ArticlePDF AvailableLiterature Review

Parental Social Support and the Physical Activity-Related Behaviors of Youth: A Review

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Social support from parents serves as one of the primary influences of youth physical activity-related behaviors. A systematic review was conducted on the relationship of parental social support to the physical activity-related behaviors of youth. Four categories of social support were identified, falling under two distinct mechanisms-tangible and intangible. Tangible social support is divided into two categories: instrumental-purchasing equipment/payment of fees and transportation-and conditional-doing activity with and watching/supervision. Intangible social support is divided into the two categories of motivational- encouragement and praise-and informational-discussing benefits of. The majority of studies demonstrated positive associations among selected measures of parental tangible and intangible social support and youth activity. Overall, parental social support demonstrated positive effects. Many studies, however, combine social support categories and/or respondents into composite measures, making it difficult to disentangle the specific effects of parents and the type of support provided.
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DOI: 10.1177/1090198110363884
2010 37: 621 originally published online 20 August 2010Health Educ Behav
Michael W. Beets, Bradley J. Cardinal and Brandon L. Alderman
Review
Parental Social Support and the Physical Activity-Related Behaviors of Youth: A
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Michael W. Beets, University of South Carolina, Columbia. Bradley J. Cardinal, Oregon State University,
Corvallis. Brandon L. Alderman, Rutgers University, New Brunswick.
Address correspondence to Michael W. Beets, University of South Carolina, Department of Exercise
Science, Public Health Research Center, 131, 921 Assembly Street, Columbia, SC 29208; phone: (803) 777-
3003; e-mail: beets@mailbox.sc.edu.
Health Education & Behavior, Vol. 37(5): 621-644 (October 2010)
DOI: 10.1177/1090198110363884
© 2010 by SOPHE
Parental Social Support and the Physical
Activity–Related Behaviors of Youth: A Review
Michael W. Beets, MPH, PhD
Bradley J. Cardinal, PhD
Brandon L. Alderman, PhD
Social support from parents serves as one of the primary influences of youth physical activity–related
behaviors. A systematic review was conducted on the relationship of parental social support to the physical
activity–related behaviors of youth. Four categories of social support were identified, falling under two dis-
tinct mechanisms—tangible and intangible. Tangible social support is divided into two categories:
instrumental—purchasing equipment/payment of fees and transportation—and conditional—doing activity
with and watching/supervision. Intangible social support is divided into the two categories of motivational—
encouragement and praise—and informational—discussing benefits of. The majority of studies demonstrated
positive associations among selected measures of parental tangible and intangible social support and youth
activity. Overall, parental social support demonstrated positive effects. Many studies, however, combine
social support categories and/or respondents into composite measures, making it difficult to disentangle the
specific effects of parents and the type of support provided.
Keywords: family; adolescents; childhood; health behavior; social support
Nationally, the percentage of children and adolescents who meet the recommenda-
tion (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS], 2008) of 60 minutes
of daily physical activity is unacceptably low. Recent estimates indicate approximately
42% of from 6- to 11-year-olds and only 8% of from 12- to 17-year-olds meet daily
recommendations (Troiano et al., 2008). Parents (e.g., parents or other adult caretakers
in the home) are considered to be one of the primary influences on the activity-related
behavioral patterns (e.g., sports, outdoor play, exercise) of youth (i.e., children and
adolescents; Brustad, 1993; Kohl & Hobbs, 1998; Lindsay, Sussner, Kim, & Gortmaker,
2006; Sallis, Prochaska, & Taylor, 2000). They serve as models, reinforcers, and advo-
cates of both health enhancing and health compromising behaviors and, as such, they
have the potential for altering the ever increasing sedentary nature of the lifestyles
exhibited by today’s youth (USDHHS, 2001). Such emphasis is predicated on the fact
that the majority of youth spend roughly 18 years of their life in close proximity to their
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622 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
parents (Goldscheider, Thornton, & Young-DeMarco, 1993). During the course of this
time, parents exert considerable influence over the health-related behaviors of their
children (Perry, Crockett, & Pirie, 1987; Schor & American Academy of Pediatrics
Task Force on the Family, 2003) and are one of the immediate and primary sources of
health information and education (Hopper, Gruber, Munoz, & Herb, 1992). These inter-
actions have also demonstrated lasting effects on subsequent adult activity-related
behavioral patterns (A. M. Thompson, Humbert, & Mirwald, 2003). In addition, parents
serve a “gate keeper” role to physical activity (Welk, Wood, & Morss, 2003), control-
ling access to community activity and sport programs (Atsalakis & Sleap, 1996;
Boufous, Finch, & Bauman, 2004) and access to outdoor environments (Klesges, Eck,
Hanson, Haddock, & Klesges, 1990) where activity can take place. Therefore, espe-
cially during childhood (from 5 to12 years old) when behaviors are under less volitional
control, parents are one of the primary providers of inhibitory and promotive opportuni-
ties whereby children can be active.
Parents influence their children’s activity behaviors through a variety of means
(Taylor, Baranowski, & Sallis, 1994). This includes parents’ own activity levels, either
through modeling or familial aggregation of activity patterns (Moore et al., 1991;
Raudsepp & Viira, 2000; Sallis, Patterson, Buono, Atkins, & Nader, 1988); parental
attitudes, beliefs, and values toward activity (Dempsey, Kimiecik, & Horn, 1993; Eccles
& Harold, 1991; Kimiecik, Horn, & Shurin, 1996); genetic lineage (Pérusse, Tremblay,
Leblanc, & Bouchard, 1989); and social support for activity (Sallis, Alcaraz, McKenzie,
& Hovell, 1999a; Sallis et al., 1992; Trost et al., 2003a). Of these, the presence of social
support, which consists of indirect verbal and nonverbal support and direct tangible
assistance positively impacts children’s and adolescents’ activity levels (Sallis et al.,
2000). However, although evidence corroborating the role of parental social support and
activity has accumulated, inconsistencies among findings exist as to what types (i.e.,
tangible, intangible), providers (i.e., mother or father), and characteristics of the recipi-
ents (e.g., gender, age, weight status) are related to increased activity levels. Complicating
matters further is the lack of distinction among similar, yet conceptually unique, con-
structs of social interactions (e.g., social norms, modeling). If practitioners are to suc-
cessfully plan, implement, and evaluate family-based social support interventions,
questions pertaining to who should be involved, what those involved should provide,
when it should be provided, and to whom it should be provided need clear delineation.
The purpose of this article is to address these questions by conducting a systematic
review of literature on the provision of social support by parents and its relation to youth
(<18 years old) physical activity levels in an attempt to address these identified needs.
METHOD OF LITERATURE REVIEW
An extensive review of published literature in the English language from 1970 to
August 2008 was conducted using the following key terms in various combinations:
“physical activity,” “sports,” “children,” “adolescent,” “youth,” “parent,” and “social
support.” Additional key terms were used for the dimensional aspects of support:
“transportation,” “encouragement,” “prompts,” “financial,” and “praise.” The follow-
ing databases were used: EBSCOhost, Academic Search Premier, Alt HealthWatch,
CINAHL, MEDLINE, Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition, Health Source:
Consumer Edition, Middle Search Plus, Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection,
Primary Search, PsycINFO, PubMed, and SPORTDiscus. Furthermore, given the lack
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Beets et al. / Parental Social Support and Physical Activity 623
of consistency in terminology (addressed later in this article), additional terms—“social
norms,” “social influence,” and “social provisions”—were included. Additional studies
were identified through book chapters, review articles, and reference lists of previously
published work. In the context of the current review, physical activity is used to define
any bodily movement that results in energy expenditure. This definition allows for the
inclusion of both organized (e.g., sports) and nonorganized (e.g., free play) physical
activities. Information from each article was extracted using standardized forms devel-
oped specifically for this study. Information regarding sample characteristics (age of
youth, parent reference—mother, father, female adult, male adult), physical activity
measures, social support definitions and dimensions (see below), direction of the effect
(positive, negative or no association), and whether the article was quantitative or
qualitative was compiled by the authors. Because family and parent terms were used to
refer to similar referents—male/female adult, dad/mom—articles that used one or the
other were included in the review. Based on the heterogeneity of the research included
in the review, a quantitative analysis (i.e., meta-analysis) was deemed inappropriate.
Rather, a narrative approach was employed, allowing for the inclusion of both quantita-
tive as well as qualitative research.
Inclusion–Exclusion Criteria
This review article focuses on the influence of parent-provided social support for
physical activity of typically developing children and adolescents (<18 years old) in the
community, home, and school settings. Articles were excluded that focused on youth
with various complications associated with physical and mental disabilities or with
special health care needs and those with unhealthy weight gains located within a clini-
cal or residential treatment facility. Readers interested in family involvement in such
populations are referred to an overview article by McLean, Griffin, Toney, and
Hardeman (2003). Studies must have also measured one of the characteristics of social
support (defined below) by either parent assessment or as perceived by the child/ado-
lescent (i.e., self-report) along with physical activity and/or sport involvement of the
child/adolescent. Qualitative studies regarding physical activity behaviors and parental
influences were also included.
Literature examining familial aggregation (Aarino, Winter, Kujala, & Kaprio, 1997;
Freedson & Evenson, 1991; Gilmer, Harrell, Miles, & Hepworth, 2003; Moore et al.,
1991; Pérusse, LeBlanc, & Bouchard, 1988; Sallis et al., 1988) of activity patterns
focusing on modeling as a form of influence by specifying the level of activity of par-
ents and their children, without reference to the proportion of the reported activity
performed together (e.g., mother–child, father–child), were excluded. Although illus-
trative of the similarity of activity levels that exist within a family, such studies do not
meet the requirement for describing social supportive behaviors as specified for this
review. Additionally, intervention studies attempting to increase social support were not
included, given the experimental manipulation of social support in relation to physical
activity. Readers interested in findings from intervention studies are directed to the
article by O’Connor, Jago, and Baranowski (2009).
Terminology—Social Support
Operationalizations of social support are ubiquitous, and depending on the nature of
the behavior in question, the variables being measured, and the guiding hypotheses
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624 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
proposed, vary considerably across studies. Social support is conceptually different
from social norms, modeling, social influence, and social networks (Barrera, 1986;
Courneya, Plotnikoff, Hotz, & Birkett, 2004; Heaney & Israel, 2002; Israel & Rounds,
1987), yet it has been used interchangeably with these constructs both within and across
studies (e.g., Davison & Schmalz, 2006) and reviews (Pugliese & Tinsley, 2007). This
lack of conceptual precision adds to the vagueness of the social support mechanisms
being examined and, subsequently, the interpretation of results in this area of research
and the possibility of invalid operationalizations (Thoits, 1982). This has been
addressed in previous reviews (Barrera, 1986; McNeill, Kreuter, & Subramanian, 2006;
O’Reilly, 1988; Thoits, 1982; Wallston, Alagna, DeVellis, & DeVellis, 1983) and is
viewed as a persistent limiting factor when attempting to synthesize the body of litera-
ture on this topic.
Therefore, the following multidimensional definition is proposed and was used as a
guiding framework for this review. Social support represents the functional character-
istics associated with the interactions between a parent and his or her children in the
context of intentionally participating in, prompting, discussing, and/or providing
activity-related opportunities. Social support is, therefore, a multidimensional umbrella
term used to describe various ways in which significant referents, in this case parents,
knowingly influence the activity behaviors of their children and may include some, but
not necessarily all, functional dimensions of support. Furthermore, social supportive
behaviors may consist of both tangible behaviors, such as providing transportation to
places where the child can be active, and intangible behaviors, such as encouraging
one’s child to be physically active.
LITERATURE FINDINGS
A total of 1,322 references matched the keyword criteria. References were subjected
to further scrutiny for relevance. This resulted in a total of 80 articles meeting the
review criteria. Social support was examined as a composite measure or index score
(e.g., principal component factor analysis), as single item indicators, or was discussed
through focus groups in qualitative papers. Of these, 66 (82.5%) reported the relation-
ship between social support and measured physical activity (e.g., self-report, acceler-
ometer, pedometer). Within this group, 29 studies (44%) used a composite measure
(combining social support dimensions). The remaining 14 studies (17.5%) either
reported differences in social support among gender or ethnic groups or described
social support qualitatively. The results of the search are presented in Table 1 and a
listing of the corresponding studies in Table 2.
The four primary functional dimensions of support consistent within the literature
identified by the review include: instrumental—provision of tangible aid and services;
conditional—direct involvement of the parent in the activity or being physically pres-
ent, yet not directly participating when the activity occurs; motivational—provision of
verbal and nonverbal prompts to engage in the behavior of interest and validation and
affirmation of involvement in or performance of physical activity; and informational
provision of advice, suggestions, and information to address the behavior of interest.
Collectively, social support is described as exhibiting, at minimum, one of these dimen-
sions, which can be grouped into two broad categories: tangible and intangible sup-
portive behaviors (see Table 3).
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625
Table 1. Number of Null and Positive Findings for Studies (N = 66) Investigating the Relationship Between Parental Social Support Types and Measured
Physical Activity of Children and Adolescents
Boys Girls Boys and Girls Total
Dimension
Type
0a
+b
% +c
0a
+b
% +c
0a
+b
% +c
0a
+b
% +c
Studies
(n)d
Total
Studies (%)e
Instrumental Transportation 3 2 40 3 4 57 1 4 80 7 10 59 11 17
Payment of fees and/or
equipment 1 1 50 1 1 50 0 0 2 2 50 4 6
Conditional Performed activity with 1 6 86 3 6 67 3 5 63 7 17 71 18 27
Watching/Supervision 1 0 0 1 0 0 2 3 60 4 3 43 6 9
Motivational Encourage 2 8 80 4 12 75 5 9 64 11 29 73 31 47
Praise — — — 1 3 75 1 3 75 4 6
Informational Discuss importance/health
benefits 0 0 0 0 — 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 2
Composite 5 5 50 6 13 68 4 8 67 15 26 63 29 44
a. 0 = null findings.
b. + = positive findings.
c. Percentage of studies reporting a positive association between social support and physical activity (i.e., social support related to increased or greater amounts
of physical activity).
d. Number of unique studies reporting a positive association between social support and physical activity (i.e., social support related to increased or greater amounts
of physical activity).
e. Percentage of studies reporting outcomes for each social support type and composite out of 66 (total number of studies linking parental social support to
physical activity). Note: the total percentage does not add up to 100% because of studies reporting, separately, on one or more social support types.
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Table 2. Studies Reporting Parental Social Support Relationships Related to Measured Physical Activity Levels of Youth
Boys Girls Boys and Girls
Dimension Type 0a+b0a+b0a+b
Instrumental Transportation Hovell et al.
(1996)
Morgan et al.
(2003)
Sallis et al.
(1992)
Hoefer et al.
(2001)
Sallis et al. (1999a)
Adkins et al.
(2004)
Brown (1985)
Hovell et al.
(1996)
Hoefer et al. (2001)
Morgan et al. (2003)
Sallis et al. (1999a)
Sallis et al. (1992)
Duncan et al.
(2005)
Beets et al. (2006)
Heitzler et al. (2006)
Morgan et al. (2003)
Prochaska et al.
(2002)
Payment of fees and/
or equipment
Stucky-Ropp
&
DiLorenzo
(1993)
Sallis et al. (1999a) Sallis et al.
(1999a)
Stucky-Ropp &
DiLorenzo (1993)
Conditional Performed activity
with
Morgan et al.
(2003)
Beets et al. (2007)
Hovell et al. (1996)
Ornelas et al. (2007)
Sallis et al. (1992)
Sallis et al. (1999a)
Wilson & Dollman
(2007)
Adkins et al.
(2004)
Morgan et al.
(2003)
Sallis et al. (1992)
Hovell et al. (1996)
Ornelas et al. (2007)
Sharma et al. (2008)
Springer et al. (2006)
Sallis et al. (1999a)
Wilson & Dollman
(2009)
Beets et al.
(2006)
Duncan et al.
(2005)
Klesges et al.,
(1990)
Beets & Foley (2008)
Prochaska et al.
(2002)
Heitzler et al. (2006)
Nelson et al. (2005)
Welk et al. (2003)
Watching/
Supervision
Beets et al.
(2007)
Beets et al. (2007) Beets et al.
(2006)
Brown (1985)
Duncan et al. (2005)
Heitzler et al. (2006)
Prochaska et al.
(2002)
Motivational Encourage Beets et al.
(2007)
Sallis et al.
(1992)
Anderssen & Wold
(1992)
Bauer et al. (2008)
Brustad (1996)
Elder et al. (1998)
McGuire et al.
(2002)
Adkins et al.
(2004)
Beets et al. (2007)
Sallis et al. (1992)
Sallis et al.
(1999a)
Anderssen & Wold
(1992)
Bauer et al. (2008)
Brown (1985)
Brustad (1996)
Butcher (1985)
Elder et al. (1998)
Beets et al.
(2006)
Duncan et al.
(2005)
Klesges et al.
(1990)
Allender et al. (2006)
Biddle & Goudas
(1996)
Brustad (1993)
Cardon et al. (2005)
De Bourdeaudhuij
et al. (2005)
(continued)
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627
Table 2. (continued)
Boys Girls Boys and Girls
Dimension Type 0a+b0a+b0a+b
O’Loughlin et al.
(1999)
Sallis et al. (1999a)
Wilson & Dollman
(2007)
King et al. (2008)
McGuire et al. (2002)
O’Loughlin et al. (1999)
Sharma et al. (2008)
Springer et al. (2006)
Wilson & Dollman (2009)
Prochaska
et al. (2002)
Timperio et al.
(2008)
Fredricks & Eccles
(2005)
Hohepa et al. (2007)
Klesges et al. (1986)
Sabiston & Crocker
(2008)
Praise Timperio et al.
(2008)
Arredondo et al.
(2006)
Beets et al. (2006)
Prochaska et al.
(2002)
Informational Discuss
importance/
health
benefits
Duncan et al.
(2005)
Composite Frenn et al.
(2005)
DiLorenzo
et al. (1998)
Higgins et al.
(2003)
Wu et al.
(2003)
Zakarian
et al. (1994)
Davison (2004)
Greendorfer &
Lewko (1978)
Lewko & Ewing
(1980)
Sallis et al. (1999b)
Sallis et al. (2002)
Adkins et al.
(2004)
Bungum &
Vincent
(1997)
DiLorenzo et al.
(1998)
Higgins et al.
(2003)
Wu et al. (2003)
Davison et al. (2003)
Davison (2004)
Dowda et al. (2007)
Frenn et al. (2005)
Greendorfer &Lewko (1978)
Ievers-Landis et al. (2003)
Kuo et al. (2007)
Lewko (1978)
Lewko & Ewing (1980)
Neumark-Sztainer et al. (2003)
Sallis et al., (1999b)
Sallis et al. (2002)
Saunders et al. (2004)
Zakarian et al. (1994)
Hamilton &
White (2008)
Timperio et al.
(2008)
Trost et al.
(2003b)
Wu et al.
(2002)
Davison & Schmalz
(2006)
Frenn et al. (2005)
Garcia et al. (1995)
Heitzler et al.
(2006)
Ommundsen et al.
(2006)
Strauss et al. (2001)
Trost et al. (2003a)
Welk et al. (2003)
a. 0 = null findings.
b. + = positive findings.
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628 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
Table 3. Social Support Definition Based on Review of Literature
Category
Dimension
Definition
Parental
Behaviors
Example Items
Tangible Instrumental Provision of
tangible aid and/
or services
Transportation “[Referent] provided
transportation for
physical activity”
Payment of
fees
“[Referent] provided
money for
participation”
Enrolment in
physical
activity/
sports
“How active are you in
enrolling your daughter/
son in sports?”
Purchase
equipment
“Buy sports clothing/
equipment for their
child”
Conditional Directly involved or
within proximity
of the activity
with the child
Perform
activity with
“Offered to do physical
activities with me”
“Actively participate in
physical activity with
the child”
“[Referent] did physical
activity with you”
“Family use of physical
activity as recreation”
Watching “How often do you go to
your daughter’s/son’s
sporting events with
her/him?”
Intangible Motivational Provision of verbal/
nonverbal
prompts to
engage in the
behavior of
interest,
validation and
affirmation of
involvement or
performance from
participating in
the behavior
Encouragement “Encourage their child to
go outside”
“How frequently their
[referent] encourages
them to be physically
active”
Praise “Praised their child for
participation in physical
activity”
Informational Provision of advice,
suggestions, and
information to
address the
behavior of
interest
Discuss
importance
of physical
active/
participation
in sports
Discuss how to
be active
“[Referent] told you
physical activity was
good for your health”
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Support Types—Tangible
Tangible support, considered one of the most effective means of support for physical
activity (Sallis et al., 1992; Trost et al., 2003a), comprises overt behaviors performed
by parents that directly facilitate the involvement in activity. This support includes
tangible aid given by parents such as providing transportation to places where the child
can engage in a variety of activity-related behaviors, such as sports, team practices, play
with friends, or play at local community parks/recreation facilities (Davison, Cutting,
& Birch, 2003). This type of support may also include direct involvement of the parents
in the activity with the child, such as playing together, using family time to be active
(V. J. Thompson et al., 2003; Welk et al., 2003), or parents serving as spectators or
supervisors as the activity occurs (Beets, Vogel, Chapman, Pitetti, & Cardinal, 2007;
Duncan, Duncan, & Strycker, 2005). Less commonly measured is the purchasing of
equipment and payment of fees that afford opportunities to be active or facilitate activ-
ity involvement (Davison et al., 2003; Sallis et al., 1999a). Each of these is discussed
in the following sections.
Instrumental—Transportation. One of the major barriers for children to participate
in activity-related behaviors is the ability to access places (e.g., parks/playgrounds,
sport practices/meets) where the child can be active (Davison & Lawson, 2006; O’Dea,
2003). Of the studies reviewed, 11 (17%) reported findings linking transportation social
support to youth activity levels. Cross-sectional analyses indicate parental provision of
transportation is a key component to youth accessing these places and is linked to
greater levels of activity (Beets, Vogel, Forlaw, Pitetti, & Cardinal, 2006; Heitzler,
Martin, Duke, & Huhman, 2006; Hoefer, McKenzie, Sallis, Marshall, & Conway, 2001;
Sallis et al., 1992; Sallis et al., 1999a). These associations are rather robust, with trans-
portation appearing as a predictor of activity levels from both self-report and objective
physical activity measures (Sallis et al., 1992). This relation has also been found in
longitudinal studies. During a 20-month period, transportation proved to be the only
supportive behavior provided by parents predictive of change in activity for both boys
and girls (Sallis et al., 1999a). Apart from activity levels, transportation is related to
levels of adiposity in girls, with leaner girls (based on skinfolds and BMI) receiving
more parental transportation to places where they can be active than their heavier coun-
terparts (Hovell, Kolody, & Sallis, 1996). Transportation is also linked to increased
cardiovascular fitness (i.e., mile run/walk time; Sallis et al., 1992).
Although limited in the ability to draw substantive conclusions regarding variations
in supportive behaviors among various ethnic groups, a study of Native American chil-
dren indicated that 80% of the children reported their parents take them to places where
they can be active, suggesting a high degree of involvement of the parents in this com-
munity (J. L. Thompson et al., 2001). Conversely, Hispanic youth receive considerably
less transportation to places to be active than their ethnic counterparts (Hoefer et al.,
2001). Thus, preliminary differences have been identified, yet whether these are tied to
cultural influences regarding parenting practices, socioeconomic status, or parental
perceptions of safety (Sallis, McKenzie, Elder, Broyles, & Nader, 1997) requires fur-
ther investigation.
Children report transportation as one of the common forms of social support they
receive from their parents. In addition, children have also expressed the desire to
receive greater amounts of this form of social support (Wright, Wilson, Griffin, &
Evans, 2008). This is perhaps because of the inability of children to self-transport to
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630 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
places where they can participate in activities, thereby necessitating parental involve-
ment. Activities such as sports, community organized programs, and access to play-
grounds and parks are likely to require parental transportation, especially if the distance
from their home is considerable or environmental barriers such as street design and
heavy traffic volume limits access by means of walking or biking (Hoefer et al., 2001).
As few residents are located within walking or biking distance of parks/playgrounds,
greater reliance on parents to assist in accessing neighborhood and city public spaces
(e.g., parks) may be required. Importantly, the provision of transportation does not
require parents to be active themselves. Inactive parents, therefore, can have active
children simply by facilitating their ability to access places where they can be active
(Trost et al., 2003a).
Instrumental—Payment of Fees/Purchasing Equipment. Only four studies (6%)
assessed the association of parental payment of fees and purchase of equipment to
activity-related behaviors. Though limited in number, these studies do indicate that
mothers and fathers purchase more equipment for boys than girls for sport-related
activity (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005), and payment of fees has been associated with
higher activity levels of boys during a 20-month period (Sallis et al., 1999a). The
long-term beneficial consequences of reducing financial barriers to activity during
childhood are the development of positive activity-related memories, which may
contribute to greater levels of adult activity participation, especially for women (A.
M. Thompson et al., 2003). The provision of money may be a fruitful means by which
adolescent boys and girls (from 10 to 14 years old) can be more physically active
(Wright et al., 2008).
Both cost and lack of equipment have been found to be unrelated to perceived behav-
ioral control for involvement in vigorous activity (Craig, Goldberg, & Dietz, 1996),
suggesting youth can participate in high intensity activities without encountering finan-
cial barriers. This finding may also signify the need to differentiate the different domains
of activity—free play versus sports—whereby the latter is more likely to have costs and
equipment barriers associated with involvement. High costs associated with involve-
ment are rated as the number one reason for nonparticipation in school–community
sport and nonsport activities (Hultsman, 1993). Financial hardships also vary by the
type of sport in which one participates (Baxter-Jones & Maffulli, 2003) and reduce the
opportunity to engage in more formal school- and community-related activities.
Sport-related activities, both school and community sponsored, are one of the pri-
mary settings where children and adolescents receive numerous health benefits, includ-
ing increased physical activity (Beets & Pitetti, 2005; Katzmarzyk & Malina, 1998;
Wilde, Corbin, & Le Masurier, 2004). Given that more than 6.9 million youth partici-
pate in sports (National Federation of State High School Associations, 2004), it seems
reasonable to expect that financial barriers to the participation in sports would reduce
overall activity levels.
Conditional—Perform Activity Together. A total of 18 studies (27%) reported asso-
ciations between parents performing activity with and the physical activity levels of
children and/or adolescents. The direct involvement of mothers and fathers in activities
with their children is related to increased levels of physical activity (Adkins, Sherwood,
Story, & Davis, 2004; Beets et al., 2007; Heitzler et al., 2006; Hovell et al., 1996;
Loucaides & Chedzoy, 2005; Morgan et al., 2003; Ornelas, Perreira, & Ayala, 2007;
Prochaska, Rodgers, & Sallis, 2002; Sallis et al., 1992; Sallis et al., 1999a; Sallis,
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Prochaska, Taylor, Hill, & Geraci, 1999b; Sharma, Hoelscher, Kelder, Day, &
Hergenroeder, 2008; Springer, Kelder, & Hoelscher, 2006; Welk et al., 2003; Wilson &
Dollman, 2007; 2009), meeting recommended physical activity levels (Nelson, Gordon-
Larsen, Adair, & Popkin, 2005), and reduced sedentary behaviors (Springer et al.,
2006). Having a parent physically active with his or her child is also related to more
free-time physical activity (Heitzler et al., 2006). However, as children move into ado-
lescence, the influence of parents on activity levels may be supplanted with peer activ-
ity involvement, suggesting this form of support may be influential during childhood,
with younger children more likely to report someone in the family being active with
them (Lown & Braunschweig, 2008). Direct parental involvement, therefore, may be
more important during the early developmental years (5 to 12 years), the time that
coincides with the formulation of many health-related behaviors (Institute of Medicine,
2004; A. M. Thompson et al., 2003). Preliminary results suggest that positive parental
involvement during childhood contributes to adult activity behaviors (A. M. Thompson
et al., 2003); however, additional longitudinal studies are necessary to confirm this
observation.
Of the two parental figures, fathers are thought to overtly use their own activity
behaviors to intentionally influence the activity levels of children (Davison et al.,
2003). This overt behavior is supported in analyses of father–child interactions, with
father–child activity characterized by more physical play-type activities (e.g., rough
and tumble play; MacDonald & Parke, 1986; Paquette, 2004). However, these interac-
tions may be limited to specific time frames and living arrangements (single- vs. two-
parent households; Wright et al., 2008). The traditional role fathers play in the family,
that of primary breadwinner (Christiansen & Palkovitz, 2001; Hewlett, 2003), may
restrict their influence on activity to weekends in contrast to weekdays. Compared to
mothers, fathers engage in greater amounts of direct involvement with their child in
activities during the weekend versus weekdays (Yeung, Sandberg, Davis-Kean, &
Hofferth, 2001). Recent findings indicate that for boys, fathers’ direct involvement dur-
ing the weekend is associated with greater overall activity levels (Beets et al., 2007).
Fathers, therefore, appear to exert considerable influence on their children’s activity
levels, yet they may be limited in the time they have to interact with their child based
on the traditional role they fulfill within the family (Yeung et al., 2001). Conversely,
studies indicate that mother’s “playing with you” is related to adolescent girls’ activity,
particularly among girls from Vietnamese backgrounds (Wilson & Dollman, 2009).
Given these associations, it would appear that increasing parental involvement is a
viable means by which to increase physical activity.
The amount of time mothers and fathers spend playing with their child may be dif-
ferent based on gender, with some studies indicating that parents report more playtime
with boys (Fredricks & Eccles, 2005). Time spent active with their child may also be
associated with the weight status of the child, with nonoverweight boys and girls report-
ing more male (i.e., father) activity involvement than their overweight peers (Zabinski,
Saelens, Stein, Hayden-Wade, & Wilfley, 2003). Hence, children at risk of being over-
weight may require direct parental involvement to engage in sufficient amounts of
activity. One study indicated that children at risk of becoming overweight—based on
parental weight status—were substantially more active when parents were involved in
the activity than when they participated in activity alone (Klesges et al., 1990). Thus,
parental involvement may be useful in increasing the activity levels of overweight
children, which is a needed area of investigation (McLean et al., 2003).
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632 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
Conditional—Watching/Supervision. Six studies (9%) reported findings linking
parental watching/supervision to their children’s physical activity. Although their
directly participating in activity with children leads to increased activity levels, parents
do not necessarily have to be active to be influential. Parents who are present, but not
directly participating in the activity, have children who exhibit higher activity levels
(Duncan et al., 2005; Heitzler et al., 2006; Prochaska et al., 2002). This association may
be because of sports involvement, where the presence of spectators is an integral part
of the milieu. It seems reasonable, therefore, to expect children who are involved in
sports to have higher levels of parental watching. Girls indicate their mothers’ involve-
ment is more likely to be as a spectator of their sport involvement (V. J. Thompson
et al., 2003), suggesting the importance of mothers’ presence. Moreover, boys indicate
they would like to have a parent present at a meet/practice to provide support for their
involvement (Wright et al., 2008). Youth from more socioeconomically advantaged
backgrounds report greater amounts of parental watching (Duncan et al., 2005), which
in turn, is related to higher levels of activity. This association may be a result of youth
from a higher socioeconomic status being able to participate in sports (e.g., fewer finan-
cial barriers—see discussion above) and/or that parents of high income levels have
more flexible schedules or discretionary time, which facilitates their ability to view
their child’s sport participation.
It appears watching is linked to activity, but it may be so as an outcome of, rather
than a precursor to, activity. For instance, the presence of parents may serve as a non-
verbal form of parental approval of the child’s involvement, potentially increasing the
likelihood of continuation. However, the presence of parents watching practices and
meets may not be as important for those children already highly involved in competi-
tive sports (Brown, 1985). Thus, watching may serve as an important supportive behav-
ior during the initial development and acquisition of the activity behavior. The presence
of a parent may also be construed as watching for the purpose of safety or supervision.
Without the presence of a parent/guardian, safety concerns may prohibit younger chil-
dren from accessing outdoor places to play (Beets & Foley, 2008; Sallis et al., 1997).
This may be even greater for girls, with parents more likely to allow boys of the same
age to play outdoors and unsupervised in comparison to girls (Soori & Bhopal, 2002).
Future research examining the relationship between parental watching and activity
levels among children and adolescents should help to clarify the role of watching on
youth activity behaviors.
Support Type—Intangible
Intangible support consists of verbal encouragement to participate in sports or
physical activities and praise for involvement and effort. Such support is believed to
enhance motivation for continuing involvement (Prochaska et al., 2002), provide feed-
back on current performance, and contribute to greater levels of perceived competence,
which have been shown to lead to higher levels of activity (Brustad, 1993). Another less
studied intangible supportive behavior is the provision of information on how to per-
form and why (e.g., health benefits) one should be active (Duncan et al., 2005; V. J.
Thompson et al., 2003). These are discussed, separately, below.
Informational—Importance of Activity and How to Be Active. Examination of the
role of informational support has received the least attention in the social support litera-
ture (one study, 2%) and is one of the support mechanisms for which little information
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Beets et al. / Parental Social Support and Physical Activity 633
has been gathered. Unfortunately, when information support is measured in studies
(e.g., Bungum & Vincent, 1997; Dowda, Dishman, Pfeiffer, & Pate, 2007; Sallis, Taylor,
Dowda, Freedson, & Pate, 2002), it has been used in conjunction with additional sup-
port items (e.g., encouragement, transportation) to create a summated scale or factor
score, thereby limiting the ability to determine the unique influence information has on
activity levels. Nevertheless, several important observations can be made. A qualitative
study (V. J. Thompson et al., 2003) indicated that African American girls received infor-
mation from their parents on the importance of maintaining a healthy weight and the
benefits to overall health from physical activity. However, this informational support
was not linked directly to activity levels, and therefore it provides information only on
its presence and not on its impact on activity levels. Older children receive more infor-
mational support than younger children (Duncan et al., 2005), which may partly arise
from the ability of older children to comprehend the more abstract processes (e.g.,
physiological changes) that occur with sustained activity involvement. Currently, no
specific recommendations can be made regarding the influence of informational support
on youth activity levels. This area deserves greater attention in future studies.
Motivational—Encouragement. Encouragement is the most extensively studied
intangible supportive behavior (31 studies, 47%). Encouragement is conceptualized as
motivational prompts or suggestions provided by parents to foster the involvement of
their child in activity. Encouragement serves as a precursor to activity involvement,
with activity occurring after its provision. Encouragement may also occur while the
activity is taking place, thereby serving as a reinforcer of the behavior. Encouragement
is positively related to the intensity of activity (Bauer, Nelson, Boutelle, & Neumark-
Sztainer, 2008; Biddle & Goudas, 1996; De Bourdeaudhuij et al., 2005; King,
Tergerson, & Wilson, 2008; Klesges, Malott, Boschee, & Weber, 1986; Springer et al.,
2006); amount of activity (Anderssen & Wold, 1992; Cardon et al., 2005; Elder et al.,
1998; McGuire et al., 2002; O’Loughlin, Paradis, Kishchuk, Barnett, & Renaud, 1999;
Strauss, Rodzilsky, Burack, & Colin, 2001); after school activity and sports (Allender,
Cowburn, & Foster, 2006; Hohepa, Scragg, Schofield, Kolt, & Schaaf, 2007); girls’
attraction to sports and games (Brustad, 1996); intentions to be active (Biddle &
Goudas, 1996); bone mineral density, daily physical activity, and days per week spent
doing jumping activities (Sharma et al., 2008); boys’ short-term change (20 months) in
physical activity (Sallis et al., 1999a); perceived competence (Brustad, 1993); per-
ceived benefits from physical activity (King et al., 2008); sport participation (Brown,
1985; Butcher, 1985; Fredricks & Eccles, 2005); and subsequent adult activity levels
(A. M. Thompson et al., 2003). Given the consistent findings in the literature, encour-
agement stands as one of the more influential forms of intangible supportive behaviors.
According to interviews, youth would like to receive more encouragement from
their parents (O’Dea, 2003; Ries, Voorhees, Gittelsohn, Roche, & Astone, 2008; Wright
et al., 2008). These findings signify that while encouragement may be present, the
amount perceived is insufficient to fully influence activity levels, or the means through
which parents are encouraging is not fully adequate. This may be especially true for
girls, as boys appear to receive more encouragement to be active from their parents than
do girls (Brustad, 1993; Fredricks & Eccles, 2005; Sallis et al., 1992; J. L. Thompson
et al., 2001; Timperio et al., 2008). Parents concerned about their child’s weight attempt
to provide more encouragement to their children to participate in activity (V. J.
Thompson et al., 2003), and this increase in encouragement may account for the lack
of differences between overweight and nonoverweight youth (Zabinski et al., 2003).
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634 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
However, one study indicated nonoverweight children perceived greater amounts of
parental encouragement than overweight children (De Bourdeaudhuij et al., 2005).
Interviews at adulthood reflecting back on their childhood parental support indicate
that those who were classified as inactive or moderately active during childhood and
adolescence reported receiving lower amounts of encouragement to be active (A. M.
Thompson et al., 2003). This lower amount of encouragement was suggested to be the
reason for their lack of activity during both childhood and adulthood. Studies indicate
that the provision of encouragement is mediated through psychosocial attributes such
as feelings of greater physical self-competence and liking of and attraction to activity
and sports (Biddle & Goudas, 1996; Brustad, 1993; 1996), which are suggested to lead
to greater rates of participation.
Importantly, if the provision of motivation, suggestions, or prompts for activity leads
to increased activity levels, then designing programs that develop the “encouragement
skills” of parents may prove fruitful. Parents could be taught about the what, when, and
how of providing verbal prompts for their children. Another method may be to increase
parental enjoyment of activity, given that parents who enjoy activity more provide
greater amounts of encouragement to their child (Brustad, 1993).
Motivational—Praise. Four studies (6%) reported findings linking praise to physical
activity. Praise is a motivational response provided by parents that serves to validate the
child’s performance and/or effort in the activity. Unlike encouragement, praise is
reserved until after an activity has been performed. Thus, the presence of praise neces-
sitates prior activity involvement of some form. Like informational support (see above),
praise has usually been included within a summated scale or composite score of sup-
portive behaviors, making it impossible to determine its unique influence on activity
levels (e.g., Garcia, Pender, Antonakos, & Ronis, 1998; Trost et al., 2003a). In the few
studies that have separated out the effects of praise from other support types, it does
appear to be related to increased activity levels. For instance, in a rural sample of
fourth- through eighth-grade students, praise was found to be one of the primary influ-
encers of activity (Beets et al., 2006). Additional support for praise was found in a
sample of California youth (Prochaska et al., 2002). However, given the insufficient
amount of studies examining these relationships, care must be taken in establishing a
connection. Nevertheless, the studies conducted to date indicate this may be a poten-
tially important correlate to activity involvement and certainly one that deserves greater
research attention.
Support Types—Composite Measures
As previously noted, 29 studies (44%) have examined supportive behaviors as a
summated scale or composite score. Although this alleviates some of the methodologi-
cal issues surrounding single-item indicators and it may minimize respondent burden,
such an approach assumes the overall level of support is more important than the provi-
sion of a specific supportive behavior. Unique associations have been observed among
the specific support types and activity, indicating these should be considered distinct
behaviors, each resulting in its own effect on physical activity. The use of summated
scales also masks some of the relationships that appear to be important for facilitating
activity, and it therefore limits our understanding in developing interventions.
Furthermore, although summative scales of social support do allow for the provision
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of generic recommendations for parents, they lack the necessary specificity on which
supportive behaviors need to be provided to increase physical activity. Moreover, single
items (e.g., encouragement) used with summated responses from more than one respon-
dent (e.g., mother and father; Hohepa et al., 2007), or in reference to “a family member”
or “member of your household” (e.g., Grieser et al., 2008; Hamilton & White, 2008;
Zakarian, Hovell, Hofstetter, Sallis, & Keating, 1994), or included with other referents,
such as peers and teachers (e.g., Biddle & Goudas, 1996; Frenn et al., 2005; Lown &
Braunschweig, 2008; Neumark-Sztainer, Story, Hannan, Tharp, & Rex, 2003), pre-
cludes the understanding of the unique role each parent takes in promoting physical
activity.
Overall levels of family support appear to be related to increased activity, with
parental social support attenuating the decline of physical activity of adolescent girls
from eighth to twelfth grade (Dowda et al., 2007). However, the amount of variance for
activity explained is generally small (e.g., Anderssen & Wold, 1992; Frenn et al., 2005;
Kuo, Voorhees, Haythornthwaite, & Young, 2007; Sallis et al., 1999b; Stucky-Ropp &
DiLorenzo, 1993). Nevertheless, the majority of findings indicate more active youth
perceive more family support (e.g., Davison, 2004; Davison et al., 2003; Davison &
Schmalz, 2006; Lewko & Ewing, 1980; Saunders, Molt, Dowda, Dishman, & Pate,
2004; Trost et al., 2003a; Ward et al., 2006; Welk et al., 2003).
The effect of parental social support on activity has been shown to be mediated
through several psychosocial variables. Parental support is mediated through a child’s
self-efficacy and self-esteem (Ornelas et al., 2007; Trost et al., 2003a; Wu, Pender, &
Yang, 2002), perceptions of competence and subjective values toward physical activity
(Sharma et al., 2008), and preadolescent girls’ weight bearing exercise knowledge
(Ievers-Landis et al., 2003); it also influences their perceived competence and attraction
to and liking of activities (Brustad, 1993; 1996), all of which are processes that are
likely to increase their involvement in and satisfaction of physical activity. Supportive
behaviors are also predictive of subsequent activity levels during adulthood (A. M.
Thompson et al., 2003), further substantiating their importance in maintaining involve-
ment in activity.
Many of the studies indicate the primary respondent is the mother (e.g., Adkins
et al., 2004; Beets & Foley, 2008; Brustad, 1993; Stucky-Ropp & DiLorenzo, 1993).
Hence, most of the information regarding parental support is derived from mothers.
Mothers are more likely to provide support in the form of enrolling their children in
sports/activities and attending their sporting events (i.e., logistic support), whereas
fathers use their own activity behaviors more overtly to influence their children’s activ-
ity (i.e., explicit support; Davison et al., 2003). Fathers are also instrumental in facilitat-
ing sport involvement for boys and girls (Greendorfer & Lewko, 1978). Because of
these differences, analyses using a composite of mothers and fathers may actually sup-
press the unique influence of each parent (De Bourdeaudhuij et al., 2005; Greendorfer
& Lewko, 1978). Thus, when examining parental support, it is necessary to separate the
differential influences of mothers and fathers.
Boys report receiving more parental support than do girls (Trost et al., 2003a; Welk
et al., 2003), which would coincide with the greater amounts of reported activity for
boys (USDHHS, 1996). Gender differences have also been found in studies examining
supporting behaviors singularly (Anderssen & Wold, 1992; Brustad, 1993; Fredricks &
Eccles, 2005); however, this observation is not always consistent. Several studies sug-
gest that boys report less support for activity (Higgins, Gaul, Gibbons, & Van Gyn,
2003; Wu, Pender, & Noureddine, 2003). When grouped by activity levels, low active
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636 Health Education & Behavior (October 2010)
boys and girls report similar amounts of support (Lewko & Ewing, 1980), with one
study observing no differences at all (Garcia et al., 1995).
Whether parents provide differential support to their child based on weight status or
ethnic background is currently unclear. Several studies indicate that overweight and
nonoverweight youth perceive similar amounts of overall support (Trost, Sirad, Dowda,
Pfeiffer, & Pate, 2003b; Ward et al., 2006) and encouragement, praise, transportation,
and participating in activity with their parents (Beets et al., 2006), although several
studies suggest some disparity in support provision, with overweight youth reporting
less support (De Bourdeaudhuij et al., 2005; Zabinski et al., 2003) and lower amounts
of parental watching (Beets et al., 2006).
Several studies indicate differences in family social support among various ethnic
groups with some reporting White non-Hispanics having higher amounts (Grieser et al.,
2008; Wilson & Dollman, 2007; 2009), whereas others report African American and
rural girls perceive more than their White non-Hispanic peers (Felton et al., 2002).
What is unclear is whether these differences exist because of actual cultural variations
in parent–child interactions or parenting styles (Arredondo et al., 2006). Finally, in
terms of religion, the only study to date examining parental social support in relation to
levels of religiosity found higher levels of perceived support for adolescents from less
religious families (Kahan, 2005), suggesting religion may play a role in determining
parental supportive behaviors.
Methodological Issues
Apart from the inconsistencies as to what social support specifically entails, several
methodological concerns have been raised regarding the measurement of physical
activity and questionnaire specification of activity when examining social support.
Physical activity is a complex behavior and no one method of assessing it is considered
ideal. This uncertainty in measurement is especially true when measuring the activity
levels of children (Welk, Corbin, & Dale, 2000). The variations in whether or not social
support is related to youth activity levels is suggested to be a function of the activity
measure employed (Prochaska et al., 2002). In studies using both objective and self-
report activity, analyses show that objective monitoring (e.g., accelerometers, observa-
tion) either reveals no relationship with social support (Adkins et al., 2004; Klesges
et al., 1990; Morgan et al., 2003; Prochaska et al., 2002; Sallis et al., 2002) or the rela-
tionship is considerably weaker in comparison to self-reported activity (Prochaska
et al., 2002). Great care, therefore, must be taken when examining the relationships
between social support and physical activity. To date, relatively few studies have used
multiple methods, and thus considerable work is still required in this area.
Additional concerns in this body of research relate to the wording and assessment of
physical activity in the available questionnaires. Typically, social support question-
naires use a generic reference to physical activity by including sports and physical
activity together. These domains of activity are conceptually unique (Caspersen,
Powell, & Christensen, 1985) and are likely to require different types of support to
facilitate participation (Heitzler et al., 2006). Consequently, supportive behaviors nec-
essary for enhancing participation in certain types of activities are relatively unex-
plored.
Only a single article reported information related to social interactions as a negative
construct (DiLorenzo, Stucky-Ropp, Vander Wal, & Gotham, 1998). The two items
asked about the family criticizing exercise and complaining about time spent in exercise.
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Beets et al. / Parental Social Support and Physical Activity 637
The negative family support was inversely related to boys’ physical activity solely. Apart
from this, no other attempts have been made to develop measures for negative parental
social supportive behaviors for children’s physical activity. In qualitative analyses, chil-
dren, adolescents, and adults perceive some aspects of social support to hinder their
participation in physical activities (A. M. Thompson et al., 2003; Wright et al., 2008).
Investigations of social support among older adults (Chogahara, 1999) and individuals
with traumatic brain injuries (Driver, 2007) indicate distinct positive and negative
domains of perceived social support. Such findings bring into question whether similar
polarities may be present with parental provisions of social support. However, attention
needs to be paid as to whether the negative aspects of parental social support are unique
constructs (e.g., inhibiting behaviors) or simply the flip side of the coin of items already
developed (e.g., child unable to participate because activities are too expensive). If
polarities do exist, studies can help us understand how these behaviors can be modified
to prevent physical inactivity.
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE
Despite wide ranges in the type of support examined, sample characteristics, mea-
sures of physical activity, and analytical approaches, current evidence indicates that
parental supportive behaviors are an important facilitator of the physical activity–
related behaviors of youth. The following recommendations are offered as a guiding
framework for frontline practitioners working with families. Initially, an inventory of
the social supportive behaviors parents and/or guardians currently provide should be
assessed. This will direct attention toward areas where parents and/or guardians should
place additional effort for the promotion of physical activity. Thus, the supportive
behaviors identified in the review can serve as a listing of potential behaviors parents
and/or guardians can use to facilitate physical activity of their children. Importantly,
because mothers and fathers influence their child’s physical activity levels differently,
practitioners should use different approaches when providing male and female parents
and/or guardians ideas about how they might be physically active with or promote the
physical activity of their child.
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... Conversely, lower rates of MSE participants in non-participants highlighted potential access or interest barriers, underscoring the need for inclusive programs that accommodate various backgrounds and abilities. The social environment of sports clubs, including peer relationships and a sense of team belonging, played a vital role in motivating children, particularly during early adolescence when peer influence peaks (28,45). This supported policy advocacy aimed at broadening access to sports clubs to boost MSE participation in children and adolescents. ...
... Higher SES likely facilitated greater access to resources such as sports equipment, recreational facilities, sports clubs, and extracurricular opportunities, encouraging MSE participation (4,24). Families with higher SES often value and support health-promoting behaviors, including MSE, and have better health literacy and education, enhancing their use of health resources (45,47). Higher SES neighborhoods typically provided safer environments and better infrastructure for MSE participation, such as well-maintained parks and sports fields (48). ...
Article
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Objectives This study examined the sociodemographic factors associated with muscle-strengthening exercise (MSE) participation in a sample of Chinese school-aged children. Methods A cross-sectional survey was conducted in March 2021, comprising 67,281 students from public schools in Shenzhen through a multistage sampling method. The survey collected data on MSE participation, sociodemographics, family and educational information, and other aspects. A three-level mixed multilevel effect model was performed to analyze the associations between the selected sociodemographic characteristics and MSE participation. Results were presented using odd ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI). Results 38.6% of participants met the MSE guidelines. In models of adherence to MSE guidelines and MSE days, boys were more likely to participate in MSE (OR = 1.31, 95%CI: 1.27–1.36, p < 0.001) than girls. Compared to primary school students, junior middle school students (OR = 1.60, 95%CI: 1.47–1.74, p < 0.001) were more likely to participate in MSE, whereas high school students (OR = 0.61, 95%CI: 0.51–0.73, p < 0.001) participated less frequently. Socioeconomic status (both OR = 1.07, 95%CI: 1.01–1.13, p < 0.001) was positively associated with MSE participation. Participants who perceived their weight as “about the right weight” or “slightly overweight” were most likely to participate in MSE. Weight satisfaction was negatively associated with guideline adherence, with those “very dissatisfied” with their weight being more likely to adhere. Positive associations between sports club participation and sports equipment satisfaction with MSE participation were also found. Other factors, such as ethnicity and parental education level, showed no significant association. Conclusion MSE participation is correlated by sociodemographic, behavioral, and self-perception factors, particularly sex, age, socioeconomic status, sports club involvement, and weight perception. Interventions to enhance MSE participation should target the important identified factors. Future studies should consider using longitudinal designs to strengthen understanding of MSE, further aiding in developing relevant and effective interventions.
... In many narratives of participants, they seemed to be successful in negotiating a happy medium, recognising that the rules set by their mothers were for their own benefit, living within a secular community. However, active parental involvement has been shown to be instrumental in encouraging young people to take up healthier lifestyle practices (Beets et al. 2010); therefore, exploring the determinants to support this strategy is needed in this community. ...
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Aim This study explored the perceptions of weight, shape and physical activity of Palestinian refugee adolescent girls and their mothers living in Baqa'a camp, Jordan. Design A descriptive qualitative design. Methods A purposive sampling approach was employed to recruit 12 Palestinians (six adolescent girls and their mothers) from a Palestinian refugee camp between March 2019 and mid‐January 2020. Results The socioecological model framed the analysis process and revealed four main themes. At the individual level: ‘The Perfect Body’ explained how mothers and daughters conceptualised ideal body weight and shape and factors that influenced this perception. At the relationship level: ‘it's tough love I give, it's tough love I accept’ explored the tumultuous mother–daughter relationship and impact on weight, shape and physical activity. At the community level: ‘The camp community is insular and the setting, spartan’ highlighted how people within the community and the environment itself impacted on healthy behaviours, and at the society level: ‘The influence of where you are and who you are’ explored how the broader levels of society and the culture determined attitudes and perpetuated body weight and shape ideals among women. Conclusion Greater effort involves collaboration among nurses, educators, community leaders, parents, media professionals and researchers to deliver positive health messaging on weight, shape and the importance of physical activity, with further investment in resources and infrastructure to support behaviour change. Implications for the Profession and/or Patient Care Findings assist nurses in addressing sociocultural issues regarding body image among women and girls in refugee camps and in advocating for policies and practices that reduce health disparities. Impacts The findings provide nurses, educators and community leaders' insight in designing interventions that incorporate family dynamics and parenting styles to promote healthy body image, weight management and physical activity among adolescents and their mothers. Schools, with the support of school nurses, can implement programmes that promote open communication and positive modelling of body image, leading to healthier self‐esteem and attitudes among adolescents. Reporting Method We have adhered to relevant EQUATOR guidelines using the COREQ reporting framework for qualitative research. Patient or Public Contribution No patient or public contribution.
... A study based on data from high-income countries (HICs) indicated that active transportation is also an important contributor to MVPA among children and adolescents [12]. As part of the social context, children and adolescents rely on family support to engage in some form of physical activity [13]. Family support could be tangible (e.g., enrolment fee coverage) or intangible (verbal encouragement concerning physical activity) [14]. ...
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Background The time spent physically active outside of school (e.g., extracurricular physical activity) is an important contributor to children’s total daily physical activity for health and well-being. Little is known about the opportunities available to children to engage in extracurricular physical activity from low- to middle-income countries. This study aims to answer the question: What are the main perceived barriers and facilitators of extracurricular physical activity among school-age children in Mexico? Methods A multi-method cross-sectional study was performed. Six focus groups with children (aged 9–12 years), six focus groups with parents, 10 one-on-one interviews with parents, 12 interviews with teachers, and six interviews with head teachers were conducted across Campeche, Morelos, and Mexico State, Mexico. A questionnaire was applied to explore children’s physical activity frequency and preferences for time inside and outside of school. Qualitative data analyses were performed with inductive thematic analysis supported with NVivo software. Quantitative data were analysed with descriptive statistics using IBM SPSS 26. Results Three main themes summarise the study’s findings: (1) how children spend their time outside of school, (2) the places that children access, and (3) the social environment for physical activity outside of the school. The data suggest that children in Mexico dedicate their spare time to screen, work, do housework, or perform unstructured physical activity mostly at home instead of playing sports or actively outdoors. Family support, enjoyment of physical activity, access to programs and facilities, time, living in a housing complex with open common areas, and mild weather were important facilitators identified. 69.4% of children engage in extracurricular physical activity, none of which was provided by schools. More children commute by walking than riding a bike to and from school. Children living inland spent three times more time at home compared to those in seafront areas. Conclusions Children rely on their families to partake in extracurricular structured physical activity. Policies targeting children’s health and well-being should include school-based extracurricular physical activity programs.
... Societal perceptions and gender stereotypes may shape the activity patterns of boys and girls, as traditional norms often prescribe boys to be stronger and more active, while girls are expected to be quieter and gentler, potentially resulting in boys being more active and girls more sedentary [38]. Families may have disparate expectations and encouragements for boys' and girls' physical activity, as research indicates that parents are inclined to motivate boys more towards physical activity while less so for girls [39], potentially leading to a gender difference in activity levels. It has been shown that preschool children's behavior was strongly influenced by their peers [40], with the highest proportion of time being spent on physical activity when they were with active peers, and less time being spent on physical activity when they were with quiet peers. ...
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Purpose To investigate the association between preschool children's 24-h movement behaviors and health-related quality of life (HRQoL), exploring the impact of time reallocation among these behaviors and examining gender differences. Methods This study analysed HRQoL and 24-h movement behaviors of 349 preschool children in three kindergartens in Beijing, China, selected through convenience sampling using a cross-sectional study design. A t-test and multivariate analysis of variance methods were used to investigate gender differences. The study examined the relationship between 24-h movement behaviors and HRQoL using component data analysis and component isochronic substitution model methods, with an investigation into gender differences in the overall association. Results The study found a negative correlation between sedentary behavior (SB) and overall HRQoL score (γ = − 11.92, p < 0.05) in the entire sample, particularly affecting physical health score (γ = − 14.39, p < 0.01). Among boys, SB was negatively correlated with the HRQoL total score (γ = − 15.83, p < 0.05), while sleep was positively correlated with psychosocial health scores (γ = 17.814, p = 0.01). However, there was no significant association found between 24-h movement behaviors and HRQoL in girls. When using the component isochronic substitution model, reallocating 30 min from sedentary behavior to sleep increased the total HRQoL score of preschool children by 0.865 points (95% CI 0.071, 1.658). In contrast, reallocating 30 min from sleep to sedentary behavior resulted in a decrease of 0.850 points (95% CI − 1.638, − 0.062) in the total HRQoL score. Conclusions To improve preschool children's HRQoL, it is recommended to reduce their sedentary behavior time and increase their sleep time. Public health policymakers should consider this when developing 24-h movement behavior guidelines for preschoolers.
... Prior research has suggested that parents who are instrumental to healthy behaviors tend to have children who are more likely to engage in healthy behaviors (Orehek & Ferrer, 2019). Indeed, prior research has shown that parents can play a pivotal role in both adopting and sustaining child behaviors within the out-of-school environment (Beets et al., 2010;Beets et al., 2016;Feng et al., 2024;Nakamura et al., 2022;Petersen et al., 2020;Rhodes et al., 2019). Parents are also important facilitators of good sleep hygiene by setting consistent bedtimes, limiting screentime within a few hours of bedtime, setting consistent wake time on the weekday and weekend, and serving as role models for healthy sleep (Jarrin et al., 2020;Richardson et al., 2023). ...
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This study aimed to examine how perceived parental mental and physical health status was associated with child physical activity, screen time, and sleep. Participants were 6- to 17-year-old minors (N = 20,156; 47.9% female) from the 2022 US National Survey of Children’s Health. Dependent variables were children’s physical activity frequency, screen time, and sleep. Independent variables were parents’ physical and mental health status. Using the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model, two adjusted path models were constructed. One for parent mental health associating with parental physical health, another for parent physical health associating with parental mental health–both further associating with child movement behaviors. Path models also examined the covariance within parental dyads. Approximately 20.1% of children adhered to physical activity recommendations, 61.2% to screentime recommendations, and 66.4% to sleep recommendations. Parental physical health status mediated the association of parents' mental health status on child movement behaviors, and vice-versa. Mediated associations represented 20.1% to 50.5% of the total associations. Dyadic correlations were moderate (r = 0.52 – 0.60). Most of the dyadic correlations and covariance were explained by actor-driven effects, suggesting that the mediated parental association with child behaviors may be due to health perceptions related to the individual parent and not the other parent.
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This study (1R01HD107002-01A1) protocol describes the planned creation and use of an agent-based model (ABM) of early childhood physical activity (PA). Successful early childhood PA interventions can potentially play an important role in both increasing overall population health as well as closing health disparities across subpopulations. At present, effective strategies for doing so are currently unknown. In large part, this is because PA determinants operate across levels dynamically, interact with one another, and can differ substantially across children. A complex systems approach—specifically, ABM—can be used to provide important insights about effect pathways driving child PA. Design of the proposed ABM will be based on high-quality extant research on childhood physical activity while allowing for the testing of hypotheses that extend beyond this body of literature. Its primary source of input data will be participants in GROW (NCT01316653), a completed cohort-based randomized controlled trial (RCT) that includes extensive longitudinal PA data collected from accelerometer observations of children from ages 3–9. We will iteratively test and improve upon an etiologic ABM of childhood PA, ensuring that it can satisfactorily reproduce micro- and macro-level influences and trends comparable to those seen in GROW. The tested ABM will then be used to extrapolate beyond the context of the GROW RCT, experimentally identifying potentially efficacious intervention strategies to improve childhood physical activity through program implementation or changes in policies and practices. We will use expert input to identify promising intervention approaches. We will use the model to systematically experiment with a wide array of different hypothetical combinations of intervention specifications and combinations. At the end of the model experimentation step, we expect to generate insights of broad applicability to the field of PA science regarding what might work, and for whom, in promoting PA and reducing disparities in these behaviors.
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Psychological, biological, social, and physical environmental variables were examined for their association with physical activity of young people. A national sample of 1,504 parents and children in Grades 4–12 were interviewed by telephone. Twenty-two potential determinants were assessed along with an 11-item child physical activity index (α = .76). Hierarchical multiple regressions were conducted separately for 6 age–sex subgroups. Percentage of variance explained ranged from 18% for boys in Grades 4–6 to 59% for girls in Grades 10–12. Three variables had strong and consistent associations with the child physical activity index that generalized across subgroups: use of afternoon time for sports and physical activity, enjoyment of physical education, and family support for physical activity. These 3 variables should be targeted for change to promote physical activity in all groups of young people.
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Identifying social and psychological influences affecting children’s attitudes about physical activity is an important step in understanding individual differences in children’s activity involvement. This study examined the influence of parental socialization and children’s psychological characteristics upon attraction to physical activity. Fourth-grade children (N=81) completed questionnaires assessing perceived physical competence and attraction to physical activity. Parents also completed questionnaires assessing their physical activity orientations and level of encouragement of their child’s physical activity. A proposed model linking four sets of social and psychological variables was tested through path analysis. The results generally supported the hypothesized model and suggested that parental physical activity orientations, parental encouragement levels, children’s gender, and children’s perceived physical competence are important influences upon children’s attraction to physical activity.
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