoted by the far-right groups (Atton, 2006) and, in some cases, the effects of the promoted messages (Müller & Schwarz, 2018); as well as get insights about the connections between different far-right organizations and online outlets (Tateo, 2005). ...
... One of the earliest studies that examined online activities of the far right employed network analysis to explore the interconnections between selected white supremacist websites in the US and found that this network is decentralized and consists of several distinct communities (Burris et al., 2000). Studies relying on the same methodology revealed that the networks of Russian (Zuev, 2011) and Italian (Tateo, 2005) right-wing websites are similarly decentralized, while the network of German right-wing websites is more centralized (Caiani & Wagemann, 2009). Yet another group of researchers examined the network of users who contribute to racist and hate speech blogs and found that it is decentralized and divided into several clusters (Chau & Xu, 2007). ...
... Methodologically, this paper follows in the footsteps of the researchers who relied on network analysis to examine the interconnections between different far-right groups and accounts (Burris et al., 2000;Caiani & Wagemann, 2009;Chau & Xu, 2007;Ellinas, 2018;Froio & Ganesh, 2018;O'Callaghan et al., 2013;Tateo, 2005;Zuev, 2011). To answer the research questions 1, 2 and 3, we employed methods similar to those used by the other researchers. ...
The present paper contributes to the research on the activities of far-right actors on social media by examining the interconnections between far-right actors and groups on Telegram platform using network analysis. The far-right network observed on Telegram is highly decentralized, similarly to the far-right networks found on other social media platforms. The network is divided mostly along the ideological and national lines, with the communities related to 4chan imageboard and Donald Trump’s supporters being the most influential. The analysis of the network evolution shows that the start of its explosive growth coincides in time with the mass bans of the far-right actors on mainstream social media platforms. The observed patterns of network evolution suggest that the simultaneous migration of these actors to Telegram has allowed them to swiftly recreate their connections and gain prominence in the network thus casting doubt on the effectiveness of deplatforming for curbing the influence of far-right and other extremist actors.
... Según estas visiones del mundo, los Estados deberían ser habitados exclusivamente por miembros del grupo autóctono (la nación) mientras que los otros (personas e ideas) serían fundamentalmente amenazantes para la homogeneidad del Estado-Nación (Brewer, 1999;Tajfel, 2010;Mudde, 2007: 32-59;Taguieff, 2013). Si los estudios sobre los supremacistas blancos en los Estados Unidos subrayan principalmente la importancia de una interpretación biologizante del grupo interno (Burris, Smith y Strahm, 2000;Atton, 2006;Chau y Xu, 2007;Koster y Houtman, 2008;Zuev, 2010), otros estudios de caso sobre partidos políticos (Mayer, 2009 ;Mudde, 2007:63-89) y movimientos de extrema derecha en Europa (Tateo, 2005;Garrett, 2006:213 215;Caiani y Parenti, 2013;Froio, 2016) proporcionan un retrato más complejo e invitan a pensar el nativismo y el etnocentrismo no solamente en términos étnicos. En este sentido, las representaciones del otro pueden incluir prejuicios 3 de orden político/cívico y/o cultural/ étnico sobre la base de los cuales el grupo interno construye la diferencia que justifica la incompatibilidad con los grupos externos (Taguieff, 1998a ;Wimmer, 2002 ;Wieviorka, 2005 ;Mayer, 2009 ;François y Lebourg, 2016). ...
... El ARS permite identificar las relaciones entre sitios del mismo modo que el particionamiento de nodos en comunidades de comunicación. Si bien los lazos virtuales no implican necesariamente relaciones reales entre estas formaciones, las investigaciones existentes sobre el activismo de derecha muestran que los lazos virtuales pueden ser tomados como indicadores de "huellas de comunicación, instrumentos de ayuda recíproca para conseguir la atención del público" (Burris et al., 2000: 215) y como "un canal adicional para construir una identidad común" (Tateo, 2005). ...
... Si bien esta cartografía cuantitativa ofrece una "fotografía" de redes virtuales de extremas derechas ayudando a delimitar la población de estudio y a cernir las características principales, no permite por si sola identificar las representaciones del Otro vehiculadas por esas organizaciones. Por esta razón, integré el análisis cualitativo a los datos cuantitativos del contenido de los sitios de esos grupos, una técnica ya utilizada sobre el activismo de extrema derecha en Internet (Tateo, 2005). En un primer momento, para comprender las representaciones del grupo interno realicé un análisis cualitativo de contenido de sitios enfrascados en los agrupamientos detectados por el ARS. ...
El presente artículo estudia las interacciones políticas en Internet. Es problemático trazar una línea entre la realidad online y offline, pero Internet sigue siendo una fuente privilegiada para estudiar el discurso de las derechas extremas y la política de identidad. El texto aborda este enfoque: en primer lugar porque, éste representa un terreno para crear solidaridad a través de la difusión y el intercambio de información que es más amplio que las arenas tradicionales (Dijk y Hacker, 2003). De hecho, a diferencia de otros medios tales como la televisión, la radio y/o la prensa, Internet representa una parte del espacio público al que el acceso es más sencillo (Dahlgren, 2000). Y en segundo lugar, porque cualquier internauta puede tomar la palabra, sean cuales sean sus competencias en política o sus opiniones, de la misma forma que puede difundir opiniones que no tienen legitimidad en la esfera pública institucional.
... Si les études sur les suprématistes blancs aux États-Unis soulignent notamment l'importance d'une interprétation biologisante du groupe interne (Burris, Smith et Strahm, 2000 ;Atton, 2006 ;Chau et Xu, 2007 ;Koster et Houtman, 2008 ;Zuev, 2010), d'autres études de cas sur les partis politiques (Mayer, 2009 ;Mudde, 2007, pp. 63-89) et les mouvements d'extrême droite en Europe (Tateo, 2005 ;Garrett, 2006, p. 215 ;Caiani et Parenti, 2013 ;Froio, 2016) fournissent un portrait plus complexe et invitent à penser le nativisme et l'ethnocentrisme pas seulement en des termes ethniques. Dans ce sens, les représentations de l'Autre peuvent inclure des préjugés 5 d'ordre politique/civique et/ou culturel/ethnique sur la base desquels le groupe interne construit la différence et justifie l'incompatibilité avec les groupes externes (Taguieff, 1998a ;Wimmer, 2002 ;Wieviorka, 2005 ;Mayer, 2009 ;François et Lebourg, 2016). ...
... L'ARS permet d'identifier les relations entre sites, de même que le partitionnement des noeuds en communautés de communication. Bien que les liens virtuels n'impliquent pas nécessairement de relations réelles entre ces formations, les recherches existantes sur l'activisme de droite montrent que les liens virtuels peuvent être appréhendés comme des indicateurs de « traces de communication, instruments d'aide réciproque pour atteindre l'attention du public » (Burris et al., 2000, p. 215) et comme « un canal additionnel pour construire une identité commune » (Tateo, 2005). ...
... Si cette cartographie quantitative offre une « photographie » des réseaux virtuels des droites extrêmes en aidant à délimiter la population d'étude et à en saisir les caractéristiques principales, elle ne permet pas à elle seule de saisir les représentations de l'Autre véhiculées par ces organisations. Pour cette raison, j'ai intégré aux données quantitatives l'analyse qualitative du contenu des sites de ces groupes, une technique déjà utilisée dans les études sur l'activisme de droite extrême sur Internet (Tateo, 2005). Dans un premier temps, pour appréhender les représentations du groupe interne, 7. Notamment les rapports annuels produits par la CNCDH (Commission nationale consultative des droits de l'homme), le ministère de l'Intérieur, la Commission européenne contre le racisme et l'intolérance (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) et l'ancien Observatoire européen des phénomènes racistes et xénophobes (European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia) créé en 1997, et devenu en 2007 l' Agence des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights or Fundamental Rights Agency). ...
... Si les études sur les suprématistes blancs aux États-Unis soulignent notamment l'importance d'une interprétation biologisante du groupe interne (Burris, Smith et Strahm, 2000 ;Atton, 2006 ;Chau et Xu, 2007 ;Koster et Houtman, 2008 ;Zuev, 2010), d'autres études de cas sur les partis politiques (Mayer, 2009 ;Mudde, 2007, pp. 63-89) et les mouvements d'extrême droite en Europe (Tateo, 2005 ;Garrett, 2006, p. 215 ;Caiani et Parenti, 2013 ;Froio, 2016) fournissent un portrait plus complexe et invitent à penser le nativisme et l'ethnocentrisme pas seulement en des termes ethniques. Dans ce sens, les représentations de l'Autre peuvent inclure des préjugés 5 d'ordre politique/civique et/ou culturel/ethnique sur la base desquels le groupe interne construit la différence et justifie l'incompatibilité avec les groupes externes (Taguieff, 1998a ;Wimmer, 2002 ;Wieviorka, 2005 ;Mayer, 2009 ;François et Lebourg, 2016). ...
... L'ARS permet d'identifier les relations entre sites, de même que le partitionnement des noeuds en communautés de communication. Bien que les liens virtuels n'impliquent pas nécessairement de relations réelles entre ces formations, les recherches existantes sur l'activisme de droite montrent que les liens virtuels peuvent être appréhendés comme des indicateurs de « traces de communication, instruments d'aide réciproque pour atteindre l'attention du public » (Burris et al., 2000, p. 215) et comme « un canal additionnel pour construire une identité commune » (Tateo, 2005). ...
... Si cette cartographie quantitative offre une « photographie » des réseaux virtuels des droites extrêmes en aidant à délimiter la population d'étude et à en saisir les caractéristiques principales, elle ne permet pas à elle seule de saisir les représentations de l'Autre véhiculées par ces organisations. Pour cette raison, j'ai intégré aux données quantitatives l'analyse qualitative du contenu des sites de ces groupes, une technique déjà utilisée dans les études sur l'activisme de droite extrême sur Internet (Tateo, 2005). Dans un premier temps, pour appréhender les représentations du groupe interne, 7. Notamment les rapports annuels produits par la CNCDH (Commission nationale consultative des droits de l'homme), le ministère de l'Intérieur, la Commission européenne contre le racisme et l'intolérance (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) et l'ancien Observatoire européen des phénomènes racistes et xénophobes (European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia) créé en 1997, et devenu en 2007 l' Agence des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights or Fundamental Rights Agency). ...
Alors que la politique identitaire est fondamentale pour les extrêmes droites, les études empiriques des représentations de l’Autre restent idiosyncratiques, se limitant à une seule organisation et/ou à un exogroupe ciblé. À ce titre, l’article considère 77 sites d’organisations d’extrême droite en France et combine une analyse quantitative des réseaux sociaux avec une analyse qualitative du contenu. Il montre d’abord que le réseau est organisé autour de cinq regroupements de sites qui décrivent le groupe interne sur la base de préjugés d’ordre politique/civique et/ou culturel/ethnique. Ensuite, les résultats montrent que certains groupes externes sont communs à plus de 90 % des sites qui composent le réseau (musulman/e, immigré/e, élites), alors que d’autres apparaissent moins régulièrement (homosexuel/le, juif/ve, Rom). Dépassant les approches idiosyncratiques, la comparaison et la perspective des réseaux permettent d’appréhender la manière dont les représentations du groupe interne et externe participent à la création d’identités communes entre organisations d’extrême droite, au moins sur Internet.
... Online communications of the radical right, amongst other radical groups and individuals, has received considerable academic attention over the past 20 years (e.g., Adams & Rocigno, 2005;Anahita, 2006;Back, 2002;Borgeson & Valeri, 2005;Bostdorf, 2004;Daniels, 2009;Neo, Dillion, & Khader, 2016) with growing discussions on how online communities, namely Stormfront, have become a magnet for the most aggrieved White people to connect with other like-minded others (e.g., Burris et al., 2000;Bowman-Grieve, 2009: De Koster & Houtman, 2008Wojcieszak, 2010 Caiani & Wagemann, 2009;Chau & Xu, 2007;Gerstenfeld, Grant, & Chiang, 2003;Tateo, 2005;Zuev, 2010. information technologies and risk assessment tool (macro), or (2) in-depth content analyses and case studies (micro). ...
... Fortunately, the study of right-wing extremists' use of the Internet has received some academic attention since the introduction of the World Wide Web. This includes analyses of far-right content found on Web 1.0 websites (e.g., Borgeson & Valeri, 2005;Bostdorf, 2004;Perry & Olsson, 2009;Schafer, 2002;Thiesmeyer, 1999) and the extent to which these sites connect to other radical right-wing sites (e.g., Adam & Roscigno, 2005;Burris et al. 2000;Caiani & Wagemann, 2009;Gerstenfeld, Grant, & Chiang, 2003;Tateo, 2005;Zhou et al., 2005;Zuev, 2010). More recently, a growing body of literature has been dedicated to understanding users' interactions online, including their discussions in radical right-wing chat forums (e.g., Anahita, 2006;Back, 2002;Bowman-Grieve, 2009;Burris et al., 2000;Daniels, 2009;De Koster & Houtman, 2008;Duffy, 2003;Hale, 2010;Lennings et al., 2010;Levin, 2002;Macovei, 2013;Meddaugh & Kay, 2009;Thompson, 2001;Whine, 1999;Wojcieszak, 2010;Wong, Frank, & Allsup, 2015). ...
Criminologists have generally agreed that the Internet is not only a tool or resource for right-wing extremists to disseminate ideas and products, but also a site of important identity work, accomplished interactively through the exchange of radical ideas. Online discussion forums, amongst other interactive corners of the Web, have become an essential conduit for the radical right to air their grievances and bond around their “common enemy.” Yet overlooked in this discussion has been a macro-level understanding of the radical discussions that contribute to the broader collective identity of the extreme right online, as well as what constitutes “radical posting behaviour” within this context. Drawing from criminal career measures to facilitate this type of analysis, data was extracted from a sub-forum of the most notorious white supremacy forum online, Stormfront, which included 141,763 posts made by 7,014 authors over approximately 15 years. In study one of this dissertation, Sentiment-based Identification of Radical Authors (SIRA), a sentiment analysis-based algorithm that draws from traditional criminal career measures to evaluate authors’ opinions, was used to identify and, by extension, assess forum authors’ radical posting behaviours using a mixed-methods approach. Study two extended on study one by using SIRA to quantify authors’ group-level sentiment about their common enemies: Jews, Blacks, and LGBTQs. Study three further extended on studies one and two by analyzing authors’ radical posting trajectories with semi-parametric group-based modeling. Results highlighted the applicability of criminal career measures to study radical discussions online. Not only did this mixed-methods approach provide theoretical insight into what constitutes radical posting behaviour in a white supremacy forum, it also shed light on the communication patterns that contribute to the broader collective identity of the extreme right online.
... The richness is increased when the medium can provide immediate feedback (possible in chat rooms and through online instant messaging), when there is a high number of cues and channels used (achievable through the online sharing of audiovideo files on YouTube or other channels), and when it is personalised (achievable in chat rooms, forums, and commentary websites for news websites and blogs). Research that examines the affordances of emerging ways to disseminate racist rhetoric focus on content on group's websites (Adams & Roscigno, 2005;Caiani & Parenti, 2010;Castle, 2012;Douglas et al., 2005;Flores-Yeffal et al., 2011;McCluskey, 2013;Tateo, 2006), including the use of interactive forums on these websites (Holtz & Wagner, 2009), and the use of video games on racist groups' websites (Selepak, 2010). Racist groups use these channels to reach, not only general, but also very specific audiences. ...
... With the exception of one study (Tateo, 2006), there seems to be a gap in research on the formation of racist social networks. The research tells us what online racist groups do, where they do it and how they go about it. ...
... Se consideriamo quali categorie di attori vengono menzionate più di frequente nel discorso sulla globalizzazione (indifferentemente dalla loro posizione come attore soggetto, alleato o oggetto) ( fig. 3), possiamo notare che, in generale, la globalizzazione viene descritta (e spiegata) dalle nostre organizzazioni con numerosi riferimenti alla teoria cospirativa, tipica del tradizionale apparato ideologico dell'estrema destra (Tateo 2005). Spesso infatti gli agenti della globalizzazione sono presentati come un misterioso attore ("loro"), ovvero come una coalizione di forze economico -politiche (es. ...
... Questa nuova Europa viene descritta come una «Europa dei popoli europei» (con richiamo ad una concezione forte ed etnicamente determinata di demos europeo), una «Europa degli stati sovrani», «nuova e differente rispetto all'attuale Unione Europea, che unisce le nazioni solo sotto il profilo economico», in grado di «salvare la sua storia, cultura e tradizioni millenarie». In relazione all'integrazione europea l'estrema destra italiana sembra dunque prediligere un "micronazionalismo" di regioni native, ad un modello statista e centralizzato di federalismo, sostenendo in questo modo quello che viene chiamato «neorazzismo delle differenze» al posto di un razzismo gerarchico in favore della superiorità di una razza o di un paese su un'altro (Tateo 2005). ...
L’obiettivo di questo articolo è rilevare empiricamente e confrontare la rilevanza (e le forme) del tema della globalizzazione nell’estrema destra, concentrandosi sul discorso dell’estrema destra in Italia e sottolineando somiglianze e differenze fra tipi di organizzazioni diverse. Lo studio si basa su una frame analisys condotta su diversi tipi di documenti organizzativi (giornali di partito, riviste mensili, documenti e archivi di forum di discussioni online) in un periodo dal 2000 al 2006 per un totale di 2500 frames analizzati. Quanto è importante la globalizzazione rispetto ad altri temi nel discorso dell’estrema destra? Quali sono le principali issues alle quali la globalizzazione viene riferita (economia, politica, cultura, ecc.)? Quali le soluzioni suggerite dalle organizzazioni di estrema destra per far fronte alla globalizzazione e quale il ‘noi’ e il ‘loro’ costruito nel discorso in relazione a questo tema? Le diverse strategie di framing di tipi di gruppi differenti (partitici e non, fino a gruppi violenti subculturali) verranno mostrate, così come la modernità, ma anche la non-modernità del modo in cui l’estrema destra italiana inquadra il tema della globalizzazione, con l’osservazione della costruzione, su questi temi, di una identità complessa in cui convivono (non sempre pacificamente) valori e schemi interpretativi tradizionali e elementi innovativi.
... For the inclusion of an organization in our sample of "radical right-wing organizations/websites," we relied on the self-definition of the group and the predominant nature of the message transmitted through its website. 4. For the classification of the organizations, we have relied on the most common typologies that have been proposed for the study of the extreme right (e.g., Burris et al., 2000;Tateo, 2005). 5. ...
... 6. In this class, there are those groups defining themselves as political parties and movements and that openly partake in political activities (political debates, policy issues, see Tateo, 2005). The main differences between the former and latter ones are in the degree of institutionalization and participation in the elections. ...
Like many other political actors, the extreme right is currently expanding beyond national borders, and, as with any civil society organization, the Internet is assuming a growing role in achieving this goal. To date, however, this topic is understudied. In this article, aiming to empirically filling this gap, we shall explore the new tactics of the extreme right in Europe and the USA in the context of transnational politics. Namely, we investigate the degree and forms of extreme right transnationalization (in terms of mobilization, issues, targets, action strategies, and organizational contacts) and the potential role of the Internet in these developments. The analysis combines qualitative and quantitative data derived from 54 interviews with representatives of extreme right organizations in six European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and Spain) and the USA with a formalized Web content analysis of 336 right-wing websites. We will compare different types of right-wing groups which compose the radical right family (from political parties to associations), underlining the main differences and similarities across groups and across countries.
... 2000;Gersten feld m.fl. 2003;Reid & Chen 2007;Tateo 2005;Zhou m.fl. 2005). ...
... 2005;Gerstenfeld m.fl. 2003;Tateo 2005;Wiederer 2007), eftersom alla dessa delvis varierande ansatser faktiskt visar jämförbara resultat. ...
[Mapping the right-wing extremist movement on the Internet – structural patterns 2006–2011] Ralph Wiederer’s article analyses the development of the far or extreme right’s social networks on the Internet by examining the connections between different groups’ and activists’ websites through hyperlinks. Wiederer uses social network analysis to study the structure of these associations on both a national and international level. Robots and search engines have automatically generated his data, making production of large amounts of information possible without simultaneous loss of validity. The article gives a brief theoretical and methodological introduction and summarizes the results from at pilot study published in 2007. As a longitudinal continuation these results are compared with how the network structure looked like in 2011. The longitudinal analysis indicates that the far right networks in general are tightly interconnected, both within and between national and ideological clusters. Publication history: A translation of ”Mapping the Right-Wing Extremist Movement on the Internet – Structural Patterns 2006–2011” from the upcoming anthology In the Tracks of Breivik. Far-Right Networks in Northern and Eastern Europe , Michael Minkenberg, Mats Deland & David Payne (eds.), LIT Verlag. (Published 16 September 2013) Citation: Wiederer, Ralf (2013) ”En kartlaggning av det hogerextrema natverket pa internet – strukturella monster 2006–2011”, in Det vita faltet II. Samtida forskning om hogerextremism , special issue of Arkiv. Tidskrift for samhallsanalys , issue 2, pp. 101–137. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.2.4
... A cursory review of the blogosphere reveals an extremely high level of duplicity in content. Several studies support the presence of a self-limiting 'echo chamber' within independent, online content (Clark 2002;Kumar et al. 1999;Tateo 2005;Trammell & Keshelashvili 2005), which has historically been a central defi ning characteristic of the mainstream press. Conversely, it could easily be argued that thoughtful, in-depth social commentary can be found throughout mainstream publications, such as Rolling Stone magazine and The Australian , whereas reductive, episodic reporting is plentiful in many independent publications. ...
... Such circuitous behaviour has been called an 'unbearable incestuousness' (Clark 2002). Tateo (2005) examined 77 right wing Italian websites and discovered a highly coherent, tightly knit network of intra-linked groups. Through the circuitousness of such hyperlinks, superstars can be born. ...
... It is also worth noticing that European integration is often depicted by these organizations with reference to conspiracy theory, as is typical of the traditional extreme right (Tateo, 2005). Likewise, Europe is associated with a secret economic-political power, In the Name of the People 187 the aim of which is to dominate the world. ...
... Indeed, the preference of these radical organizations is inserted in an ideology based on a 'micronationalism' of native regions that are opposed both to Europe-wide federalism and to EU centralization (in Brussels). Noticeably, European integration has pushed the radical right to re-elaborate its belief system and move from the traditional hierarchical racism in favour of the superiority of a race or a country above all others (Tateo, 2005) to a 'neo-racism of differences' that still insists on the separation of nations, but on the basis of their equality and requiring a joint effort by the European nations to fight against their common enemies: international finance, technocratic elites, the US or global interests. ...
In this article, we analyse Euroscepticism as a common trait of current radical right-wing formations. Public opinion in Italy has become increasingly polarized on the issue of European integration, and largely Eurosceptic. Thus, it is relevant to understand whether there is an ideological opposition to the European Union (EU) in Italy, both inside and outside the Parliament, which, in the future, could capture the malaise of the citizens and grow within the political system. Particularly, we explore differences and similarities between the parliamentary and the extra-parliamentary right. We show that the ways in which they perceive and (negatively) represent the EU through frames is strikingly similar, despite the fact that these organizations do not really cooperate and are even in competition with each other. Ultimately, despite many factors being mature for issue mobilization and the creation of an EU cleavage in Italy, the success of this process largely depends on the ability of the radical right organizations to come to terms with their ideological background, give priority to this emerging cleavage and establish more synergies with each other.
... Они проанализировали сетевые связи и контент американских ультраправых радикалов в интернете. В это же время Л. Татео было проведено аналогичное исследование онлайн-групп итальянских ультраправых радикалов [14]. ...
The article discusses the possibilities of applying social network analysis methods to search for network connectivity of audiences of single-issue (anti-vaxxer, eco-radical, antinuker) and ideological (radical Islamist, left-wing and right-wing) radical online communities of the VKontakte social network. To determine the network connectivity between online communities of ideological and single-issue radicals using a dictionary of linguistic markers, an automatic search and selection of communities was performed by screening the selected units. Then, a weighted graph of connections was constructed and analysed. In the graph, the nodes are communities, and the edges connect communities that have at least one common subscriber. The analysis of the following metrics is illustrative: weighted degree, degree centrality, and weighted betweenness centrality. To assess the strength of connections between single-issue communities and communities of ideological radicals, the degree of assortativity was measured by compiling a matrix that describes the assortativity of communities by their type. It is shown that, despite the communities’ different sizes and information activity, this approach makes it possible to assess their network connectivity.
... Statystyczne formuły umożliwiają ilościową analizę tej relacyjności, dzięki czemu możliwa jest m.in. identyfikacja kluczowych punktów węzłowych, klastrów czy gęstości sieci (Tateo 2006). Węzły (node) to najmniejsze elementy sieci stanowiące jej fundament. ...
The article’s main objective is to reconstruct the media ecosystem of the Polish extreme right on the Internet. The starting point was 15 websites of the most recognisable Polish far-right organisations, which were indexed using the Hyphe tool to identify other websites with the same ideological profile, this identified 312 websites. These were then further analysed using social network analysis methods and tools in order to answer the following research questions: 1) how dense is the network of connections between the different sites; 2) what is the diversity and dominant ideological orientation of the far-right Internet; 3) what types of sites are used to disseminate far-right content? The research results show that far-right websites are poorly networked but that a few sites act as opinion leaders and content distrib-utors linking different communities. At the same time, despite the ideological diversity, two communities – radical nationalists and autonomous nationalists – are critical in the recon-structed media ecosystem. While the different types of sites function as important media sites for each milieu, each milieu uses the different types of sites in slightly different ways.
... Existing studies emphasize that populism draws on the inherent values of the digital media system to favor its communication (Engesser et al., 2017a). This is because it is extremely difficult for them to circumvent the filter of the conventional media, as well as to introduce their messages without restrictions in the agenda that they set (Mazzoleni, 2008;Shoemaker and Vos, 2009;Aalberg and de Vreese, 2017), especially for far-right parties (Jungherr et al., 2019;Pérez-Curiel et al., 2021;Pérez-Curiel and Rivasde-Roca, 2022), who find in digital platforms a space in which to share extremist messages (Tateo, 2005;Schroeder, 2018). In general, the use of social media by populist political actors is mainly limited to self-promotion of their ideas and criticism of their political rivals (Vaccari and Valeriani, 2015;Casero-Ripollés et al., 2017;Alonso-Muñoz and Casero-Ripollés, 2018;Alonso-Muñoz, 2020). ...
Western democracies live a populist impulse. In this context, the consolidation of digital technologies plays a key role due to their possibilities of efficiently spreading messages. This research examines the role that emotions play in the communication strategy on Twitter of populist actors from four European countries: Spain, Italy, France and the United Kingdom. The sample comprises the messages shared by four European political parties: Podemos, 5 Star Movement, National Front and UKIP and their respective leaders during the analysis period. In total, 9,128 messages are analyzed. The main findings show that fear, uncertainty or resentment are the emotions most frequently used by populist parties and leaders. Likewise, negative emotions have been observed in those messages whose primary actor is the political, economic and media classes, the European Union or immigration, while positive emotions, such as joy or pride, are associated with the figure of the leader and the party.
... Merece destaque especial uma nova agenda de pesquisa que vem sendo elaborada, ainda sobre práticas associativas, mas dirigidas para orientações ideológicas radicais, como terrorismo ou movimentos políticos ultraconservadores. Estudos, por exemplo, sobre websites e fora Jihadistas (Bermingham, 2009); sobre práticas terroristas na Austrália (Koschade, 2005); ou sobre movimentos políticos radicais na Itália (Tateo, 2005). Argumentam estes autores que essas práticas apresentam características particulares: multilocalizadas, com estruturas de liderança e de comando policêntricas, formas inovadoras de recrutamento e de mobilização que se estendem para além das fronteiras dos Estados nacionais (Ressler, 2006). ...
Las sociedades modernas experimentaron un profundo cambio a partir del último cuarto del siglo pasado. Parece haber consenso en que, entre los muchos cambios experimentados, hay uno, la proliferación de los medios electrónicos (Internet) que ha sido el que mayor impacto ha tenido en la vida cotidiana de las personas. Dicha temática, que nos interesa especialmente, lleva aparejada la siguiente cuestión central: en relación a las interacciones cara a cara, hay un punto específico bastante significativo, el hecho de que tales interacciones ya no se localizan, exclusivamente, en el territorio. Los recientes cambios en los procesos comunicativos, sucedidos a partir de la ampliación de La Red y sus implicaciones en los procesos de sociabilidad serán objeto de nuestro análisis. Hablaremos, a partir de un estado del arte de la literatura existente sobre el tema, de los efectos de esos nuevos medios de comunicación –popularizados desde la década de 1970– en la vida cotidiana de las personas, con especial atención a sus trayectorias biográficas y en la reconstrucción de sus identidades.
... In general, analyzing the online activities of such groups can help reveal their discourses (Atton, 2006), the effects of hateful promoted messages (Müller & Schwarz, 2018), and any possible broad connections between the far right and other online platforms (Tateo, 2005). This study investigates far-right groups' discourses on Telegram, a dark social media platform, in an effort to fill a few major gaps in literature. ...
Background: This study empirically examines the multimodal discourses of far-right groups on mobile apps. Many fringe groups find Telegram a convenient platform to spread hate speech without the need to censor their content or fear being blocked from the platform.
Analysis: This study collected all the posts from 15 far-right Telegram channels. The data was analyzed using a mixed-method approach, including an examination of profile images, hashtags, mentions, and emojis that have been weaponized to assist in hate dissemination.
Conclusion and implications: The findings show that one major theme on Telegram revolves around white peoples’ perceived grievances and discussions on conservatism followed by the minorities as the problem.
... While Back's (2002) original definition focused on the context of white supremacy at the turn of the century, examples of similar acts in different contexts can easily be found online. Such racially-motivated cyberhate, or digital racism, has also been recently studied in the context of blogs, online message and discussion boards, and websites (Chau and Xu, 2007;Cheland, 2014;Dogulas et al., 2005;Love and Hughey, 2015;Tateo, 2006). ...
Purpose
The aims of this paper are to explore the rise of cyberhate on the Zoom video conferencing platform at the outset of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic and to examine victimized cases of Zoombombing where it was used as a cyberhate tool. The COVID-19 pandemic has not only impacted our lives and modes of working and studying, but also created new environments for cybercriminals to engage in cybercrime, cyberhate and hacking by exploiting tools such as Zoom. This new phenomenon called “Zoombombing” was first reported in mid-March 2020, when the social distancing and stay-at-home policies in the United States were nationally introduced.
Design/methodology/approach
This research conducted a news media content analysis on cases of Zoombombing. To conduct this analysis empirically, a dataset with all of the reported Zoombombing cases from March to April 2020 was created. Google Trends, news media and tweets were used to analyze Zoombombing as a form of cyberhate, particularly digital racism.
Findings
The results reveal prevalent Zoom-mediated racism toward Asian Americans, African Americans and Jewish Americans. This study understands Zoombombing from a sociopolitical/cultural perspective through news reporting of victimized cases and explores various ways that Zoombombing shapes, mediates, transforms and escalates racism.
Originality/value
This study is one of the very first studies to analyze Zoombombing in a way that builds upon an emerging body of literature on cyberhate. This paper considers Zoom as a space where curious young people, cybercriminals, extremists and hackers impose their ideologies and beliefs upon newly established online learning and working environments and engage in a struggle for identity recognition in the midst of increasingly accessible vulnerable software and cyberspace.
... New forms of communication, especially, social media, have transformed the nature and formation of social network links. Recent studies (Burris et al., 2000;Tateo, 2005) highlight the increasing role of the Internet in this regard. Indeed, as Caiani et al. (2012, p.57) note: "frames, as well as norms and values, are diffused through 'acts of communication,' and the Internet is among the strongest communication tools available today." ...
During the past few years, Georgia has witnessed an increased visibility of extreme right groups. On many occasions, these groups managed to bring exclusion-oriented issues to the agenda and at occupying public space, thus restricting opportunities for liberal groups and human rights activists. Even though the recent proliferation of extreme right groups has led to growing concern among political circles and civil society, these groups have not been researched in depth. To fill in this gap in literature, this thesis aims to understand how extreme right groups in Georgia mobilize. The thesis rests on social movement theory, according to which political opportunities and organizational resources influence the way movements frame their views and take action. This thesis demonstrates that, overall, extreme right mobilization opportunities in Georgia are limited. Yet, while the legal system of the country restricts extreme right mobilization and the political space only offers narrow opportunities to participate, the public opinion generally supports exclusion-focused policies. The fact that Georgian extreme right groups have limited organizational resources confines their ability to meet this public demand effectively. Yet, they try to capitalize on the insecurities prevalent in the society, adapting their strategies, frames, and actions accordingly.
... Second, the trend of combining both structural and semantic approaches to examine public engagement in contexts such as activism, political participation, and social causes was evident in the network of public discourse cluster (e.g., Kaiser, 2017). It also presents opportunities for bridging between areas of research as nodes belonging to the clusters of public discussion and flow network (e.g., Benkler et al., 2015) and group, organizational, and public communication network (e.g., Tateo, 2005) spread to other clusters. Together, this suggests the narrow OSN research has converged, theoretically and methodologically. ...
Online social networks (OSNs), comprised of varying types of relations among actors that interact through social technologies, are widespread in today's media environment. However, questions remain whether we are moving towards convergence within the sub-disciplines of communication and with other disciplines in OSN research. This article pursues two interrelated goals. First, it performs a bibliometric analysis of existing scholarship on OSNs in the past 20 years, highlighting both the convergence and divergence of inquiry on OSNs in computer-mediated communication (CMC) research. Second, based on the results of the bibliometric analysis, it articulates an agenda for future CMC research. Specifically, we advocate for a social network approach that will bridge various theoretical frameworks and disciplinary/sub-disciplinary boundaries, for employing the communication network taxonomy, for greater effort to integrate traditional and computational approaches within and beyond social network analysis, and for addressing a greater diversity of institutional contexts.
... European national-populist movements have become very skilful at using social media to spread their ideologies nationally (Ekman, 2014;Koster and Houtmann, 2008;Tateo, 2005) and transnationally (Caiani and Kröll, 2015;Caiani and Wagermann, 2009;Doerr, 2017). Social media matches the populist discursive and stylistic repertoire that simplifies, dramatises and emotionalises political discussion (Brubaker, 2017b). ...
In our article, we investigate the affective economy of national-populist image circulation on Facebook. This is highly relevant, since social media has been an essential area for the spread of national-populist ideology. In our research, we analyse image circulation as affective practice, combining qualitative and quantitative methods. We use computational data analysis methods to examine visual big data: image fingerprints and reverse image search engines to track down the routes of thousands of circulated images as well as make discourse-historical analysis on the images that have gained most attention among supporters. Our research demonstrates that these existing tools allow social science research to make theory-solid approaches to understand the role of image circulation in creating and sustaining national and transnational networks on social media, and show how national-populist thinking is spread through images that catalyse and mobilise affects – fear, anger and resentment – thus creating an effective affective economy.
... In addition, the European and North American social and political scenes have seen the rise of groups which locate themselves in the ideological area of the far right, as well as the spread of episodes of political violence associated with the extreme right. [3] Given this increasing interconnectedness between groups and individuals, processes of radicalization and dissemination have changed. [4] The dissemination of propaganda is becoming exceedingly easy, which can impact the beliefs and actions of individuals and groups. ...
This article argues that social network analyses of the online communications and structures of right-wing extremist groups can allow researchers to obtain otherwise hard-to-get insights into the ideology, rhetoric, and behaviour of groups. This is illustrated through a study of Facebook-based relations between members of the Soldiers of Odin in Canada, Finland, and Sweden in early 2017. The authors argue that these communications demonstrate the presence of close coordination between the Canadian and Finnish branches of the Soldiers of Odin, suggesting ideological conformity. The authors further demonstrate the presence of a pre-existing divide between the Québec and rest of Canada chapters of the Soldiers of Odin, which contributes to explaining the April-May 2017 schism of the movement. The authors conclude by advocating increased attention to online networks for the study of extremist groups.
... Although hyperlinks between websites or accounts do not mirror real relations between these groups, previous studies on right-wing online radicalism confirm that they can be apprehended as indicators of 'closeness, traces of communication, instruments for reciprocal help in attaining public attention' (Burris et al. 2000: 215;Caiani et al. 2012). In this sense, weblinks represent interactions in 'an area of virtual activity and of social exchange between right-wing groups which use the Internet as an additional channel in order to construct their common identity' (Tateo 2005). By focusing on the case of white supremacist blogs, Burris et al. show (2000) that the white supremacist movement online is a cybercommunity including similar organizations in different countries sharing some core issues (such as Holocaust denial) and not others (Christian Identity theology). ...
While an increasing number of contributions address transnationalism in far right politics, few investigations of the actors and discourses favored in transnational exchanges exist on social media, considered a perfect habitat for radicalization. Building on the literature on the far right, social movements, transnationalism and the Internet, we address this gap by studying the initiators and the issues that are favored in online exchanges between audiences of far right political parties and movements across France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. We use a new dataset on the activities of far right Twitter users that is analyzed through a novel mixed methods approach. We use social network analysis to detect transnational links between organizations across countries based on retweets from audiences of far right Twitter users. Retweets are qualitatively coded for content and compared to the content retweeted within national communities. Finally, using a logistic regression, we quantify the level to which specific issues and initiators enjoy high levels of attention across borders. Subsequently we use discourse analysis to qualitatively reconstruct the interpretative frames accompanying these patterns. We find little evidence of a “dark international” on social media across Western Europe. Only a few issues (anti-immigration and nativist interpretations of the economy) garner transnational audiences on Twitter. Additionally, we demonstrate that more than movements, political parties play a prominent role in the construction of a transnational far right discourse. Keywords: Far right, transnationalism, Twitter, issue attention, movements, social network analysis
... The next main category found on comments on Malaysian YouTube videos is racial attack. Racism has also been a major subject of concern of the scholars in many online discussion forums since the existence of social media sites up in recent years (Harrison et al., 2010;Meyers, 2004;Tateo, 2005;Teo, 2000). Racial comments are commonly found everywhere on the internet simply because of the fact that every one of us who invest energy online are as of now formed by the routes in which race matters offline, and we can't resist the urge to bring our own insight, encounters, and values with us when we sign on (Kolko et al., 2000). ...
Flaming refers to the use of offensive language such as swearing, insulting and providing hateful comments through an online medium. In this study, the act of flaming will be explored in the context of social media, particularly YouTube. The research aims to discover the types of comments that are found on Malaysian themed YouTube videos and classify them accordingly. The Uses and Gratification theory was used as a base to explain the satisfaction obtained through YouTube as a platform to express via comments; hence obtain satisfaction through negativity. The methodology employed to carry out the study was through a content analysis. One video from the top 5 YouTube category namely entertainment, film and animation, news and politics, comedy and people and blogs were chosen with at least 100,000 views and a minimum of 100 comments. Top 100 flames were then sorted out for each video and analyzed using the thematic analysis approach. The results of this study show that the two most frequent types of comments found on Malaysian videos are political attack and racial attack. Other subcategories that are also driving the two categories mentioned above are stereotypes, speculation, comparison, degrading comments, slander/defame, sedition, sarcasm, threaten, challenge, criticism, name-calling, and sexual harassments. Through this study, the severity of the issue of flaming on account of YouTube comments has been identified; enabling the concerning party to take proper action including the use of artificial intelligence against cyber-bullying. © 2017, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Press. All rights reserved.
... Indeed, we argued that frames, as well as norms and values are diffused through 'acts of communication', and the Internet is among the strongest communication tools available today (Burris et al. 2000;Tateo 2005). First of all, as it has emerged from our data concerning the social network map and analysis, our research confirms that extreme right organizations (also in Central and Eastern Europe, as it has been stressed for the West, Caiani and Parenti 2013) are aware of the advantages of the Internet and skilfully use the Web to connect each other, giving birth to a dense net of ties among them (Bowman-Grieve 2009, 1003). ...
This chapter addresses the relationship between the use of new media and European democracy and legitimacy, examining the networks of contacts that several types of (Eurosceptic) extreme right groups create online in two Eastern European countries, as well as the anti-European discourses that these radical actors diffuse (offline and online) through these networks. How important is Europe and European integration in comparison with other topics in the political discourse of extreme right organisations? To which specific issue does Europe refer? What are the solutions suggested against European integration? Who are the ‘us’ and the ‘them’ according to right-wing extremists in relation to Europe?
... Himelboim, McCreery, & Smith, 2013;Kim, 2012;Tateo, 2005;Tremayne, Zheng, Lee, & Jeong, 2006).Our study contributes to the ongoing challenge of combining content and network analysis. From a methodological perspective, we develop and test an explorative approach, which allows for an insight into the semantic dimensions of hyperlinked networks. ...
We propose a methodological approach to analyze the content of hyperlink networks which represent networked public spheres on the Internet. Using the case of the food safety movement in the United States, we demonstrate how to generate a hyperlink network with the web crawling tool Issue Crawler and merge it with the results of a probabilistic topic model of the network’s content. Combining hyperlink networks and content analysis allows us to interpret such a network in its entirety and with regard to the mobilizing potentials of specific sub-issues of the movement. We focus on two specific sub-issues in the food safety network, genetically modified food and food control, in order to trace the involved websites and their interlinking structures, respectively.
... In the last fifteen years, a handful of scholars have investigated the international scope of online hatred, measuring the hyperlinks posted within and between far-right websites (e.g., Adam and Roscigno, 2005;Burris et al., 2000;Caiani and Wagemann, 2009;Gerstenfeld et al., 2003;O'Callaghan et al., 2013;Tateo, 2005;Zuev, 2010). Despite this growing enterprise of research, more work needs to be done -from a social networks perspective, that is -on the international scope of this web of hate, as we still know very little about the global connectivity patterns of hate groups online. ...
Our goal in this chapter is to review the current “state of the art” with respect to conceptualizing, researching, and responding to hate crime. It seeks to lay out areas that are by now widely addressed, those that represent recent developments, and those that remain underdeveloped. We reflect on what we do and don’t know, and to encourage our colleagues to maintain the forward momentum we have initiated by taking up those questions and issues still in need of deeper exploration.
Stormfront, het grootste rechts-extremistische internetforum in het Nederlandse taalgebied, fungeert als een virtueel toevluchtsoord. Gedeelde ervaringen van sociale uitsluiting door een samenleving waarin individuele vrijheid en tolerantie hoog in het vaandel staan, vormen volgens Willem de Koster en Dick Houtman de drijvende kracht achter rechts-extremistische virtuele gemeenschapsvorming op Stormfront.
This chapter empirically examines the multimodal discourses of far-right groups on social media like Telegram, Instagram, and Twitter. For example, many fringe groups find Telegram a convenient platform to spread hate speech without the need to censor their content or fear being blocked from the platform. This study collected all the posts from 15 far-right Telegram channels. The data were analyzed using a mixed-method approach, including an examination of profile images, hashtags, mentions, and emojis that have been weaponized to assist in hate dissemination. The findings show that one major theme on Telegram revolves around white peoples’ perceived grievances and discussions on conservatism followed by the minorities as the problem. This chapter also discusses another far-right community, Kekistani, that is active on other social media sites like Instagram and Twitter. This online community uses highly divisive language in promoting white supremacy through targeted memes.
In recent years conspiracy theories have become increasingly “normalised, institutionalised and commercialized”, penetrating mainstream discourses and popular culture. This trend has fostered growing interest among scholars in examining how conspiracy theories function in legacy and new media. To this end, content analyses have become a highly relevant research method to systematically examine the communication patterns of conspiracy theories. Focusing on digital media, this chapter discusses the application of content analyses to research conspiracy theories.
Der vorliegende Beitrag beleuchtet die Wachstumsdynamiken und Inhalte von insgesamt 67 Telegram-Chatgruppen, die auf Initiative der sogenannten ‚Identitären Bewegung‘ im Zeitraum von August bis November 2019 gegründet wurden. Dabei wurden die Daten und Chatverläufe von 2.000 bis 4.000 Gruppenmitgliedern erfasst und ausgewertet. Die Gruppengründung geht mit einem enormen Vernetzungspotenzial einher, das weit über den digitalen Raum hinausgeht. Obwohl der Anteil der aktiven Gruppenmitglieder stark schwankt, führte der Aufruf zur Gründung einer Chatgruppe in etwa 30 Prozent der Fälle zu einem persönlichen Treffen der Mitglieder innerhalb von drei Monaten ab Gründung. Mit einem Text-Mining-basierten Topic Modelling konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass in den Chatgruppen vorrangig gefühlte Bedrohungen, wie vermeintlich gewalttätige Migrant:innen, und ‚grüne‘ Themen, wie Maßnahmen zum Klimaschutz, aber auch die Partei B90/Die Grünen als Feindbilder konstruiert werden. Dem werden Narrative wie Unterstützung in der Chatgruppe, Zusammenhalt und Vertrauen als Ideale gegenübergestellt, sodass sich basierend auf den Themen eine starke ideologische und emotionale Polarisierung durch die Chatinhalte vermuten lässt. Dies konnte im Rahmen einer Sentiment-Analyse bestätigt werden: Die prägenden Emotionen in den Chatverläufen sind Trauer und Angst (negative emotionale Valenz) sowie Vertrauen (positive emotionale Valenz). Interessant ist auch, wie der antisemitische Anschlag von Halle am 9. Oktober 2019 von den Gruppenmitgliedern aufgenommen wird. Die maßgeblichen Emotionen sind hier vor allem Wut und Ekel. Auch wenn auf dieser Basis keine Kausalzusammenhänge belegt werden können, liefern die Daten starke Argumente dafür, dass derartige Chatgruppen menschenfeindliche Einstellungen und Narrative reproduzieren, multiplizieren und über die stattfindende Polarisierung die weiterführende Radikalisierung ihrer Mitglieder begünstigen.
The authors address the role played by digital media in developing an ideological and iden-titarian discourse characterized by fear and moral panic about Others across Europe. In "Online social media and the construction of sexual moral panic around migrants in Eu-rope", they begin with analysing the securitization devices introduced in many countries of the EU and their work along specific gendered, sexual, and racialised lines. The article examines the role of digital media in amplifying the "sexual moral panic" about migration. Taking Italy and Germany as case studies-sites, we argue that digital media have strongly contributed to the dissemination and escalation of fears of invasion and of dangerous sex-ualities framed by constructions of race and gender. Their contribution unveils the ways in which colonialist and racist legacies that are historically sedimented in both Italy and Germany get reorganised "online" (i.e. through social media). These, in turn, produce a very specific post-colonial dimension reinforcing widespread hatred of the Other and new processes of racialisation, which include, among others, gender stereotyping.
Dieser Beitrag zeichnet die historische Entwicklung der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit Rassismus im Internet nach und betrachtet verschiedene Forschungsfragen und Perspektiven der soziologischen, politikwissenschaftlichen und kulturwissenschaftlichen Internetforschung im Vergleich. Insbesondere der Umstand, dass bis in die Gegenwart primär auf klassische Rassismustheorien zurückgegriffen wird und Perspektiven der Critical Whiteness Studies nur wenig Beachtung finden, wird in diesem Beitrag kritisch diskutiert. Darüber hinaus nimmt der Beitrag neueste interdisziplinäre Ansätze der Forschung auf und verdeutlicht die Potenziale der Zusammenarbeit zwischen technischen und sozial- wie geisteswissenschaftlichen Fachdisziplinen.
When debates about Islam acquire importance in the public sphere, does the far right adhere to traditional racist arguments, risking marginalization, or does it conform to mainstream values to attain legitimacy in the political system? Focusing on the aftermath of the 2015 terrorist attacks in France, I explore the framing of Islam, discussing how the far right’s nativist arguments were reformulated to engage with available discursive opportunities and dominant conceptions of the national identity. By looking at actors in the protest and the electoral arenas, I examine the interplay between the choice of anti-Islam frames and baseline national values.
I offer a novel mixed-method approach to study political discourses, combining social network analysis of the links between seventy-seven far-right websites with a qualitative frame analysis of online material. It also includes measures of online visibility of these websites to assess their audiences. The results confirm that anti-Islam frames are couched along a spectrum of discursive opportunity, where actors can either opt to justify opposition to Islam based on interpretations of core national values (culture and religion) or mobilize on strictly oppositional values (biological racism). The framing strategy providing most online visibility is based on neo-racist arguments. While this strategy allows distortion of baseline national values of secularity and republicanism, without breaching the social contract, it is also a danger for organizations that made “opposition to the system” their trademark. While the results owe much to the French context, the conclusions draw broader implications as to the far right going mainstream.
This chapter examines the anti-Islamic mobilization of activists on Facebook by analyzing the ideas and sentiments expressed in 298 groups, containing approximately five million members from 182 countries for a short period in 2016. Two patterns emerge. First, and contrary to expectations, many anti-Islamic activists express views aligned with the official, semi-liberal platform. This suggests that the anti-Islamic, organizational expansion has also expanded the pool for far-right recruitment. Second, messages that convey hope and trust in themselves, their cause and their leaders increases both internal mobilization and the spread of their message. There are also indications that angry messages may increase mobilization, but play a less important role. The angriest messages are about Muslims, whereas joyful messages often rely on Christian themes combined with progressive and liberal positions such as gay rights. This indicates the fusing of liberal-traditional positions under the umbrella of anti-Islam, previously documented in the leaders’ framing. Nonetheless, the movement is beset by tensions. A sizeable minority appear to express anti-democratic and racist views at odds with the official platform. It is an open question whether these extremists or the current leadership and moderate activists will dominate the anti-Islamic movement in the long run.
The far right has undergone two parallel changes since the turn of the millennium: the shift to the web; and the increased focus on Islam and Muslims. This chapter takes both of these shifts into account, using network analysis to trace anti-Islamic organizations’ Facebook ties in March 2015 and 2016. It shows that PEGIDA and the English Defence League are part of a transnational and growing network with over a thousand anti-Islamic groups online in places such as India, Myanmar, and the U.S. as well as in all Western European countries. Their network reflects their ideological positions. Anti-Islamic groups have ties to communities across the traditional left-right divide, such as Christian conservatives, Israeli and pro-Israeli groups as well as groups focusing on animal rights, women’s rights and LGBT rights. The ideological position and organizational ties of anti-Islamic groups represent a qualitative break with the traditional extreme right. However, the refugee crisis in 2015 has coincided with a stronger presence of the anti-Semitic and homophobic Eastern European extreme right. This has made the distinction between the anti-Islamic far right and the older extreme right fuzzier, possibly reversing the previous trajectory.
This thesis is about the anti-Islamic turn and expansion of the far right in Europe and beyond between 2001 and 2017. The anti-Islamic far right has undergone four waves of expansion in this period, driven by terror attacks and other moral shocks. Their leaders and ideologues have varied backgrounds ranging from far-left to far-right before joining the anti-Islamic cause. The anti-Islamic expansion of the far right builds on an ideological duality. Whereas their hostility toward Muslims and defense of traditions continues the legacy the older far right, the simultaneous inclusion of modern gender norms and other liberal positions are historically at odds with the far right. Their online, organizational networks mirror the strategic ambiguity present in their ideology. They connect with Christian conservative and pro-Israeli groups as well as LGBT, women’s rights and animal right groups. Many of their members express views in line with this duality. Based on these findings, this thesis indicates that anti-Islamic initiatives in Europe and beyond comprise a transnational movement and subculture characterized by a semi-liberal equilibrium. The anti-Islamic turn and expansion is thus also a liberal turn and expansion. Rather than being interchangeable and inconsequential, the anti-Islamic expansion of the far right demonstrates who the enemy is matters.
The semi-liberal equilibrium is challenged by three factors: (1) the expansion of their network into Eastern Europe with the inclusion of traditional extreme right groups; (2) the presence of extreme activists harboring anti-democratic, racist and anti-Semitic views; and (3) the belief that Western civilization is facing impending doom at the hands of Islam and those who practice it. The equilibrium is therefore fragile.
Does social media lead vulnerable individuals to resort to violence? Many people believe it
does. And they respond with online censorship, surveillance and counter-speech. But what
do we really know about the Internet as a cause, and what do we know about the impact
of these reactions? All over the world, governments and Internet companies are making
decisions on the basis of assumptions about the causes and remedies to violent attacks. The
challenge is to have analysis and responses firmly grounded. The need is for a policy that is
constructed on the basis of facts and evidence, and not founded on hunches – or driven by
panic and fearmongering.
It is in this context that UNESCO has commissioned the study titled Youth and Violent
Extremism on Social Media – Mapping the Research. This work provides a global mapping
of research (mainly during 2012-16) about the assumed roles played by social media in
violent radicalization processes, especially when they affect youth and women. The research
responds to the belief that the Internet at large is an active vector for violent radicalization
that facilitates the proliferation of violent extremist ideologies. Indeed, much research
shows that protagonists are indeed heavily spread throughout the Internet. There is a
growing body of knowledge about how terrorists use cyberspace. Less clear, however, is
the impact of this use, and even more opaque is the extent to which counter measures are
helping to promote peaceful alternatives. While Internet may play a facilitating role, it is not
established that there is a causative link between it and radicalization towards extremism,
violent radicalization, or the commission of actual acts of extremist violence.
In the digital age, the Internet is an important factor in the emergence and success of political parties and social movements. Despite growing evidence that extremists of all stripes use the virtual world for their purposes, research on this topic still lacks a wide array of empirical data, case studies, and theoretical background. In particular, Facebook, as the most important social networking site, is a new tool for political parties and movements to mobilize followers. The article explores how the extreme-right party Jobbik uses this tool more successfully than other Hungarian parties or Western European extreme-right parties. Comparing the growth in followers highlights this success, and a look at how it generates likes helps to explain it. The article argues that Jobbik uses Facebook in a sophisticated way and suggests that this “likable” attitude helps to attract young and first-time voters.
With the help of social network analysis and digital methods, we examine the virtual communities of the extreme right in six Western Democracies and we relate them to their frames of opposition to Europe. All extreme right organizations with an online presence are mapped and the structural characteristics of their relations are illustrated. Thus, we analyse the anti- and pro-European discourses transmitted online by these organizations, focusing on key recurring European topics: What is the Europe ‘desired’ and the Europe ‘criticized’ online by right-wing extremist organizations? Illustrating similarities and differences in the strategic framing of the EU by extreme right organizations in the different countries, we find that variations across countries in terms of the development of a common anti- and pro-European discourse are mainly related to differences in the ‘communicational infrastructures’ built in the online world by these groups.
The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
This book analyses the actions, networks and frames of right wing extremism. If research on extreme right political parties is growing, the extreme right has however only very rarely been studied as a social movement. To fill this gap, this volume compares the extreme right in Italy, Germany and the United States using some main concepts and methods developed in social movement studies. In particular, it describes the discourse, repertoires and organizational structures of the extreme right, and explains it on the basis of the discoursive and political opportunities and resources available to them. A combination of empirical methods is used in order to collect and analyse data on the extreme right organizations. The frame analysis looks at the cognitive mechanisms that are relevant in influencing organizational and individual behaviour. The network analysis looks at the (inter-) organizational structural characteristics of the right-wing organizations. Finally, the protest event analysis allows for an empirical summary of the actions undertaken by right-wing extremists over the last decade. The substantive chapters address the organizational structure of the extreme right, the action repertoires of the extreme right as well as the framing concerning, respectively, the definition of the 'us', the struggle against modernity, old and new forms of racism, opposition to globalization and populism. Finally, in the conclusions, the authors reflect on the contributions that social movement studies give to the understanding of the phenomenon, as well as, vice-versa, how research on the extreme rights could contribute to the theorization on social movements' dynamics. © Manuela Caiani, Donatella della Porta, and Claudius Wagemann 2012.
This article investigates the potential role of the Internet for Spanish extremist right-wing organizations for their contacts (at the national as well as at the international level), the promotion of a collective identity and their mobilization. To address this issue, it employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative research techniques. A social network analysis, based on online links between about 90 Spanish extreme right organizations, aims to investigate the organizational (online) structure of the right-wing Spanish milieu, and a content analysis of right wing web sites to grasp the degree and forms of their Internet's usage for various goals. The analysis focuses on different types of Spanish extreme right organizations (from political parties to skinhead and cultural groups). The results are interpreted against the off line political and cultural setting of opportunities and constraints offered by the country.
This chapter is intended to address, from a theoretical point of view, the complex relationship between the Internet, processes of radicalization and indi- vidual trajectories towards terrorism. After introducing current debates and pro- viding a critical overview of the growing body of literature available on this topic, I will turn to a closer examination of the current pitfalls in the field that need to be overcome if we truly aim to shed light on the Internet’s significance in regard to radicalization processes and pathways towards clandestine political violence. A comprehensive understanding of radicalization phenomena must surely take into consideration how virtual environments impact— or not —the emergence of socializing settings and practices through which people come to adopt belief systems and cognitive frames that embrace political violence as a legitimate avenue of action and that might, in certain conditions, lead them to actively engage in some form of “terrorist career.” Accordingly, the next section in this chapter will discuss the need to recast our conceptualization of radicalization in order to better integrate the role of online settings that can expose individuals to a wide range of radicalizing influences. Drawing on Situational Action Theory (SAT), this chapter will demonstrate the importance of focusing on the relational setting—the radical sociability—through which some individuals come to acquire a propensity to perceive involvement in terrorism-related activities as a legitimate action alternative. At the same time, I assert that it is equally important to examine online and offline life-spheres in which people are embedded, as they simultaneously contribute to shape the development of cognitive configurations supporting political violence. In sum, my approach attempts to grasp the impact that both online and offline life-spheres can have on behavioral outcomes and pathways towards terrorism, neglecting neither the importance of real world interactions nor the influence of cyberspace dynamics.
In this paper we use methods of social network analysis to examine the interorganizational structure of the white supremacist movement. Treating links between Internet websites as ties of affinity, communication, or potential coordination, we investigate the structural properties of connections among white supremacist groups. White supremacism appears to be a relatively decentralized movement with multiple centers of influence, but without sharp cleavages between factions. Interorganizational links are stronger among groups with a special interest in mutual affirmation of their intellectual legitimacy (Holocaust revisionists) or cultural identity (racist skinheads) and weaker among groups that compete for members (political parties) or customers (commercial enterprises). The network is relatively isolated from both mainstream conservatives and other extremist groups. Christian Identity theology appears ineffective as a unifying creed of the movement, while Nazi sympathies are pervasive. Recruitme...
We often forget that computer networks are put in place to support human networks -- person-to-person exchanges of information, knowledge, ideas, opinions, insights, and advice. This article looks at a technology that was developed to map and measure human networks "social network analysis" and applies some of its principles and algorithms to designing computer networks. And as we see more peer-to-peer (P2P) models of computer-based networks, the P2P metrics in human network analysis become even more useful.
The article examines the links between humour and hatred - a topic that is often ignored by researchers of prejudice. The article studies three websites that present racist humour and display sympathies with the Ku Klux Klan. The analysis emphasizes the importance of examining the `metadiscourse', which presents and justifies the humour, as much as studying the nature of the humour itself. The meta-discourse of the sites' disclaimers is studied in relation to the justification of a joke being `just a joke'. It is shown that the extreme racist humour of the KKK is not just a joke, even in terms of its own meta-discourse of presentation. The meta-discourse also suggests that the extreme language of racist hatred is indicated a matter for enjoyment. The sites portray the imagining of extreme racist violence as a matter of humour and the ambivalence of their disclaimers is discussed. As such, it is suggested that there are integral links between extreme hatred and dehumanizing, violent humour.
New World Wide Web (web) mapping techniques may inform and ultimately facilitate meaningful participation in current science and technology debates. The technique described here "landscapes" a debate by displaying key "webby" relationships between organizations. "Debate-scaping" plots two organizational positionings—the organizations' inter-hyperlinking as well as their discursive affinities. The underlying claim is that hyperlinking and discursive maps provide a semblance of given socio-epistemic networks on the web. The climate change debate on the web in November 1998 serves as a test case. Three findings are reported. First, distinctive .com, .gov and .org linking styles were found. Second, organizations take care in making hyperlinks, leading to the premise that the hyperlinks (and the "missing links") reveal which issue and debate framings organizations acknowledge, and find acceptable and unacceptable. Finally, it was learned that organizations take substantive positions and address other organizations' positions. Thus, we found the makings of a "debate" that may be mapped. Scenarios of use to support new public participation techniques and experiments are discussed by way of conclusion.
With current developments in enzyme-catalyzed reactions and techniques available for rational redesign of natural biocatalysts,
the enzymatic biosynthesis can become one of the most valuable synthetic methods. Enzymatic regioselective catalysis in organic
media has played a key role in pursuing asymmetric synthesis for active chiral compounds. Here, we shortly describe some historical
issues of the rapidly growing area, enzymatic catalysis in synthetic organic chemistry and then review researches that have
been carried out in the regioselective enzymatic catalysis for the past two decades. An application of this technology to
the modification of some potential target drug compound will be also presented.
https://sites.google.com/site/ucinetsoftware/
This paper identifies hyperlink network analysis (HNA) as a newly emerging methodology. It suggests that social (or communication) structures on the web may be analyzed based on the hyperlinks among websites. Hyperlink network analysis has advantages in describing emerging structures among social actors on the web. In order to examine what constitutes hyperlink network analysis, this paper reviews prior research on the topic. Further, it describes the data-gathering techniques for those interested in hyperlink network analysis.
Holocaust denial has been a prevalent way for the expression of antisemitism since the 1970s, though it remained confined to fringe ways of distribution. As soon as elctronic Buletin Board Systems appeared, hate speech was provide d through them. As soon as the first Usenet discussion groups appeared Holocaust denial jumped in that wagon. The Web saw an explosion of Holocaust denial web sites. This articles tells the story of who and how Holocaust denial was spread on the internet, before the coming of Social Networks, and what has been tried against this propaganda and what should be done. Full text is available at: http://phdn.org/negation/negainter/
The intuitive background for measures of structural centrality in social networks is reviewed and existing measures are evaluated in terms of their consistency with intuitions and their interpretability.
I show that the World Wide Web is a small world, in the sense that sites are highly clustered yet the path length between them is small. I also demonstrate the advantages of a search engine which;makes use of the fact that pages corresponding to a particular search query can form small world networks, In a further application, the search engine uses the small-worldness of its search results to measure the connectedness between communities on the Web.
Past examinations of differential recruitment to and the differential growth of social movements have typically sought explanation at a social psychological/motivational level of analysis. That focus has recently been called into question by scholars concerned with the process through which movement organizations expand their ranks and mobilize support for their causes. Yet, as Useem (1975) and Zald and McCarthy (1979) have noted, there has been little systematic research conducted on the details of the influence process. Drawing on data derived from a synthesis of existing research and two primary sources, this paper attempts to shed greater empirical and theoretical light on the movement recruitment process. The findings indicate that differential recruitment is not merely a function of dispositional susceptibility, but is strongly influenced by structural proximity, availability, and affective interaction with movement members. The findings also indicate that a movement organization's network attributes function as an important determinant of its recruitment strategies and growth.
The intuitive background for measures of structural centrality in social networks is reviewed and existing measures are evaluated in terms of their consistency with intuitions and their interpretability.Three distinct intuitive conceptions of centrality are uncovered and existing measures are refined to embody these conceptions. Three measures are developed for each concept, one absolute and one relative measure of the centrality of positions in a network, and one reflecting the degree of centralization of the entire network. The implications of these measures for the experimental study of small groups is examined.
We have recently witnessed the growth of hyperlink studies in the field of Internet research. Although investigations have been conducted across many disciplines and topics, their approaches can be largely divided into hyperlink network analysis (HNA) and Webometrics. This article is an extensive review of the two analytical methods, and a reflection on their application. HNA casts hyperlinks between Web sites (or Web pages) as social and communicational ties, applying standard techniques from Social Networks Analysis to this new data source. Webometrics has tended to apply much simpler techniques combined with a more in-depth investigation into the validity of hypotheses about possible interpretations of the results. We conclude that hyperlinks are a highly promising but problematic new source of data that can be mined for previously hidden patterns of information, although much care must be taken in the collection of raw data and in the interpretation of the results. In particular, link creation is an unregulated phenomenon and so it would not be sensible to assume that the meaning of hyperlinks in any given context is evident, without a systematic study of the context of link creation, and of the relationship between link counts, among other measurements. Social Networks Analysis tools and techniques form an excellent resource for hyperlink analysis, but should only be used in conjunction with improved techniques for data collection, validation and interpretation.
This article details a set of procedures for the analysis and interpretation of the content and structure of online networks and communities. These novel methods allow for the analysis of online chat, including parsing the data into separate and interrelated files to determine individual, group and organizational patterns. An illustrative example of an educational online community in Active Worlds Educational Universe (AWEDU) is provided that uses three-dimensional virtual worlds for student interaction. Findings from semantic network analysis procedures reveal elements of the online interaction that would otherwise be difficult to extract given the great amount of textual data produced in such communities. The case study allows for qualitative and quantitative analyses. The limitations of the procedures are discussed along with planned developments and their social implications.
This workbook will be invaluable for students across the social sciences who need to learn how to analyze discourse. Using a step-by-step approach, students are introduced to the principal range of methods for analyzing different types of text, taken through key analytic concepts, offered specimen analyses and given the opportunity to try out analytic concepts on new data. Discourse as Data is organized around eight chapters, six of which are related to the domains covered in the Reader, and top and tailed by two chapters which set up common methodological issues in discourse research relevant to all approaches (such as transcription and the application and the critical evaluation of discourse research). Though the text will be a perfect companion to the simultaneously published Reader, its broad coverage, combined with didactic, practical guidance should make this important reading for any student or researcher wishing to learn more about discourse analysis. This book will be ideal as a teaching tool, and an invaluable aid on discourse analysis courses, which have a practical content, most notably within the fields of psychology, cultural and media studies, sociology and linguistics.
Are Americans less prejudiced now than they were thirty years ago, or has racism simply gone "underground"? Is racism something we learn as children, or is it a result of certain social groups striving to maintain their privileged positions in society? In Racialized Politics, political scientists, sociologists, and psychologists explore the current debate surrounding the sources of racism in America. Published here for the first time, the essays represent three major approaches to the topic. The social psychological approach maintains that prejudice socialized early in life feeds racial stereotypes, while the social structural viewpoint argues that behavior is shaped by whites' fear of losing their privileged status. The third perspective looks to non-racially inspired ideology, including attitudes about the size and role of government, as the reason for opposition to policies such as affirmative action. Timely and important, this collection provides a state-of-the-field assessment of the current issues and findings on the role of racism in mass politics and public opinion. Contributors are Lawrence Bobo, Gretchen C. Crosby, Michael C. Dawson, Christopher Federico, P. J. Henry, John J. Hetts, Jennifer L. Hochschild, William G. Howell, Michael Hughes, Donald R. Kinder, Rick Kosterman, Tali Mendelberg, Thomas F. Pettigrew, Howard Schuman, David O. Sears, James Sidanius, Pam Singh, Paul M. Sniderman, Marylee C. Taylor, and Steven A. Tuch.
Computer networks are inherently social networks, linking people, organizations, and knowledge. They are social institutions
that should not be studied in isolation but as integrated into everyday lives. The proliferation of computer networks has
facilitated a deemphasis on group solidarities at work and in the community and afforded a turn to networked societies that
are loosely bounded and sparsely knit. The Internet increases people's social capital, increasing contact with friends and
relatives who live nearby and far away. New tools must be developed to help people navigate and find knowledge in complex,
fragmented, networked societies.
I show that the World Wide Web is a small world, in the sense that sites are highly clustered yet the path length between them is small. I also demonstrate the advantages of a search engine which makes use of the fact that pages corresponding to a particular search query can form small world networks. In a further application, the search engine uses the small-worldness of its search results to measure the connectedness between communities on the Web.
The small world Web from http://www.hpl.hp.com/shl/papers/smallworld/smallworldpaper
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