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Portable Roots: Latin New Yorker Community Building and the Meanings of Women's Return Migration in San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1960-2000
Abstract
This article examines the life histories of women return migrants to Puerto Rico. It emphasizes the cultural aspects of return migration, especially how the narrators understood and expressed their collective identity as distinctive from Puerto Ricans born and raised on the island. These informants turned their life histories into morality fables of class mobility, gender role restriction, and social rejection on the island. These tales asserted their radical differences from both middle class-islanders, whom they had joined, and the working-class diaspora in New York City, from which they had come. The narrators also built an organization which reinforced their "Latin New Yorker" identity, invented on the island.
Over the last decade, there has been increasing interest among geographers in a critical perspective on studies of transportation and mobility, or studies that take into account the power relations within systems of transportation that produce space, place, mobility, and/or identity. This ever-growing body of work includes people who might not consider themselves as transportation geographers per se, but nevertheless are expanding geographies of transportation beyond the traditional focus on vehicles, infrastructure, and economics. In this article, we review such work from three different perspectives: critical studies of professional practice, the interdisciplinary approach of Caribbean Studies, and the work of activists and scholar-activists to connect environmental justice with mobility justice.
This paper assesses the extent to which Puerto Rican migrants are transnational migrants. While it confirms that the vast majority of Puerto Rican migrants in the United States maintain some kind of contact with the island, the overwhelming majority of these crossborder activities, however, do not entail frequent, broad and intense contacts that result in the establishment of “multiple interlocking networks of social relations” that define a transnational social field. There is indeed a small proportion of Puerto Rican migrants who live in a transnational social field, but not enough to accurately characterize the Puerto Rican migration as transnational. Moreover, its transnational social field is fairly weak. In addition, there are even more Puerto Rican migrants who are largely disconnected from the island. The paper therefore distinguishes among types of migrants, and also outlines the factors that establish degrees of cross-border activities among the types. © 2015, Hunter College Center for Puerto Rican Studies. All rights reserved.
In this comprehensive comparative study, Jorge Duany explores how migrants to the United States from Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico maintain multiple ties to their countries of origin. Chronicling these diasporas from the end of World War II to the present, Duany argues that each sending country's relationship to the United States shapes the transnational experience for each migrant group, from legal status and migratory patterns to work activities and the connections migrants retain with their home countries. Blending extensive ethnographic, archival, and survey research, Duany proposes that contemporary migration challenges the traditional concept of the nation-state. Increasing numbers of immigrants and their descendents lead what Duany calls "bifocal" lives, bridging two or more states, markets, languages, and cultures throughout their lives. Even as nations attempt to draw their boundaries more clearly, the ceaseless movement of transnational migrants, Duany argues, requires the rethinking of conventional equations between birthplace and residence, identity and citizenship, borders and boundaries. © 2011 The University of North Carolina Press. All rights reserved.
This essay analyzes the workings of race and ethnicity in the life stories of fifteen New York-born Puerto Ricans who have lived in the San Juan metropolitan area for several decades. I argue that discussions of race and ethnicity played an important symbolic and structural role in these memory accounts. The narrators used such conversations to distinguish themselves from islander Puerto Ricans, to assert their legitimacy as true Puerto Ricans, and to critique the United States. These memories confirmed scholars' observations that Puerto Ricans have historically experienced a homogenizing, oppressive racialization upon emigration to the U.S. Finally, the narratives also expose multiple, changing, emotion-laden meanings of race, particularly of blackness. Ultimately, I argue that the meaning of race not only shifts according to the historical context, but that in narratives spun by New York Puerto Ricans, multiple interpretations of race can exist simultaneously. Thus, these narratives demonstrate that a single interpretive framework for analyzing race, even when carefully contextualized, can offer us only a partial understanding of the complex workings of race for Puerto Ricans.
Based on the example of migration to metropolitan France, this paper highlights the importance of systematising a gender perspective in the study of Caribbean migration. In the French case, the state used representations of gender roles to recruit women and men and direct them initially to particular sections of the labour market. Population census and archival data are combined with migrant histories to demonstrate the consequence of such processes in early employment outcomes. Another aspect of gender relations is in the variety of transnational experiences of women and men migrants, as shown by different forms of attachment to the Caribbean and different factors working towards or against a desire to return permanently. The necessity of gender being taken into account in interaction with other sets of social relations and demographic variables is discussed in an analysis of the position of Caribbean migrants on the metropolitan labour market and of the determinants of return migration.
The question that this book raises is whether and to what extent “transnational” attachments are sustained by the children of immigrants, particularly those born in the U.S. who lack the memories of their immigrant parents and a birth connection to the parental homeland. Where is home--or perhaps homes--for the second generation? Do they imagine themselves in multiple sites of belonging? Are they able to lead dual lives or to maintain dual frames of reference? Are they even interested? Or will they become merely curious visitors to their ancestral lands, incidental genealogists or accidental ethnics, largely indifferent to the transnational possibilities of the present age? After all, no matter how cheap and fast the travel or how advanced the communications technologies, motivated and resourceful actors are still required to avail themselves of those means of attachment and to pursue a meaningful transnational project of "dual lives." As is the case with the maintenance of a second language in the United States, so too may be the fate of transnationality in the "post-immigrant" new second generation: If you don't use it, you lose it. That is an open empirical question, and it is the question addressed here. The chapter is intended chiefly as an empirical contribution to this volume. It aims to do so in two ways. First, it seeks to specify in detail the size and composition—and definition—of what is loosely called the "second generation" in the United States, nationally and in metropolitan areas of principal settlement. And second, it seeks to assess whether attachments (both subjective and objective) to the parental homeland are severed or sustained into early adulthood among children of immigrant parents. A typology and an index of transnational attitudinal and behavioral attachments is developed, measured by subjective and objective indicators (remittances, visits to the homeland, perceptions of "home"). The analysis focuses on factors that either promote or undermine the maintenance of transnational ties over time in that post-immigrant generation.
The anthropologist Oscar Lewis first used the term “culture of poverty” in a 1959 article on Mexico. Within months, the idea that the poor had a distinct culture became part of a passionate, decade-long, worldwide debate about poverty. Scholars, policy makers, and broader publics discussed what caused poverty and how to remedy it. How entrenched were the class and racial differences that led to poverty? How did those differences affect a country's standing in the community of nations? This article tracks the concept of a culture of poverty as a way of probing the reciprocal, if unequal, connections between Mexico and the United States and their relation to national narratives and policy debates. It tracks how Lewis's formulation of a culture of poverty drew on his training as an anthropologist in the United States, his extensive dialogue with Mexican intellectuals, and his fieldwork in Mexico. It also shows how Lewis and others reformulated the notion in response to intense public controversies in Mexico and Puerto Rico; the vehement U.S. discussions surrounding the War on Poverty and Daniel Patrick Moynihan's report on the Negro family, and larger events such as the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. civil rights movement, decolonization, the Vietnam War, and second-wave feminism.
Few people will disagree that arroz con gandules is part of Puerto Rican culture, but few will agree that mangú or rape are also a part of it. Are reggaetón, hip-hop, and punk as much a part of Puerto Rican culture as danza, plena, and jíbaro music? Is boricua culture a selective agglomeration of our collective virtues or does it also include our worst vices? How do we deal with the fact that what looks like a “virtue” to one person can appear as a “vice” to another? The answers to these questions vary greatly as arguments regarding what Puerto Rican culture is have been (and are still) central to the most cohesive discourse of boricua community building, namely, cultural nationalism.
As an overseas possession of the United States, Puerto Rico has been exposed to an intense penetration of American capital, commodities, laws, and customs unequal to other Latin American countries. Yet today Puerto Ricans display a stronger cultural identity than most Caribbean peoples, even those who enjoy political independence. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Puerto Rico presents the apparent incongruity of a stateless nation that has not assimilated into American mainstream culture. Puerto Rico may well be considered a “postcolonial colony” in the sense of a people with a strong sense of national identity but little desire for a nation-state, living in a territory that legally “belongs to but is not part of the United States.”1
Drawing on more than fifteen years of research, Mexican New York offers an intimate view of globalization as it is lived by Mexican immigrants and their children in New York and in Mexico. Robert Courtney Smith's groundbreaking study sheds new light on transnationalism, vividly illustrating how immigrants move back and forth between New York and their home village in Puebla with considerable ease, borrowing from and contributing to both communities as they forge new gender roles; new strategies of social mobility, race, and even adolescence; and new brands of politics and egalitarianism. Smith's deeply informed narrative describes how first-generation men who have lived in New York for decades become important political leaders in their home villages in Mexico. Smith explains how relations between immigrant men and women and their U.S.-born children are renegotiated in the context of migration to New York and temporary return visits to Mexico. He illustrates how U.S.-born youth keep their attachments to Mexico, and how changes in migration and assimilation have combined to transnationalize both U.S.-born adolescents and Mexican gangs between New York and Puebla. Mexican New York profoundly deepens our knowledge of immigration as a social process, convincingly showing how some immigrants live and function in two worlds at the same time and how transnationalization and assimilation are not opposing, but related, phenomena.
For Anglos, the pulsing beats of salsa, merengue, and bolero are a compelling expression of Latino/a culture, but few outsiders comprehend the music's implications in larger social terms. Frances R. Aparicio places this music in context by combining the approaches of musicology and sociology with literary, cultural, Latino, and women's studies. She offers a detailed genealogy of Afro-Caribbean music in Puerto Rico, comparing it to selected Puerto Rican literary texts, then looks both at how Latinos/as in the US have used salsa to reaffirm their cultural identities and how Anglos have eroticized and depoliticized it in their adaptations. Aparicio's detailed examination of lyrics shows how these songs articulate issues of gender, desire, and conflict, and her interviews with Latinas/os reveal how they listen to salsa and the meanings they find in it. What results is a comprehensive view "that deploys both musical and literary texts as equally significant cultural voices in exploring larger questions about the power of discourse, gender relations, intercultural desire, race, ethnicity, and class."
Contrary to popular opinion, increasing numbers of migrants continue to participate in the political, social, and economic lives of their countries of origin even as they put down roots in the United States. The Transnational Villagers offers a detailed, compelling account of how ordinary people keep their feet in two worlds and create communities that span borders. Peggy Levitt explores the powerful familial, religious, and political connections that arise between Miraflores, a town in the Dominican Republic, and Jamaica Plain, a neighborhood in Boston and examines the ways in which these ties transform life in both the home and host country.
The Transnational Villagers is one of only a few books based on in-depth fieldwork in the countries of origin and reception. It provides a moving, detailed account of how transnational migration transforms family and work life, challenges migrants' ideas about race and gender, and alters life for those who stay behind as much, if not more, than for those who migrate. It calls into question conventional thinking about immigration by showing that assimilation and transnational lifestyles are not incompatible. In fact, in this era of increasing economic and political globalization, living transnationally may become the rule rather than the exception.
This study investigated self and social categorization of Puerto Rican returning migrants. A sample of 121 returning migrants ("Nuyoricans") and 121 non-migrant students evaluated adolescents described as raised in the mainland as more agitated, bolder and more independent than those raised in Puerto Rico. In-group favoritism was observed for intelligence and carefulness. The students also evaluated three target adolescents differing in saliency of Nuyorican attributes and presented through photos and audiotapes. It was found that language characteristics and physical appearance were sufficient for categorizing a target as a "Nuyorican". The adolescent salient in Nuyorican attributes received a higher score on rejection than the adolescent low in Nuyorican attributes.
MLN 114.2 (1999) 434-436
Listening to Salsa is a sustained, musicological, interdisciplinary and intercultural study of the history and development of salsa as well as of other related popular musical genres such as the bolero, the plena, the bomba, and the danza. Aiming for a more democratic (read: less heteronormative, misogynist, and racist) popular musical canon, Listening to Salsa is both an "act of love toward the Latina/o culture and people" and a critical "act of war" that rescues from oblivion a truly amazing number of key Latina composers and performers and their oftentimes radical rewritings of the patriarchal imaginary which informs salsa and other popular musical genres (p. xi). Shifting between literary texts that either inform popular musical compositions or are inspired by them (most importantly Rosario Ferré, Ana Lydia Vega and Carmen Lugo Filippi's short stories and Luis Rafael Sánchez's novels La importancia de llamarse Daniel Santos and La guaracha del macho Camacho); musicological analyses of the polyrhythmic and dialogic structure of salsa; feminist critical readings of salsa and bolero lyrics; interviews with salsa fans and sociological interpretations thereof; Aparicio's Listening to Salsa is a major history of salsa music both in the US and in Puerto Rico and will prove to be an invaluable resource for those of us who teach courses in Latin/o American and US popular culture.
Beginning with a discussion of Rosario Ferré's controversial 1975 short story "When Women Love Men" (collected in Papeles de Pandora/The Youngest Doll) in which two women, Isabel Luberza (the white lady) and Isabel la Negra (the black whore), who normally inhabit opposite social and racial poles, are situated side by side, Aparicio shows how the Puerto Rican national imaginary depends on their separation and on the suppression of the black/mulatta woman in favor of a whitened ideal of mestizaje. This dichotomy is also embodied by the history of two major musical genres (the danza as the white lady and the plena as the black/mulatta whore) and underpins much of the discourse of musicology in Puerto Rico since the nineteenth century. Through critical readings of the writings of key essayists such as Manuel Alonso, Antonio S. Pedreira, Amaury Veray, Tomás Blanco, and Salvador Brau, Aparicio shows how the image of the feminized, docile Puerto Rican emerges. Her rescue of major female figures, in this case that of Lola Rodríguez de Tió and her radical "masculine" rewriting of the national hymn "La Borinqueña," serves Aparicio to undermine these foundational texts.
In Part Two "The Plural Sites of Salsa," Aparicio adopts Willie Colón's dictum that salsa is the harmonic sum of all the different Latino cultures in New York City and refuses to ascribe its origins to Cuban music exclusively -- particularly the Cuban son -- as many critics do. Instead, among contributing factors, she lists Rafael Cortijo's innovations in Puerto Rico in the 1950s, Operation Bootstrap and the increased immigration of Puerto Ricans to NYC -- hence the adaptation of the Cuban son to barrio life--, Cuban La Lupe's feminist lyrics and revolutionary performance style, and finally as an unacknowledged result of the Cuban revolution. Given that the embargo on all things Cuban after 1959 created a vacuum and confusion among Latino musicians, she argues that they found themselves having to mix musical forms (including rock n' roll) which ultimately gave rise to salsa. Salsa's growing acceptance among all social levels in Puerto Rico and elsewhere (Aparicio discuses how shocked the upper classes were when they found out that the government had decided to display Puerto Rico in Seville's Expo '92 as "Puerto Rico es salsa" because once again, as in the case of the plena, they viewed the music as lower class and Africanized) is garnered through increasing internationalization and visibility. As her discussion of Orquesta de la Luz shows, salsa is played to great acclaim even by a Japanese...
Mexican immigrants are a recent addition to New York City's enormous and venerable melting pot. Most of New York's Mexicans hail from the Mixteca region of southwestern Mexico. Smith offers an ethnography of Mixtecans from a single sending village, Ticuani. Although the network linkages between New York City and Ticuani are quite powerful, with 84 percent of Ticuanis abroad residing in New York City, Smith is not interested in migrant networks. Rather, Smith has undertaken to document two generations of migrant transnationalism on both sides of the border. By transnationalism Smith means "practices and relationships linking migrants and their children with the home country."(6) Transnationalism became a serious focus of immigration research in the 1980s when anthropologists introduced not only the term, but also the claim, still the literature's main contention, that contemporary immigrants were living simultaneously in home and host county whereas, in the past, immigrants to the United States had broken ties with their home countries and built lives in and around their host countries. The consequence was expected to be retardation of cultural and structural assimilation, possibly for very protracted periods of time.
Ironically, although Smith is addressing transnationalism, a hyper-contemporary phenomenon, the design of his research somewhat resembles The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, which was written by W.I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki back in 1921 (p. 298, n. 10). This is praiseworthy. Like those luminaries of yore, whose example ought to have been more frequently emulated, Smith operates on both sides of the international border, not just on the U.S. side. This bi-national presence enables Smith to evaluate the simultaneous effect of American experience upon the cultural climate of a Mexican village that is still shipping greenhorns to the Big Apple – without losing track of the conventional interest in peasants' adaptation to urban life. However, this international coverage required hard work. Smith's ethnography took 17 years to complete.
Because his field work spanned so many years, Smith was able to track individual second generation youths as they passed from childhood to adolescence. He maintained ties with them throughout, and knew their names and life stories. This is most unusual. His interest in youth opens with the worry, taken from Portes and Rumbaut, that immigrant Mexican youth will assimilate into a hostile underclass culture rather than into the middle-class mainstream. Results only partially support that expectation as some youths fall into the underclass while others steer clear. For those interested in juvenile gangs, Smith's text reproduces the mental life of immigrant youths in rich detail and in two languages. All the Mexican youths employ the term "stepping up" to designate how one maintains face when disrespect is perceived. These youths are status conscious in the original sense: they care about how others rank them.
Gender roles receive close attention as well. Smith demolishes the simplistic expectation that, when transplanted to New York City, Mexican men collapse into a crisis of failed machismo or that Mexican women leap into liberation. Some do, but others do not. No matter which gender ideology they adopt, Mexicans apparently cope with New York rather well. Mental illness is not in Smith's text or index. The Mexicans also cope effectively with return visits to Ticuani where divorce and organized crime are now part of the cultural landscape thanks to the baleful influence of the United States. Few Mexicans abroad mix gender strategies becoming macho today and egalitarian tomorrow. It's one or the other, and the prime justification for embracing gender egalitarianism is still the money it brings. Discussing gender ideologies, Smith introduces the gender relationships of Mexican immigrants of the first and second generation in the Spanish terminologies the immigrants themselves employ. For example, the Mexicans' concept of vergüenza referred to a female's laudatory incapacity for action in the face of badgering men folk.(97-98) Americans who have read Smith's text acquire the capacity to talk to Mexican immigrants about gender in their own vernacular. Survey research does not yield this capacity.
Relations between the generations receive close examination. Smith's novel concept here is the "immigrant bargain." This bargain is the parental generation...
This article examines transnational social fields among returned migrants in Jamaica. Comparing the experience of return to Jamaica by individuals who migrated to England and the United States, I explore how migration dynamics shaped the possibilities and predicaments of life upon return. Despite sharing an identity as ‘returning residents,’ I argue that post-World War II Jamaican migrants in England who returned to Jamaica in the 1990s reestablish themselves in Jamaica by expressing a commitment to the community, such as through involvement with formal returning resident associations, whereas United States returnees continue to travel between Jamaica and the United States. These two very distinct forms of fashioning a return highlight the importance of understanding the dynamic relationship between transnational social fields and return migration and demonstrate the salience of categories such as ‘return’ and ‘traveling’ for understanding the meaning and motivation behind different forms of movement.
This book discusses the differing levels of achievement of the 5 groups in education, business, and politics. It shows how cultural inhibitions and reinforcements have affected school performance, choice of career, recreation patterns, choice of neighborhood, political actions, and attitudes toward other ethnic groups. It recounts the story of each group's adventures in politics and struggle in the marketplace, and reveals the intertwining threads of political and commercial power in the ctiy's history. It makes first use of some significant and hitherto confidential political materials, and draws upon the authors' own labors in promoting the public welfare in New York City and state. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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"This book greatly enhances our understanding of Puerto Ricans by describing their history, and social, and labor experiences in the South, Midwest, and West, as well as New York City. In doing so, it enriches our knowledge about Puerto Ricans across the U.S. in a way that no other book does. Baker effectively highlights how the Puerto Rican experience is different from that of other Hispanic Americans. It is worth noting that the book is one of the first to utilize the results from the 2000 Census." ââ¬âTony Carnes, Chair, Seminar on Contents and Methods in the Social Sciences, Columbia University, and director of the Research Institute for New Americans For too long the study of impoverished Puerto Ricans living in the fifty states has been undermined by the use of broad generalizations. Puerto Ricans have been statistically grouped with all Latinos, studied with models developed for understanding African-American life, and written about as if New York's Puerto Rican community was the only such community worthy of detailed study. This book changes all that. In this important new work, Susan Baker looks beyond the traditional models and rewrites the origins, current state, and reasons behind Puerto Rican poverty. The book tells the story of how Puerto Ricans have left the Rustbelt cities to return to the island or to seek job opportunities elsewhere. Those left behind are predominantly poor women with dependents who live in segregated neighborhoods with little chance of finding low-skilled jobs because of competition from non-citizen, non-politicized workers. In her alternative explanation, the author presents data from across the country and puts forth an explanation that is grounded in Puerto Rican history and sensitive not only to the interconnectedness of the island and mainland population, but also the increasing distress faced by Puerto Rican women and the sad truth that Puerto Rican citizenship in this country is a second class one. "Susan Baker has written a noteworthy volume. To her extensive personal experience she brings an academic perspective that is thorough and well thought out. Much has been written about the Puerto Rican Diaspora focusing on New York City. Baker contributes to our understanding by tackling internal migration and terms of incorporation that vary from place to place. She makes a further contribution by comparing this population to other Latinos, exploring the role of segregation (including a cogent discussion of the dissimilarity index), and the impact of the larger U.S. economic structure." ââ¬âAlvaro L. Nieves, Ph.D., Professor of Sociology, Wheaton College (Ill.) "This illuminating examination of poverty within the Puerto Rican population in mainland U.S.A. provides a readable resource with many applications. Baker carefully employs a methodology to examine Puerto Ricans that acknowledges the regional, class, gender, and generational diversity that exists within this group, as well as emphasizing the necessity of studying all Latino groups individually and within their own particular contexts. This work is significant not only for scholars in Puerto Rican studies but also for anyone seeking a better understanding of the distinct Latino populations within the United States." ââ¬âEdwin David Aponte, Assistant Professor of Christianity and Culture, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University
"Innovative and illuminating, this book is exactly what we need at this time: an examination of specific instances which capture the features, the meaning and the implications of transnationalism. This volume is exciting because it includes a younger generation of researchers. One of the book's strengths is that it combines a focus on migration with a focus on the city. Through this detailed lens, [the editors] make a contribution to our understanding of larger cross-boarder dynamics." ââ¬âSaskia Sassen, Ralph Lewis Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago, and author of The Global City 2001 When you think of American immigration, what images come to mind? Ellis Island. East Side tenements. Pushcarts on Eighth Avenue. Little Italy. Chinatown. El Barrio. New York City has always been central to the immigrant experience in the United States. In the last three decades, the volume of immigration has increased as has the diversity of immigrant origins and experiences. Contemporary immigration conjures up old images but also some new ones: the sweatshops and ethnic neighborhoods are still there, but so are cell phones, faxes, e-mails, and the more intense and multilayered involvement of immigrants in the social, economic, and political life of both home and host societies. In this ambitious book, nineteen scholars from a broad range of disciplines bring our understanding of New York's immigrant communities up to date by exploring the interaction between economic globalization and transnationalization, demographic change, and the evolving racial, ethnic, gender dynamics in the City. Urban and suburban, Asian, European, Latin American, and Caribbean, men and women and childrenââ¬âthe essays here analyze the complex forces that shape the contemporary immigrant experience in New York City and the links between immigrant communities in New York and their countries of origin. "One hears a lot about transnationalism these days. But the word is used so loosely that it often loses any real meaning. This book puts some meat on the bones of transnationalism by showing how it unfolds among various immigrant groups in one particular cityââ¬âNew Yorkââ¬ânot only now, but in the past. It reveals both the fascinating diversity and remarkable similarity of transnationalism as it plays out across different groups and times." ââ¬âDouglas S. Massey, Dorothy Swaine Thomas Professor of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania "These sure-handed editors have produced a rich, varied, and sophisticated picture of how immigration is changing the face of America's gateway city, New York. Exploring a dozen immigrant groups, the leading scholars reveal how class, gender, transnational ties, discrimination, and political action are shaping the formation of new Americans in a renewed city." ââ¬âJohn Mollenkopf, Director, Center for Urban Research, CUNY Graduate Center, and co-author of Place Matters: Metropolitics for the 21st Century
Typescript (photocopy). Abstract. Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universidad de Puerto Rico, 2002. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [322]-338). Vita.
Typescript (photocopy). Abstract. Thesis (M.A.)--Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1986. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 114-125).
This essay utilizes The Puerto Rican Study to shed light on the relationship between social scientific research and the Puerto Rican community, specifically in the arena of public education and language policy formation. The Puerto Rican Study, along with antecedent studies produced at the height of the Great Migration, reveals the existence of forgotten alternatives to the ¿culture of poverty¿ thesis and lost opportunities for the development of educational reform that respected the linguistic and cultural particularities of the Puerto Rican community and its children.
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Towards a Transnational Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, and Ethnicity Reconsidered
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El retorno de las yolas: Ensayos sobre diáspora, democracia y dominicanidad
- Silvio Torres-Saillant
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47 For a few examples of such studies, see
47 For a few examples of such studies, see Aguilera Cruz 1979; Fermaint
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Homecomings: Unsettling Paths of Return
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