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The relationship of maternal work characteristics to childcare type and quality in rural communities
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Drawing on data from the Family Life Project collected in North Carolina and Pennsylvania, this paper examines the relationship between maternal work characteristics and childcare type and quality in rural communities. Research is limited on the childcare experiences of rural families. Rural areas have less access to formal childcare and families often commute long distances for work, restricting childcare options. Employed mothers using childcare were selected (n = 441). Logistic and OLS regression was used to examine which characteristics, including workplace support, objective occupational measures, hours, wage, and shift, predicted care type and quality. Results indicated that most families were using informal care. Those with more hazardous work conditions and working night shifts were less likely to use centers. Higher quality care was related to more workplace support, center use, and higher wages. Implications for social policy and practice are discussed.
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... Both formal childcare arrangements (school and community settings) and informal childcare arrangements (relative care, parental care, neighbourhood care) have a significant impact on the economic and social conditions of low-income families (Del Boca, 2015;Kesler, 2020;Malik, 2019). However, most research on childcare availability, effectiveness, and choice has been conducted in urban areas, starkly underestimating the value of informal childcare settings and working mothers' financial contributions in rural areas (Marco et al., 2009). This bias also dismisses the impact of various childcare options on low-income families in rural/non-metropolitan areas. 2 Childcare for small children (ages 0-4) has been the subject of significant research as well (Burchinal et al., 2008;Capizzano & Adams, 2003;Davis & Connelly, 2005), but relatively little attention has been paid to school-aged children, which might be due to the varied childcare experiences of school-aged children (ages [5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14] compared to infants, toddlers, and preschoolers (Laughlin, 2010). ...
... Most notably, because of lower wages earned than urban workers, rural parents are more likely to use informal childcare (e.g. friends, neighbours, relatives) (Marco et al., 2009). In particular, grandmothers are mainstream caregivers. ...
Informal childcare has a significant impact on the economic and social conditions of low-income families. However, as opposed to formal childcare, there is a lack of studies about relative care and its impact on working mothers.
This study used the extended ethnographic comparative case method and analytical induction methodology to analyze in-depth interviews of 18 American females selected by purposive and convenient sampling: nine low-income working mothers living in a rural Midwestern area and another nine relatives who provided childcare.
Low-income working mothers selected relative care because of children’s safety, the trustworthiness of caretakers, doubt in the quality of daycare, and relative care’s affordability. All mothers were satisfied with the activities offered by relative care. Outcomes supported that relative care helped mothers’ psychological, emotional, and economic well-being. The results of the caretakers were mixed. While some relatives addressed their complete happiness, others stated that providing care reduced their time and resources.
Social workers need to understand the functions of extended family networks in rural areas, which have limited resources. The U.S. government should consider providing financial incentives for relatives who spend their time and energy assisting working mothers, as well as childcare subsidies for low-income families who rely on relative care.
... Past research also revealed that upper middle-class mothers practicing shared caregiving showed different interaction patterns than those who did not, and longer and more consistent childcare facilitates children's development (Ahnert et al., 2006). However, under the condition of multiple caretakers sharing caregiving responsibilities, changes in care may create an unstable rearing environment, increasing children's problem behaviors (De Marco et al., 2009). The tension between grandparents and parents regarding childrearing practices (e.g., Sands & Goldberg-Glen, 2000) can be another possible explanation of this finding. ...
Low‐income, rural families face significant mental health risks. However, the understanding of resources associated with mental health risks is limited. The present study investigated the associations between perceived resources of low‐income, rural mothers, and longitudinal maternal and child outcomes. This study utilized longitudinal data from the Family Life Project (N = 1203), from US rural areas with high poverty rates. Mothers reported their resources at 6‐month postpartum, and their levels of depression, anxiety, and role overload were assessed at 2‐year postpartum. Mothers reported their children's behavioral problems at 3 years old. Using a person‐centered approach, we identified four maternal profiles: lower resources (7.1%); higher intra‐family support (11.1%); higher inter‐family support (20.8%); and higher resources (60.9%). In general, the higher resource profile was associated with lower mental health concerns of mothers and lower levels of behavior problems of children. Mothers in the higher intra‐family support profile had disproportionately higher role overload. Children of mothers in the higher inter‐family support profile showed disproportionately higher behavioral problems. Maternal partner status and education were significant predictors of resource profiles. Findings support the heterogeneity in perceived resources among low‐income, rural families and different risk levels. Identifying these subgroups has significant implications for policy and interventions aimed toward this vulnerable population.
... For some families, this latter option can be intentionally chosen based on their preference, believes, and values. For others, it may stand from a selection process driven by the availability and affordability of childcare arrangements, which depend on multiple family and demographic factors such as the area of living (Geoffroy et al., 2012;Petitclerc et al., 2017), the household income (Varmuza et al., 2019), the marital status (Pepin et al., 2018), the parent's education (Varmuza et al., 2019), and the work schedule (Breunig et al., 2011;De Marco et al., 2009;Nowak et al., 2013;Varmuza et al., 2019). Therefore, parental decisions of using childcare arrangement or not, or to use one type of care over another, are constrained by the availability and the cost of childcare services, which are driven by the institutional context. ...
This study examined the longitudinal contribution of four different childcare arrangements attended during the preschool years to social behaviors and academic achievement up to age 15 years. Children participating in a Canadian longitudinal survey with available information on childcare attendance between ages 3 and 5 years (N = 6,852) were measured on multiple social behaviors (hyperactivity/inattention, depression/anxiety, disruptive behaviors) and academic outcomes (mathematic skills, academic achievement) across both childhood and adolescence. We conducted a propensity score matching analysis to control the selection bias for childcare attendance and performed generalized estimating equation models for panel data among matched groups. Our results showed no clear social or academic long-term advantage for Canadian children of attending any childcare arrangement in comparison to children being exclusively cared for by their parents. In contrast, children attending daycare centers had higher levels of hyperactivity/inattention until the age of 15 years. Children also had lower mathematic skills if attending daycare centers or informal childcare at preschool age, but this effect dissipated from childhood to adolescence. Interestingly, children from low-income families had higher levels of depression/anxiety if being cared for at home by someone other than their parents or relatives. This finding supports the dual-risk hypothesis suggesting that children from already impoverished families and attending informal childcare in their own home are at greater risk for internalizing difficulties. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... Experience of non-parental care in infancy was analysed in this study as a binary variable and the model did not differentiate nonparental care by type or length of time in non-parental care due to modelling constraints. Perhaps of greater significance is the absence of a measure of the quality of non-parental care in the GUI survey given that quality of care has been linked to gains in vocabulary in early childhood (Melhuish, Belsky, MacPherson, & Cullis, 2010) and may also be structured by maternal education (DeMarco et al., 2009). The validity of the variable, 'talks to infant while doing other things', is difficult to ascertain but this variable was included as a limited proxy for the quantity of maternal language input in infancy which is a strong predictor of vocabulary development and linked to socio-economic status (Hart & Risley, 1995). ...
Disparities in children's expressive language by socioeconomic status are evident early in childhood and impact children's development and educational attainment. This study investigated the processes by which maternal education, as a powerful indicator for socioeconomic status, affects early expressive language. A nationally representative cohort study of 8,062 children resident in the Republic of Ireland were assessed on the British Ability Scales (BAS) Naming Vocabulary Test at 36 months. A significant difference of almost six points was found between the mean vocabulary test scores of children whose mothers had completed the minimum level of educational attainment compared with children whose mothers had a degree-level qualification. Mediation analysis revealed that 78% of the difference was explained by mediating variables, with differences in household income, parental practice, and material resources accounting for most of the variation. The findings support interventions which redress gaps in maternal education, income, and caregiving.
... However, our measures of mothers' work schedules differ from those in prior studies in important ways. We use parental employment calendar data based on parents' work schedules during a 1-week period and examine different types of nonstandard schedules (i.e., working in the early mornings, evenings, overnight, weekends), whereas most prior studies rely on parents to self-report their regular work schedules and typically combine multiple types of nonstandard schedules together (Han 2004;Kimmel and Powell 2006;De Marco et al. 2009;Coley et al. 2014). We consider mothers who work at least 30 minutes during nonstandard times to work a nonstandard schedule, which captures a much larger proportion of working mothers than prior studies capture, and we also measure the extent of mothers' work hours that occur during nonstandard times. ...
Despite increases in public funding for early care and education (ECE) programs in recent decades, low-income children ages 0–5 years are less likely to be enrolled in center-based ECE programs compared with higher-income children. Low-income working parents are also more likely to work jobs with nonstandard schedules, which are associated with lower rates of center-based ECE. This study examines whether parents’ work hours and nonstandard schedules explain income-based gaps in center-based ECE using detailed measures of parental work hours and schedules based on calendar data from the National Survey of Early Care and Education. We find that mothers’ work hours and schedules are predictive of 0– 5-year-old children’s enrollment in center-based ECE, and accounting for mothers’ work hours and schedules significantly reduces income-based gaps in center-based ECE, particularly among infants and toddlers.
... Head Start; approximately 45%) with another 45% in relative care or in their own home. For working mothers, results were similar with about 43% of mothers choosing centre-based care (De Marco et al., 2009). ...
Millions of children in the United States live in rural areas and often start school with fewer school readiness skills than counterparts in urban areas. Access to high-quality child care could be a mechanism to improve school readiness; however, it is unclear what, if anything, distinguishes child care in rural and urban areas. Focusing specifically on three aspects of child care pertinent to children’s school readiness, including type, access, and quality, we review the extant literature on characteristics of child care in rural areas of the United States and identified seventeen studies. Parents in rural (vs. urban) areas more commonly select and can access family- or home-based child care vs. centre-based care. Child care quality bears similar relations with children’s outcomes in rural and urban areas. This descriptive review suggests the need for additional research focused on child care in rural areas to better inform child care policy.
... This follows similar findings from Iran which found that mothers with a reasonably flexible work schedule expressed no difficulty in breastfeeding their infants [28]. A plethora of evidence also exists, to show that where adequate alternative childcare is available, maternal employment does not negatively affect breastfeeding [29][30][31]. The focus group discussions also emphasized the role of family support in exclusive breastfeeding practice. ...
Background
Maternal work has been identified as one of the factors that affect exclusive breastfeeding in the first six months of life. In Ghana, mothers engaged in the formal sector of employment are unable to exclusively breastfeed after maternity leave because facilities at their work places and conditions of work do not support exclusive breastfeeding. Even though maternal work and exclusive breastfeeding does not seem well matched, not all maternal work are incompatible with the practice of exclusive breastfeeding.This study seeks to identify the features of maternal work associated with exclusive breastfeeding in Effutu Municipal in the Central Region of Ghana. To achieve the above aim, I discuss the different types of maternal work, their characteristics, and how the work may influence exclusive breastfeeding. Methods
The study is a community based cross-sectional study involving 225 mother-infant pairs attending community based Child Welfare Clinics in Effutu Municipal, Ghana. Data were collected through face-to-face structured interviews and focus group discussions over a period of five months in 2015. Data on breastfeeding is based on the breastfeeding practice in the 24 h preceding the survey. Chi-square test is used to identify strength of association between the features of maternal work and exclusive breastfeeding practice. ResultsThe exclusive breastfeeding rate among mothers with infants between the ages of 0 – 5 months is 72%. The mean and median number of breastfeeds per day is 11 ± 2.7 and 13.5 respectively. A significant difference in exclusive breastfeeding was established between mothers in the formal (16%) and informal (84%) sectors of employment (p = 0.020). The study also established a significant difference in breastfeeding frequency between mothers in the formal (9%) and informal (91%) sectors of employment (p = 0.001). There was also a significant difference in breastfeeding frequency among respondents that go to work with their infant (64%) and those who do not go to work with their infant (36%) (p = 0.000). Conclusion
Interventions to promote exclusive breastfeeding should include the use of existing family structures, supportive cultural beliefs, and practices and promotion of an infant-friendly work environment.
Prior research shows that mothers’ nonstandard work schedules are associated with worse child developmental outcomes. A key hypothesized mechanism of this relationship is children’s time with parents. Yet, it is unclear how mothers’ work schedules matter for the quantity of time or types of activities in which children engage with their parents. Using unique children’s time-diary data on 808 children with employed mothers from a national survey of households, OLS regression models were used to estimate associations between mothers’ nonstandard schedules and children’s time with their mother—and in two-parent families, total time with either parent—considering both the total amount of time and time engaged in developmentally-supportive activities. We found that mothers’ nonstandard schedules were associated with children spending more time with their mother on weekdays and suggestive evidence that this led to children spending more total time with their mother during the week. However, these positive associations were driven by mothers working irregular schedules with evidence of negative associations for evening and night schedules. The associations between mothers’ work schedules and children’s time with parents also varied by child age and family structure, suggesting that children in two-parent families, and those with more social and economic resources overall, may fare better than their counterparts when their mother works a nonstandard schedule. Findings highlight the importance of examining subgroup differences when estimating the associations between mothers’ work schedules and child and family outcomes.
Young children growing up in rural America today face a number of challenges. Their parents have less income than urban families and less access to higher education and other important resources. On the other hand, young children in rural families often have access to extended family, live in single-family homes, and experience less random violent crime than children who live in urban communities. This chapter reviews the literature on rural families with young children and presents data from a representative sample of rural children (Family Life Project; FLP) to describe the lives of these families and their children from birth into elementary school. Results from the FLP suggest that parenting is particularly important in rural America, and that good parenting is a key mediator of the relationship between poverty indicators and children’s development. For example, we find that father language during early childhood is important for the prediction of language and school achievement for rural children in this sample. Household chaos is negatively related to positive child outcomes in development, although this also seems to be mediated through parenting. Interestingly, African American and non-African American FLP children come into elementary school above the national average on language and achievement tests, but both groups begin to fall behind in later elementary school. Good instruction in school does appear to help all children in language and literacy, but it especially helps children who enter school with lower skills.
Low-skilled women in the 1990s took widely different paths in trying to support their children. Some held good jobs with growth potential, some cycled in and out of low-paying jobs, some worked part time, and others stayed out of the labor force entirely. Scholars have closely analyzed the economic consequences of these varied trajectories, but little research has focused on the consequences of a mother's career path on her children's development. Making It Work, edited by Hirokazu Yoshikawa, Thomas Weisner, and Edward Lowe, looks past the economic statistics to illustrate how different employment trajectories affect the social and emotional lives of poor women and their children. Making It Work examines Milwaukee's New Hope program, an experiment testing the effectiveness of an anti-poverty initiative that provided health and child care subsidies, wage supplements, and other services to full-time low-wage workers. Employing parent surveys, teacher reports, child assessment measures, ethnographic studies, and state administrative records, Making It Work provides a detailed picture of how a mother's work trajectory affects her, her family, and her children's school performance, social behavior, and expectations for the future. Rashmita Mistry and Edward D. Lowe find that increases in a mother's income were linked to higher school performance in her children. Without large financial worries, mothers gained extra confidence in their ability to parent, which translated into better test scores and higher teacher appraisals for their children. JoAnn Hsueh finds that the children of women with erratic work schedules and non-standard hours-conditions endemic to the low-skilled labor market-exhibited higher levels of anxiety and depression. Conversely, Noemi Enchautegui-de-Jesus, Hirokazu Yoshikawa, and Vonnie McLoyd discover that better job quality predicted lower levels of acting-out and withdrawal among children. Perhaps most surprisingly, Anna Gassman-Pines, Hirokazu Yoshikawa, and Sandra Nay note that as wages for these workers rose, so did their marriage rates, suggesting that those worried about family values should also be concerned with alleviating poverty in America. It is too simplistic to say that parental work is either "good" or "bad" for children. Making It Work gives a nuanced view of how job quality, flexibility, and wages are of the utmost importance for the well-being of low-income parents and children.
An economy that operates 24/7-as ours now does-imposes extraordinary burdens on workers. Two-fifths of all employed Americans work mostly during evenings, nights, weekends, or on rotating shifts outside the traditional 9-to-5 work day. The pervasiveness of nonstandard work schedules has become a significant social phenomenon, with important implications for the health and well-being of workers and their families. In Working in a 24/7 Economy, Harriet Presser looks at the effects of nonstandard work schedules on family functioning and shows how these schedules disrupt marriages and force families to cobble together complex child-care arrangements that should concern us all. The number of hours Americans work has received ample attention, but the issue of which hours-or days-Americans work has received much less scrutiny. Working in a 24/7 Economy provides a comprehensive overview of who works nonstandard schedules and why. Presser argues that the growth in women’s employment, technological change, and other demographic changes over the past thirty years gave rise to the growing demand for late-shift and weekend employment in the service sector. She also demonstrates that most people who work these hours do so primarily because it is a job requirement, rather than a choice based on personal considerations. Presser shows that the consequences of working nonstandard schedules often differ for men and women since housework and child-rearing remain assigned primarily to women even when both spouses are employed. As with many other social problems, the burden of these schedules disproportionately affects the working poor, reflecting their lack of options in the workplace and adding to their disadvantage. Presser also documents how such work arrangements have created a new rhythm of daily life within many American families, including those with two earners and absent fathers. With spouses often not at home together in the evenings or nights, and parents often not at home with their children at such times, the relatively new concept of “home-time” has emerged as primary concern for families across the nation. Employing a wealth of empirical data, Working in a 24/7 Economy shows that nonstandard work schedules are both highly prevalent among American families and generate a level of complexity in family functioning that demands greater public attention. Presser makes a convincing case for expanded research and meaningful policy initiatives to address this growing social phenomenon. © 2003 by Russell Sage Foundation. First papercover edition 2005. All rights reserved.
Low-educated employed mothers have a higher prevalence of working nonstandard hours and days, nonfixed daytime schedules, and weekends than do their more educated counterparts; thus, welfare reform will have to consider improving the fit between the availability of child care and these working mothers' schedules.
The feminization of poverty has been well documented, and the relationship between the experiences of poverty and negative mental health outcomes has been identified. These consequences remain largely unexamined for women living in rural areas that comprise a population both at risk and underserved by mental health professionals.The dynamics of poverty for these women and the relationship between poverty lifestyles and physical and mental well-being is explored.A model for assessment and mental health interventions is presented. Implications for mental health counseling and for research are considered.