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Globalization and Its Discontent

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... Bretton Wood justificaron estas diferencias, a veces, por factores de corrupción, falta de eficiencia entre los trabajadores, carencia de cadenas productivas, mal manejo financiero, inflación, etcétera. Así, crearon nubes tecnocráticas que impidieron comprender los resultados negativos implícitos de la globalización regresiva (Stiglitz, 2007;, donde una elite se ha apropiado del plusproducto económico, a costo de salarios miserables de los trabajadores y de la explotación irracional de la naturaleza. Sin duda, dicho "desarrollo" se ha convertido en un proceso de subdesarrollo sistemáticamente organizado: un desarrollo del subdesarrollo (Strahm y Oswald, 1990). ...
... Los procesos arraigados en este análisis se fincan en el modelo patriarcal que dejan pocas oportunidades a regiones rezagadas y grupos sociales en condiciones socioeconómicas y ambientales precarias, donde la falta de una ética social fue incapaz de reconstruir el tejido social dañado. Los obstáculos mayores se presentan en las redes intrincadas de los intereses creados por la mano invisible del mercado neoliberal (Stiglitz, 2007) y recientemente de las acciones del crimen organizado, aunque los paraísos fiscales reciben el dinero de ambos sectores por la evasión fiscal y representan los mecanismos más tradicionales de este crimen especulativo. ...
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El libro Debates Sobre Medio Ambiente y Sustentabilidad, se aborda , principalmente desde las ciencias sociales (economía, filosofía, ética, historia, conocimientos tradicionales, educación, ciencia de la vida) y ambientales (ecología, gestión ambiental, degradación del ambiente), tomando como eje temático los conceptos de Teoría, Educación y Nuevas Sociedades. Es un abordaje de problemáticas insertas en la complejidad como el colapso ecológico, la salud del planeta y la sociedad humana, el doble carácter del trabajo desde la visión de Marx, el Antropoceno [que nos recuerda que vale la pena trabajar en la transición en nuestra Tierra que cuenta con todos los recursos para vivir en paz y en armonía dentro de una visión biocéntrica], la educación ambiental, los conflictos de responsabilidad, hasta la construcción de movimientos antisistémicos y la visibilización de las demandas de las comunidades, todo ello en un llamamiento a dejar de lado los egos disciplinarios que obstaculizan el trabajo interactivo entre los científicos y entre éstos y los actores sociales y políticos.
... Melalui cara ini, Barat tentu dengan mudahnya dapat merealisasikan kepentingan nasionalnya untuk dijadikan sebagai kepentingan global. Dengan demikian dapat disimpulkan bahwa pola hubungan pusat-pinggiran menempatkan Barat sebagai pemain utama dalam globalisasi, sedangkan Dunia Ketiga tidak lebih hanya sebagai objek dari diberlakukannya aturan-aturan dan kebijakan-kebijakannya.Pada konteks yang sama,Stiglitz (2002) menyatakan bahwa posisi hegemoniknya membuat Barat menyusun aturan perdagangan bebas yang tidak adil dan diskriminatif bagi Dunia Ketiga dalam salah satu institusinya, WTO. Isu utama yang mencuat dalam konteks ini adalah perdagangan komoditas pertanian yang mengemuka dalam putaran perundingan WTO di Doha yang menyulut perdebatan sengit antara negara Utara dan negara Selatan. ...
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This book explain about responsibility and role of state in the era of globalization
... Citizen participation, high transparency in [national why switch to national, when paper is about local] policies, public services and governance, as well as the accountability of public officials play a major role in economic growth (Huther, 1996;Stromberg, 2004;Lassen, 2005;Nguyen et al., 2015) [16,[19][20][21]. Under clear tax policies and transparent legal frameworks, the economy and markets operate more efficiently (Stglitz, 2002) [22]. ...
Article
Improving public governance efficiency and effectiveness plays an important role in economic development. But research shows this relationship to be highly dependent on the country context. This paper analyzes the role of local governance on provincial economic development in Vietnam. Results show that the good governance has a positive relationship with the economic size of provinces andper capita income and contributes to poverty reduction. If the local governace index increases by 10%, the per capita income will increase by 4.38% and the poverty rate will decrease by 8%. Analysis also shows that control of corruption, grassroot citizen participation, accountability and transparency, and improvement of public administrative procedures impact poverty reduction, with corruption control having a negative correlation coefficient. Thus, effectiveness of local governance correlates with provincial economic developmentin Vietnam.
... We further argue through relying on African idioms (drawn from IsiZulu and Setswana) as well as Mbeki's renaissance project that; these African Idioms and Mbeki's position assert the connectedness of Africans and downplays the existence of the concept xenophobia in African context. It is part of what Stiglitz and Pike (2004) described as globalisation and its discontent. This paper is dissected into the five sections. ...
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The main goal of this work is to reposition the concept of xenophobia in the African context. This is to reflect on Thabo Mbeki’s narrative on Xenophobia. Africa continues to remain a pawn due to the Eurocentric ideas that have been forced on the Africans also brought about a foreign concept of xenophobia as if Africans are not brothers in the name of brotherhood. It is incontestable that brothers are, in some cases engage in fight, but there was a laid down rules and norms of resolving such misunderstanding. With the employment of qualitative research methods, complex interdependence theory garnished with Anglo-American conspiracy theory; we argue that, Anglo-American imperialist managed to spread and enforce the usage of English through imposing the concept xenophobia in the continent while failing to capture the essence of sibling fights or fights amongst African brothers and sisters conceptualised by the Batswana speaking people as maragana teng a bana motho. Through acknowledging Mbeki’s narrative and some sampled African languages, we argue that, while there is a word for foreigner in these sampled African languages, there is no direct or indirect translation of xenophobia in African languages. We conclude that the concept xenophobia has its etymological foundations in Greek and is therefore foreign in any of the African and South African indigenous languages.
... The World Bank's financial assistance in Nepal increased alongside the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), which were enforced in partnership with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), another financial institution based in Washington (Stiglitz, 2002). Nepal received a two-phase structural adjustment loan. ...
Article
Nepal has adopted neo-liberal policy framework in education sector since 1997, just seven years of journey of free-market economic policy. The capitalist economy was modified by Washington Consensus which was based on financial instruments. Later, major policy framework adopted by Nepal is SDGs, which prescribed by neoliberalism, is more equitable, productive; environment friendly, inclusive and people empower friendly. The research question is whether WB funded educational reform project yields positive impact in socio-economic sector in Nepal. The objective of the study is to assess the overall impact of neoliberalist policy framework adopted in higher education in Nepal and to forward policy prescription.The secondary data has been gathered between the periods 1997-2020 and analysed descriptively. Post positivism research paradigm is adopted. Explanatory research design approach has been used and data is analysed descriptively. The validity and reliability issue of the study is addressed with sufficient data and appropriate data analysis techniques. The conclusion: the existing neoliberal policy framework needs to revaluate since its delivery measured in terms of inequality, unemployment, poverty, NOC, and capital flight for higher education in foreign university shows poor performance.
... The debate on aid effectiveness is not settled. Some have argued that aid enhances growth (Stiglitz, 2002;Stiglitz and Charlton, 2006). The proponents explain that financial flows in the form of development aid substitute for the lack of national savings that subsequently increase the stock of capital, which encourages investment by reducing rates and costs of loans. ...
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This study departed from other agricultural aid-growth studies by measuring growth as the annual growth rate of agricultural value added and accounting for the moderating role of governance on the aid-growth effect. Using data on a panel of 117 developing countries from 1996 to 2020, aid negatively influenced agricultural growth. Governance had a negative but insignificant independent effect on growth. However, the interaction of governance with aid turned the aid-growth effect from a significant negative to a statistically insignificantly positive effect. Since the low level of governance produced the positive interaction effect, of the aid-growth relationship, escalation of (good) governance could produce a strong effect.
... Comparing eqs. (15), (17) and (3), we can see that (using Assumption 1): ...
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... Before his departure from the World Bank (in 1999), he talked forcibly of movement towards a " post-Washington consensus " , alongside other institutional reform (Stiglitz, 1998aStiglitz, , 1998b Standing, 2000). However, his recent criticisms of practices within the Washington institutions (Stiglitz, 2002; Palast, 2002), and the circumstances of his departure, 18 highlight concerns that the institutions themselves are reluctant to fundamentally change their approach. 19 While policy re-evaluation is clearly necessary, it is important first to reflect on why the Washington consensus development agenda has failed to generate the necessary success and support. ...
... The second section begins with the deep-seated structural problems of trade by looking the implications of global trade system (Haslam, et.al, 2012). In the third section the policy paper will demonstrate the existing marginalisation of international trade by revealing the imbalances of the rich nations in the north together with the newly industrialised countries (NICs) in some parts of Latin America and East Asia and the declining share of LDCs (Stiglitz, 2003 andBaer, 1972). This includes the nature of business practices in Africa, its regulatory environments and the capacity of the limited infrastructure of the continent (Yong-Shik Lee, 2016). ...
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This policy paper explains the global trade system reform. It proposes to burgeon international trade – away in which the least developed countries of the world can attain their share from the global economic system.The paper examines why the global trade system worked very well with the advanced industrialised countries inthe north, and the newly industrialised countries of the south, but not the least developed countries (LDCs) as theshare of their global economy has declined dramatically since in the 1980s? The research draws attention to theunfair policies in the global trade system. It also explains the existing technological and industrial obstacles, whichresulted the developing economies’ negative participation in the world trade, and the causes of trade imbalancesthat hinders LDCs, not to attain their portion from the global economy.
... While some theorists view it in positive lights, others claimthat its adverse effects far outweigh its benefits. Stiglitz (2002) posits that globalization enormously reduces the costs of transportation and communication by breaking down the artificial barriers to the flow of goods, services, capital knowledge and even people across national borders. However, Hurrel and Wood (1998) assert that globalization, as an integrative process, is lopsidedly structured to favour the developed countries of Europe and America. ...
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The new world order of global peace and security that was envisioned to follow the Cold War era has remained a mirage. The post-cold war era has continued to witness an intensification and globalization of security challenges which were predominantly localized during the Cold War era. Insecurity has become a major characteristic of global relations and there is no continent that is spared from insecurity problems. Despite every measure that has been taken by international organizations and their various agencies, global insecurity, including intra states, inter states conflicts and terrorism, keeps intensifying by the day. The study employed the descriptive analysis of secondary data to establish a relationship between growing inequities and rising violence in the New World Order. The study is premised on the dependency, frustration-aggression and human needs theories. It ascribed the problem of insecurity in the New World (dis)Order to the deep inequities in global relations, especially in political and economic relations between the global North and the global South. It averred that if the global system is not restructured to promote political and economic equity, fraternity and liberty, international security will continue to be an illusion.
... Various studies confirm that conditionality-based development cooperation programmes under the so-called Washington Consensus (WC) delivered disappointing results in most aid recipient countries, particularly in Africa and Latin America (Babb & Kentikelenis, 2018;Williamson, 2004). Instead of accelerating economic growth and subsequently reducing poverty, the reform programmes under the WC seemed to have further worsened the debt crisis, increased people's economic vulnerability and negatively affected human well-being (Chang, 2007;Easterly, 2006;Moyo, 2009;Pender, 2001;Stiglitz, , 1998aStiglitz, , 2002World Bank, 1999, 2000. Much of the frustrating outcomes of such reform agendas could be attributed to the topdown nature of the development partnership model that undermined the assistance recipient countries' needs and priorities while implementing policy reforms. ...
Article
Recognizing that the political environment that once fostered a global culture of top down, conditionality-driven aid delivery is no longer in place, this theoretically informed study provides insight into the emerging ‘aid and/or development effectiveness’ narrative. By exploring a case study of Bangladesh, it offers a nuanced analytical perspective on the role of donor agencies in managing development partnership at the country level. It interweaves a critical review of the concept of country ownership, the historical role of three major European donors, namely FCDO, DANIDA, and GIZ, and the conversation with select stakeholders to illuminate the ineptness of the ‘development effectiveness’ narrative in guiding our efforts aimed at creating a new aid architecture. In particular, our research findings call into question the assumption that donors are committed to the principles of country ownership. Contrary to the claims of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC), our study observes that the new language of development effectiveness and/or country ownership did not create a positive space for Bangladesh to manage its own development agenda. Instead of demonstrating their desire to promote self-reliant development, donor agencies and countries appear to have leveraged the development effectiveness rhetoric for advancing their own sociopolitical interests.
... The destructiveness of modern warfare, but also the pressures from the Bretton Wood organizations for repayment of debts of highly indebted countries, inefficient and corrupt governments, and the increasing climate impacts in the Global South are creating conditions of permanent risks. The multiple economic crises [43] and recent high inflation with economic crises are further limiting the prosperity, development, and well-being of the global population. ...
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This article explores diverse peace paradigms from negative and realist to liberal, structural, and cosmopolitan peace. The liberal focus in a multi-diverse world with an occidental cosmopolitan pathway did not prevent global and regional wars, such as the present between Russia and Ukraine. The text focuses on a methodology of an open, dissipative, and self-regulating system on a decolonized bottom-up approach, where indigenous communities, representing 5% of the world population, conserve 80% of the remaining biodiversity. Women produce also half the food for their families and communities. Ethnic, economic, and gender discrimination are related to patriarchy that has devastated societies and the environment. Alternative HUGE (human, gender, and environmental) security is caring for vulnerable social groups and destroyed environments. Women’s care economy, subsistence production, sorority, and social solidarity from the bottom up are transforming violence inside society and families, centering on well-being and not capital accumulation. Reinforcing regional autonomy, gender, and indigenous equity also reduces the impacts of environmental footprints. This decolonized understanding represents an alternative model of the way of life in the Global South, based on engendered and sustainable peacebuilding for a sustainable future.
... Joseph Stiglitz (2002) views that the idea of property as a market commodity is based on the belief that free individuals in a society will act in a free market through contractual instruments in order to maximize their interests. This is enshrined in the TRIPS Agreement which is a neo-liberal creed of "market fundamentalism." ...
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... According to Stiglitz, the costs associated with servicing the public debt of a number of developing countries exceeded twenty-five percent of exports (Stiglitz, 2002) and even fifty (Stiglitz, 2007). Stiglitz also refers to the socalled "odious" debt provided for political purposes during the Cold War, and expresses the opinion that nations should not pay for these loans instead of the enriched ruling administration, and creditors themselves should take into account the possibility of losing their money in such cases. ...
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The main goal of the presented article is to propose effective solutions in the philosophical context of the management of the foreign public debt of RA. The Government of the RA should adopt as a priority the philosophy of attracting borrowed funds from the domestic market. Considering also the fact that the Republic of Armenia relied on the philosophy of ensuring double-digit economic growth, having a long-term goal to increase the real GDP indicator, which will ultimately contribute to reducing the volume of debt obligations. As a priority contributing to this goal, the RA Government intends to significantly increase the volume of trade turnover[1], especially in connection with the current geopolitical situation, when Armenia, in particular, is the “gateway of Europe” for Russia, which is the main trading partner. [1] In 2021, major trading partners of the RA included Russia from the CIS countries (31.4% of trade turnover, compared to 30.6% of the previous year), and from the EU and other countries China (15% and 13.5%, respectively), Iran (6.0% and 5.6 %), Switzerland (4.6% and 6.6%), Germany (3.5% and 4.2%), Italy (3.4% and 3.3%), Bulgaria (2.7% and 2.4%) and the Netherlands (2.7% and 1.8%). Source: RA Ministry of Finance www.minfin.am.
... The role of the state in neoliberalism is limited as a regulator and guardian of the workings of the market mechanism. In the Washington Consensus, the role of the state in neoliberalism is to do four things: 1) implement tight budget policies, including the elimination of subsidies; 2) liberalization of the financial sector; 3) trade liberalization; 4) implementation of the privatization of state-owned enterprises or badan usaha milik negara (BUMN) (Stiglitz, 2002(Stiglitz, , 2021Faudzi, 2018;Lodhi, 2018). ...
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The research aims to analyze the governance of economic philosophy by analyzing the relationship between the economic constitution and the philosophical-ideological reflection of Pancasila in critical argumentation. Economic globalization requires countries to adapt. In practice, the adaptation process can lead to the manifestation of personal and group interests, even if it is not in accordance with the economic needs of the people (Èernius, 2012). The anticipation is that the government will emphasize the position of Pancasila as the main catalyst in the economic constitution. The study was conducted using a normative juridical approach with selected sources of legal information utilized. The analysis technique was conducted using a qualitative design. The results of the study found that the economic constitution has a relationship with philosophical reflections in the form of the basic philosophy of Indonesia’s economic development and conformity with the ideological reflection of Pancasila as the state ideology (Sinaga & Putri, 2021). Moreover, the economic constitution as a philosophical-ideological reflection of Pancasila is realized through the conception of an economic constitution with a religious perspective, an economic constitution reflecting the national identity, a people-based economic constitution, and an economic constitution aimed at improving welfare
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Even after all its nations have attained political independence, Africa still relies on foreign aid for economic development. Scholars are divided when it comes to the question of whether aid is good or bad for Africa. Through the use of conversational thinking as a method, on the one hand, we interrogate the views of scholars such as Sachs (End of poverty: Economic possibilities of our time. The Penguin press, New York, 2005), Easterly (2006), Collier (The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What Can Be Done About it. Oxford University Press, New York, 2007), who believe that aid is good for Africa’s development. These scholars give the impression that Africa is incapable of economic growth without Western assistance. On the other hand, there are scholars such as Abuzeid (Stanford Journal of International RelationsXI(1):16–23, 2009), Moyo (Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Working and How There is A Better Way for Africa. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2009), Deaton (The Great Escape: Healthy, Wealthy, and the Origins of Inequality. Princetown University Press, New Jersey, 2013), who argue for Africa to be self-sufficient and do away with aid, citing that it keeps Africa economically dependent, encourages corruption and conflict and discourages free enterprise. This position seems to neglect the global interconnectedness and lack of self-sufficiency of nations. Contrary to these two positions, Metz (2019) argues that since its nations are not technologically self-sufficient, Africa needs to enter into a relationship of interdependence with West in order to become technologically and economically viable. In this chapter, we seek to affirm Metz’s relational ethics which is informed by Ubuntu ethics and argue further that his notion of economic interdependence must be built on the idea of economic self-reliance in Africa and among Africans. The notion of economic self-reliance that we argue for is one that acknowledges the technological insufficiency of Africa that should warrant its borrowing technology from the West in order to grow its local economy, without depending on external economic aid.
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Globalisation today refers to the increasing economic integration beyond national borders, driven by the processes of trade liberalisation and financial deregulation. Large corporations have long sought to dominate global markets, viewing access to international markets as a means to exert control over resources and expand their influence. In theory, global governance aims to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of delivering public goods. Additionally, it calls for greater transparency, accountability, and representation to strengthen democratic processes (Siddiqui, 2020a). Globalisation entails a growing proportion of economic, social, and cultural transactions occurring across countries, which is often equated with ‘internationalisation.’ Hirst and Thompson (1996) define it as a shift away from self-sufficient national economies, which may lead to inefficiency and stifle competition, toward a single, integrated global economy. However, Wade (1996) contends that the extent of globalisation has been overstated. (Stiglitz, 2002)
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In order to understand China’s foreign policy, one has to understand the foreign policy of the countries that have been China’s most serious competitors, first European powers in the XIX Century, then the US in the XX and XXI centuries. Both have implemented, at least since the discovery of the Americas, a global foreign policy aimed at dominating the rest of the world. For dealing with both of China’s competitors it would have been necessary first to fully analyse the foreign policy of European powers, especially England and France. In my previous books (Urio in Reconciling state, market, and society in China. The long march towards prosperity. Routledge, London and New York 2010, Urio in China, the west, and the myth of new public management. Routledge, London and New York, 2012, Urio in China reclaims world power status. Putting an end to the World America made. Routledge, London and New York, 2018) I have already dealt, even if very briefly, with the aggression of European powers starting from the first Opium War (1839–42). I have explained how this defeat had been an unbearable national humiliation that lasted more than one century, until Mao proclaimed the People’s Republic of China, proudly stating that ‘ours will no longer be a nation subject to insult and humiliation.
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This study attempts to lay the foundation for a methodology of technical cooperation in the financial sector among national governments. Since sustainable economic growth requires sound and efficient financial systems, financial authorities worldwide have actively pursued technical cooperation. Intergovernmental financial-sector technical cooperation presents unique considerations because of its specificity in comparison with technical cooperation in other areas. Nevertheless, this important international activity lacks a systematic methodology. This article makes clear that despite the complex externality, a methodology of financial-sector technical cooperation could be developed within the existing academic frameworks of development finance, historical sociology, comparative institutional analysis and behavioural economics. This finding implies that a recipient authority’s initiative is the most important factor in bringing about institutional change in the financial system. Given the path dependency of an institution, this finding also explains the empirical evidence of why it is more difficult and takes longer than expected to reform a financial system. Therefore, both donor and recipient parties need to keep this in mind and be patient until the effects of a cooperative project emerge. Going forward, it is worthwhile to explore disclosure on cooperative activities and collaboration among donors to an extent that is both possible and appropriate. In addition, there may be room for application of recent psychological findings to improve the relationship between recipient and donor.
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The Duped Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as Actor for Genocide and Causes of Conflict
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Globalization has really impacted the social formation of the Third world countries.
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The defining characteristic of the South-South solidarity is cooperation the member countries of the South. The original vision was for member countries to promote trade as well as to demonstrate, through practical examples, how commercially viable projects can be implemented using the technology, experience and capital from the South. Regrettably, these dreams still remain unfulfilled. The experience gained by the developing countries after several years of bilateral interaction with the North underscores the idea that South-South trade should be symmetrical. However the most discernible pattern in the South-South relationship is still asymmetrical. A case in point is the Nigeria-China relations which appear to be in great disequilibrium and to China’s advantage. As the bilateral relations have progressed from cultural linkages to intense economic penetration of the Nigerian economy, observers of Nigeria’s international relations have become highly conscious of the reciprocal need to transform this intensive relationship into a mutually constructive one, that is towards the promotion of a more symmetrical relationship. This article, using dependency approach, demonstrates that these disparities actually account for the sharp differences in the outcomes of the bilateral trade and the level of development in the two countries. It also draws some vital lessons not only for Nigeria but also for other sub-Saharan African countries to learn from China in terms of the approach to economic reforms and development experience. The study seeks also to identify the crucial aspects of Nigeria-China bilateral interactions, assess the receptivity to the Chinese penetration of the Nigerian economy and the changing perspectives on the viability of the bilateral relations.
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Contents The Niger Delta Crisis: A Focus on Post-Amnesty Militancy and National Security Otojieh Chukwuemeka Ojione ........................................... .......... 1 The Complex Roots of the Second Eritrea-Ethiopia War: Re-Examining the Causes Redie Bereketeab....................................................................... 15 Nigeria-China Economic Relations Under the South-South Cooperation Samuel O. Udeala ....................................................................... 61 Avoiding the Oil Curse in Ghana: Is Transparency Sufficient? Franklin Obeng-Odoom..............................................................89 United States Foreign Policy and the Second Liberian Civil War George Klaty Kieh, Jr.................................................................121
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This book is the outcome of a research program conducted by an international and multidisciplinary team of 20 scholars on the relation between indigenous spirituality and sustainable development. It reveals that there is a clash between the developmental views of modern scientific knowledge and traditional indigenous knowledge, each claiming to be better able to contribute to sustainability than the other. Some authors put more trust in modern science and others in indigenous spirituality, yet others occupy a position in between. Whatever their position, all authors hold that in principle evidence-based research can show which knowledge claim is more appropriate to bring about a better quality of life.
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As the closest and biggest neighbor of Papua New Guinea (PNG), Australia steers many details of governance and civil strife in PNG and the region. Helped by colonial powers, the United Nations and globalization, Australia actually designed most of PNG’s nation state reality, including social, and environmental ones. In Australia’s Arc of Instability (= several poorer and subsequentially weaker nations like Solomon Islands, PNG, Fiji and Vanuatu), it is the Australian governance itself that created much conflict and terror. It was envisioned that PNG can step out of 47,000 years of human history within less than 30 years and just be ‘modern’ from now on; to save costs for Australia. Here it is shown how such concepts compromised sustainability, namely through the Australian self-promotion of economic growth and other neoliberal metrics with a wider dysfunct patch-worked framework.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG) wildernessAustralian protectorateOuter fascismRacismForeign affairsInternational politicsGlobalizationModernity
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Papua New Guinea (PNG) is a precious place; it carries a globally recognized civilization of public land tenure that is over 47,000 years old and globally sustainable. But a typically found conflict between western economy and the environment on a finite land mass and ocean destroys what PNG was and what it can be and contributes. This conflict began with colonialism and is ongoing for over 60 years. PNG is widely out of hands of democracy and its citizens running a western ‘resource curse.’ This scheme is led by international managers, CEOs, corporate administrators and politicians usually implying there is a win–win, or a tech-way out to make everybody happy and wealthy in a ‘trickle-down economy.’ As CEOs are placed to PNG by their respective companies with a working visa, they just tend to use superficial and simplistic narratives applied globally but failing locally. All too often it was shown that those leaders simply balance and increase budgets and subsequent maximized profits but ignore the rest of their trusted leadership tasks, or even frankly do not have the skill and expertise to account better and wider, to act more holistically, and to safeguard future generations and their trusted resource and the world. There has been no good partnership whatsoever between actors, and the ‘public license’ was not achieved well. Driven from the outside, politically correctness was left at the wayside, and bankruptcy with a boom-and-bust dominates. Such conflicts of sustainability become violent quickly on either side and leave ‘bad blood’ for nothing. Based on field work and public data and open access information here some basic overview of PNG, of PNG principles and how it can be handled and lead better by CEOs that operate in PNG are initiated with a discussion in order to achieve a better sustainability on many accounts for all actors involved and for future generations as global role model to go by.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Landscape ecologyNatural historyFinite resources, Mining, CEOs, Unsustainable development, Economic growth impacts
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Papua New Guinea (PNG) as a culture in that region has been around for over 47,000 years, and it has not harmed really the global community. However, when it comes to relevant modern metrics of progress and society, PNG looks poor. Here some of those metrics are discussed and put into context of earth and human history, and get shown how poor those ‘modern’ metrics perform. The ‘modern’ concept of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is confronted with reality and get exposed as a wide failure to global mankind. PNG, with over 80% of the people living in bush communities and in the ‘Wantok’ tribal system is part of ‘Indigenization’ and it serves as a sustainability and governance role inspiration for any society really helping global mankind to survive.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)International development aidHumanitarian aidUrbanizationHealth metrics
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Despite international mega-mining projects, a U.N. mandate, The World Bank support and entire centuries of colonial expeditions, explorations and surveys—on land, in the subsurface, at sea and via remote sensing—geographic information system (GIS) data for Papua New Guinea (PNG) remain few and coarse. Coastal and marine GIS data and compilations are widely missing. Here 82 predictors are used from an overall pool of compiled 100+ open-access GIS layer set from the author that is made publicly available for anybody and free to use for PNG and beyond. This data set is provided in an Open Source GIS format for QGIS, R and similar (ASCII grids, shapefiles, geoTIFF) with ISO-compliant metadata. Using this ‘Big Data’ for PNG, for the first time a basic analysis of GIS data quality overlays, human footprint clustering (unsupervised; hierarchical clustering hclust) and data mining using machine learning (supervised; boosted regression trees, Salford Predictive Miner Minitab-SPM 8.3) is shown to overcome 10% of PNG-wide data gaps as a case study allowing to infer and to elaborate on the different types of footprints and to make first basic statements from the large amount of quantified predictors as baseline information. While this study remains a somewhat incomplete underestimate of human impacts, the road proximity, e.g. linked with mining and ports, remains the overarching predictor for modern human footprint impacts overruling all ecological features in an otherwise described holistic fashion. Beyond biogeography this work can open up many more detailed questions about the PNG environment on a 1 km scale. While many of those layers are dynamic and might get updated over time, here a first template is shown how such data can be used, with a workflow and for a baseline to work from and what to focus on. Road construction presents the biggest predictor for human footprints and is part of Economic Growth policies that leave PNG citizens and their ancient lifestyle behind. It is hoped that this research triggers more intense work on the issue of publicly owned habitat and ancient land tenure and can help to address (industrial) impacts and resolve disputes in peaceful and mutual ways benefitting PNG and the public wider good, for Melanesia and elsewhereKeywordsOnline Open-access dataOpen-source geographic information systems (GIS)Data mining Machine Learing (Boosting)Remote sensingLandscape change modelsData inference
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Using best-available online data, and when compared to its colonial powers, Papua New Guinea (PNG) has a tiny human footprint, even more so when compared globally. Being a rural island society, usually with a nomadic component and public ownerships, that’s how most of PNG lives and operates. Private wealth accumulation tends to be very small, hardly needed. And PNG has done that way fine for over 47,000 years. The per capita consumption in PNG ranks as one of the lowest in the world resulting in a carbon sink for global society. Seen from that angle, PNG does the global community a favor and provides a huge service, but is not much recognized or rewarded for it. It’s even widely called a ‘failed state’ while staying in the tribal Wantokc governance for its natural resources. Blended with ‘modernity,’ here it’s shown how PNG can be a global policy lead and how a society is to look like and to remain if global well-being, world peace, is actually wanted.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Sustainable governanceWorld peace
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Port Moresby (POM) is a major colonial port and the capitol of Papua New Guinea (PNG). Having an international airport makes it a hub for PNG, including its crime. PNG crime in Port Moresby is widely described and has a unique character as it is driven by many factors such as Asia, Australia and ‘rascals’ (usually young men from the bush organized in gangs). The rural society and modern PNG simply cannot provide them with a suitable social net and an income so they get pushed into the capital, where they are stranded and are to survive on any way they can. That’s one narrative. But reality sits deeper and links with the social structure, poverty, colonial system and education, social welfare and lack thereof in modern PNG designed by Australia. The crime situation in Port Moresby shows how unsustainable the 'modern' PNG construct is. In many cases, the crime in Port Moresby links with Australia, e.g. via Brisbane, Darwin, Sydney, parts of Asia and beyond, as done via speed yachts, cargo ports, banks and airports. Crime in Port Moresby is not all local but a wider modern and global construct as a cultural dominant phenomenon also found elsewhere in the world and globalization with its underlying economy model and administration.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Port MoresbyGlobal crimeUrban planning
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Papua New Guinea (PNG) is a tropical nation and blessed with biodiversity as a cradle of farming for many of the world’s species deeply enjoyed by humans. It holds one of the first known and documented human agriculture and sustainable products and lifestyles. However, in the modern global agenda and with a sole focus on ‘cash crops’ PNG has a difficult time to compete and to integrate itself in the wider global market forces of globalization and its production scheme. Using examples of betel nut, coconuts/copra, chocolate, strawberries, coffee, apples, spam, fish and others, I show how PNG copes, what the typical and specific problems are of tropical nations and with the highly commercialized and wrongly copyrighted food commodity market neoliberal in nature harming Mother Earth and food security in a hyped-up boom-and-bust cycle spiraling downwards on finite soil and earth.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Natural resourcesTropical resourcesAncient farmingFood security
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The Ramu valley watershed presents a wider fertile landscape around the Ramu river located in northern Papua New Guinea (PNG) near the Bismarck Sea and the Finisterre Range. It’s close to the cities of Lae and Madang. Ramu valley has been occupied by humans for a long time and was affected by several cultural waves of immigration over the last thousands of years. Low elevational forests got turned into grasslands but the area overall remained fertile and sustainable. It was an easy and logical place for colonialism to start, and the region was affected accordingly. In the last 100 years, commercial entities started to develop there and the region has coconut palm plantations and sugarcane and cattle operations, for instance. A company called Ramu Sugar became dominant in the PNG market and built infrastructure such as a hydrodam needed for their operations. However, none of those efforts catering international commodity markets offered stable income, and a certain boom-and-bust cycle occurred affecting the region and its sustainability overall. Following neoliberal policies, various subsequent patterns and actions occurred to maintain viable income but instead the region experiences a generic environmental and social decay requiring policing from Australia and other outside measures, non really showed success long-term or relevant signs of sustainability.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Ramu ValleyRamu  SugarSugar PlantationsNatural resourcesPacific boom-and-bust
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Receiving its independence just in 1975 Papua New Guinea (PNG) is still a ‘new’ nation. While PNG as a ‘nation construct’ received its international status it was way too late. PNG is a ‘rural’ country and second-largest island in the world, but it actually is a nation of world records and of global relevance. Already the topography, biodiversity, marine life and the very diverse human society are stunning; humans can be traced back to PNG for easily over 47,000 years. But PNG is not short of problems and challenges. And according to many western nations and their (industrial) performance metrics, PNG gets classified as a failed nation, e.g. by Australia, business people and many colonial scholars alike. But then, PNG is essentially a western experiment that got pushed for Australian cost-savings from the stone age via colonial times straight into globalization and neocolonialism within less than a generation. PNG is modeled with an underlying Westminster governance scheme but lacks a solid tax base and computing power, and is not a typical industrial power house. PNG is a brainchild of the western world, namely colonial nations and adjacent Australia mandated by the UN, and those minds are to blame for any subsequent failure of PNG’s design and PNG itself in the wider ‘Pacific Theater.’ Instead, in PNG a widespread and quite well-to-do society and successful community governance policy is found: tribal rules and the Wantok system. At minimum, it’s resilient, has a proven deep-time sustainability record and actually keeps the nation afloat while most western measures—led by the former colonial powers, development aid and global powerhouses like Australia, UK and the U.S. and now also China—show environmental bankruptcy, including financial and social exploitation. Trying for over 300 years, the western world still cannot comprehend PNG well and the international business community has not progressed well in PNG while the deep times still rule and survive, including sorcery.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Failed StatesPolitical experimentsIndependenceGlobalizationGlobal governance
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There are just a few locations in the world thus far known to have humans consistently and sustainably on the landscape and seascape for over 47,000 years. Papua New Guinea (PNG) is among those, and it offers great tracks of humanity including the first cultivation of food items (farming) and an incredibly diverse human culture with over 700 languages. After contact and colonialization PNG was essentially forced to move from deep time to modern time in less than a generation. It’s a world record in cultural adjustment. Instead of abandoning the PNG life style, here it is shown that this culture offers many contributions to the world for moving forward with a highly needed and widely seeked-after global culture of sustainability and well-being. PNG has already for millennia what most industrial nations are still looking for: benign sustainability for the land and seascape with a robust atmosphere and society.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)ArcheologyDeep timesAncient civilizationsHuman historyInfanticideCannibalism
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The largest intact virgin rainforest blocks in the Pacific are located in Papua New Guinea (PNG). They are recognized as world-relevant carbon sinks and species cradles in the hands of tribes with a complex public land tenure and society. Those areas are the livelihood of many complex indigenous tribes, who lived for millennia in a sustainable fashion far removed from western urbanization, industrialization and globalization. In the meantime, a ruthless forestry extracts timber from this region in a very high amount usually for the Asian market, in addition to an Australia-supported land scheme widely perceived as public theft; none of it is sustainable or considers PNG long term. International aid, development and NGOs for PNG have widely not resolved that issue well, hardly acknowledged the underlying policy and governance situation. Australia, the respective professions and the international public is fully informed and usually aware but remains passive. While science has not even described all tree species (e.g. Slik in PNAS 112:7472–7477, 2015), a certified and best-practice forestry with a transparent forest inventory and growth-and-yield tables for a ‘sustainable cut’ is virtually impossible—hardly done—in such a socio-economic science environment with climate change on the rise. Instead, indigenous management operated fine in such habitats for millennia. An outlook is presented to acknowledge this problem and for moving forward in the best-possible scenario with a grim outlook.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)Sustainable forestry failureForest exploitationTimber exportWildernessOverharvestCorruptionCarbon sequestration
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Papua New Guinea (PNG)’s culture is over 47,000 years old and resilient. The modern nation construct of that PNG is just less than 60 years old featuring a ‘blink’ in PNG’s overall history but it was quite a devastating experience for its people, biodiversity and wilderness. PNG is relatively free of leftist or Marxist ideologies, but it is a control site showing that the ‘modern’ form of development has not resulted into a wider, higher and more equal distribution of wealth while the closest neighbor (Australia and to a lesser extent New Zealand) as well as colonial and global powers still are cashing in from PNG, e.g. mining, oil and gas, fisheries, timber, human resources. The science is only partly done for PNG but a quite ruthless extraction, collection and policy industry was allowed to operate in PNG to this very day, benefitting from views that are outdated, incomplete and self-serving for those nations. Based on a topical summary, here those details are acknowledged, and then, a synthesis outlook is presented to move forward for PNG in reality terms while sorcery, bush life and tribalism (‘Wantok’) are ongoing and might contribute to resilience and sustainability in the absence of any other and better options at hand.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)MarxismGlobalizationSustainable developmentGlobal governanceGenerational justiceEnvironmental justice
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From the fifteenth century onwards, just a handful western nations and their royal courts simply divided the entire world into their colonies and resources for self-interest. After the discovery by Portuguese and Spanish explorers, Papua New Guinea (PNG) was essentially part of the Dutch, British and German colonial commercial enterprise, Japanese intrusion, and then after WW1 and WW2 widely handed over to Australia as its protectorate, supported by the so-called League of Nations and later by the United Nations (UN) through a mandate essentially to this very day. It‘s part of the ‘Pacific Theatre’ of the U.S., now also affected by Chinese and ongoing EU interests. The ‘independence’ of PNG, declared in 1975—and arguably a status obtained way too late and simply done to save money for Australia—resulted into a Dominion recognition in the British Commonwealth headed by the late English Queen to be a ‘modern’ nation construct and for being set up for globalization and subsequent resource extraction again by others. PNG itself was hardly involved nor really requesting it even. Arguably, PNG cannot deliver to those international demands well and is not really set up for doing so by its former colonial powers. PNG lies bare for the taker, e.g. corporations of mining, oil and gas, timber and fisheries industries, including the science enterprise collecting specimen in a biodiversity wilderness environment that is still perceived -by some- as ‘significantly undercollected.’ Repatriation remains an effort to pay back PNG in a fair way for a better set up. But that has not really happened yet, or has not happened well, e.g. from Australia and most colonial powers, including Japan and Germany. While PNG has lived quite well for over 98% of its time by itself it’s the western influence, Christian missionary nations and sects and a similar globalization approach to live that destroys in PNG a lifestyle, a culture, a land- and seascape, a sustainability governance and parts of the atmosphere, and it leaves dramatic global repercussions in the universe while the Melanesian way remains quite resilient.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)ColonialismWW1WW2Australian protectorateBritish DominionRepatriationColonial injustice
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The ‘Sahul’ is essentially the ancient area of Australia and Papua New Guinea (PNG) combined, sitting on the Australian ‘craton’ and connected by the Torres Strait and its islands and people. Australia is the closest and biggest neighbor of PNG; it’s also the most influential one. In an arc-like fashion Australia is surrounded by several smaller, poorer and subsequentially weaker nations like Solomon Islands, PNG, Fiji and Vanatu, including political and wider terror conflict zones like East Timor and Bougainville. It’s actually of global relevance. These nations and areas have a unique biodiversity and cultural diversity, and often receive direct support and (widely conflicting) advise from Australia for many decades while Australia and the neocolonial set up itself shows poor performance on environmental and many social and economic metrics for a relevant sustainable vision and leadership. Here, I show how sustainability is compromised by this geopolitical set up dominated and lead by Australia, helped by the UK, EU and U.S. and their promotion of self-serving economic growth while robust home-grown solutions exist for millennia but are widely ignored and often destroyed even.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)AustraliaAustralian AidRing of terrorBougainvilleBritish DominionGlobalization
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Papua New Guinea (PNG) as a ‘modern’ (industrial) nation was fabricated, primarily a compromise by the colonial powers and a deal carried out by Australia serving their own purposes, e.g. to save money and maintain control and income, all approved by the U.N. In such a world fabric, driven by just a few but permanent security council seats in charge of world power, there is little that nations like PNG can do and truly operate in. They are to ‘participate and playing the game,’ as Prime Minister Julius Chan expressed. However, people of PNG cannot fairly participate in the global markets, nor can PNG as a nation and democracy embedded in the British Commonwealth lead by the late queen from London. Many colonial and powerful nations determine the shape of PNG, its set up, industry and business, none are really doing so well or are sustainable themselves. Man-made climate change remains unresolved. That is certainly true for mining, forestry, farming and fisheries sectors. A similar situation can be stated for PNG’s neighbors making the region overall desperate and affecting its wilderness of world proportions. While rural PNG is widely sustainable the outlook for PNG and its role in the ‘modern’ global agenda remains miniscule. Consequently, the people of PNG will retreat into their globally passive but well-proven action of the Wantok tribal system within ecological bounds available to them.KeywordsPapua New Guinea (PNG)GlobalizationInternational politicsGlobal justice
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Encouraged by Millennium Development Goals put forward in 2000 to alleviate poverty by 50 percent by 2015 that was achieved already in 2013, United Nations put forward “The 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development.” After the 2015 summit for sustainable development, 17 “Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs) were introduced (United Nations, Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development, 2015). The main purpose of these goals is to alleviate inequalities and injustice and create a healthy environment for all. These SDGs are interconnected, and meeting the target for one goal is imperative on the progress made in achieving at least some of the other goals. MNEs are considered crucial for achieving SDGs. In this chapter, we illustrate what role MNEs can play in achieving each of these goals. We look at the impact of new realities that emerged since 2015, particularly the pandemic, and assess what is realistic to achieve and how. We also discuss the role IB researchers can play toward this pursuit.
Kissinger heads the consulting firm Kissinger & Associates. Distributed by Tribune Media Services
  • A Henry
Henry A. Kissinger heads the consulting firm Kissinger & Associates. Distributed by Tribune Media Services. Notes: