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Government expenditure on elementary education in the nineties
... Advocate for greater political will and administrative commitment; − Adopt holistic, convergent framework to ensure synergy between different strategies and project --thereby revitalising primary education --the heart of the DPEP strategy adopted by the government in 1993-94; − Strengthen decentralised and convergent strategies and evolve context-specific strategies to respond to educational needs --especially of girls and other special focus groups In addition to these national initiatives, the Education Guarantee Scheme introduced by the Government of Madhya Pradesh made a deep impact on the way UEE was approached. This programme was initiated with a state-wide household survey of children -called the Lok Sampark Abhiyan in 1996, an ambitious exercise in participatory rural appraisal of the state of primary education in DPEP districts (it has since been replicated recently in 2000) 4 . It was a mammoth undertaking, a door-to-door exercise in social mapping to ascertain the number of children between the ages of 5 to15 years who do not have access to schools, who are enrolled in schools, and those who are actually attending schools and to build upon the successes of the Total Literacy Campaigns (TLC) of the early 1990s in creating/reinforcing social awareness regarding education and the privileged place it occupies in every individual's life, especially children 5 . ...
... (Source: Gopala Krishnan and Amita Sharma: "A New EGS: Education Guarantee Scheme in Madhya Pradesh", Occasional Papers, Rajiv Gandhi Shiksha Mission, 1998. 4 'This set the stage for the introduction of EGS to increase access to schools while reinforcing the decentralised vision of education planning implicit in DPEP and the innovative curriculum of AS. The EGS went a step further by firmly locating itself in community demand for education, empowering it to "enforce the accountability of the state to universalise primary education and at the same time share(s) a part of the resource requirement" (Sharma & Gopalakrishnan, 2000:3). ...
... It almost seems as if they were trying to catch up every minute of their 2 Vimala Ramachandran / version 15 th March 1999, Appeared in The Hindu, Sunday Magazine Section. 3 Mahila Shikshan Vihar and Mahila Shikshan Kendra literally translate as "Women's Education Centre". 4 A State on Southern India 5 Mahila Samakhya Project is an education project for adult women and Mahila Samakhya literally means Women collective where they come together as equals and dialogue with each other as equals. 6 Lok Jumbish literally means People's Movement -and Sida supported this education programme from 1992-1999. ...
... The NEP 2020 ensures numerous changes in India's previous education policy and asked to increase state expenditure around 4% to 6% of the GDP on education as soon as possible [1,13,14,15,29]. In January 2015, a committee has been started the consultation process for the New Education under the former Cabinet Secretary T. S. R. Subramanian [4,5,10,11,12]. In June 2017, on the basis of committee report, a draft of NEP was formulated and in 2019 has submitted to Government by a panel members led by Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan who was chief of Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) [1,3]. Later in 2019, The Draft of New Education Policy (DNEP) which had 484 pages was released by Ministry of Human Resource Development and followed by a number of public consultations from different domains of education [6,7]. ...
... Thereafter, Ministry also undertook a rigorous consultation process while formulating the draft of the policy and at last over more than two lakh suggestions were received from around 2.5 lakh gram panchayats, 6,000 Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), 6,600 blocks and 676 districts [1,8,9]. The vision of the New Education Policy (NEP) "National Education Policy 2020 has been a comprehensive and complete integration with India-centric education system that contributes significantly towards transforming Indian educational system into an equitable and diverse knowledge society through ensuring high-quality education to all [1,8,11,12,28]." ...
The core objective of National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is to transform the education system of India at all levels comprehensively and completely which includes primary to higher education. In order to attain and achieve Goal-4 of the 2030 agenda for sustainable development with the help of providing inclusive and equitable quality education to all and ensuring lifelong learning opportunities to next decade generation, the NEP has designed and disseminated its guidelines, approaches, modules and course curriculums. Furthermore, present education policy mainly emphasized on four key areas which are as follows; to develop strong foundational skills among the students' through curricular and transformational changes, improve the quality of teaching and learning outcomes across all levels of education from primary to higher, a complete shift in the current assessment and evaluation patterns and to ensure the systemic and gradual transformation in entire education system. Now, this has become more important to understand the impact of new education policy 2020 on Indian Education system, therefore, present research paper aims to measure the impacts of new education policy on students and teachers in India. Sample of 200 respondents which includes 100 students and 100 teachers has been collected various schools in India and been analysis statistically and scientifically. On the basis of findings appropriate suggestions and recommendations were also made.
... GIRLS' DROP OUT IN PRIMARY EDUCATION: THE DESTINY AND AGONY ISBN: 978-81-930585-5-8 6 In the previous year, DISE data was not available for the entire country across all the 35 states and UTs; hence indicators of efficiency and other aspects could not be worked out for all the states and also average of districts. With the availability of 2005-06 data, an attempt has been made to compute all such indicators in the present document in case of 29 states and UTs for which DISE data over a period of two years is available. ...
... Policy for dealing with the problem of nature of drop-out (Y) as getting threads from canonical analysis, it is evincing that while the dependent variable nature of drop-out (Y), has been considered for the canonical analysis and the other two dependent variables are kept dormant, the variables girls' age (X 23 ), total land owned (X 3 ), monthly family income (X 12 ), family size (X 13 ), cropping intensity (X 6 So, policies to be undertaken and relevant actions may be triggered in the following areas. ...
School drop out from education system is basically a systemic problem, close to 47 per cent of girls and 42 per cent of boys in India are dropped out of primary education, mainly in search of bread; they are truly dropped off their dream and destiny. Life comes to them as a delirium, the cracking sound of bricks or stench of kerosene inflicted…a story of agony altogether. The playground, lush green or the kite, hovering in the blue, turns into a fairy tale, which is only badly readable from a torn out page. The book is the product of a Ph. D thesis work searching for eliciting the complex and reticulate cause of girls' drop out from primary education. In this inquiry, methodology used is empirically sound, good enough to extend the support to researchers dealing with primary education system and its dynamics, its proficiency and efficacy in terms of access, enrolment, retention and quality. We believe, the book will go across the researchers, faculties, professionals, policy makers, teachers, educationists, who are honestly striving hard to estimate and elucidate the cause of school drop out in our education system and also to derive a meaningful intervention towards ushering an alternative solution.
... The projects that were undertaken from external borrowing mainly during the 1990s, with a small beginning in mid-1980s, focused their attention on various subsectors of elementary education such as access and retention of disadvantaged groups, improving the teaching-learning processes, textbook and curriculum reforms, and so on. However, the regional spread of projects that were externally funded was skewed in favor of educationally developed states, ignoring the educationally poor states such as Bihar (Bashir, 2000). The education department takes the lead role in education expenditure, but other departments do spent a substantial amount for educational infrastructure and other developments. ...
The basic foundation of policy making had undergone profound shifts over the past two decades as the policy makers are inclined to rely heavily on the exercise of power in their pursuit of development and prosperity. Government interventionism was subject to a strong intellectual and political backlash, and a new ideological movement seeking to redefine the role of government rose to take its place. This new political-economic liberalism insisted on the removal of governments’ grip over the economy and the introduction of open competition into economic life. Thus, the market emerged as the central actor governing economic activity during the 1990s, and the ethos of neoliberalism progressively entrenched itself into law and public institutions in India. This change in “policy paradigms” implies a substantial reorganization of domestic political economies for an efficient governance of political and economic institutions in a longer run. This article attempts to look at the changes in “policy paradigms” that happened after 1990 in the domain of educational governance in India. Along with the policy changes, there happened a watershed in constitutional rights, making right to education a fundamental right of every citizen. This article further inquires how far the state has endeavored to fulfill its objective of providing quality education for all children within these economic and political changes. Indian states’ financial obligation toward elementary education and the policy directions during the period after 1990 were thoroughly analyzed to find out the commitment of state in providing universal elementary education of good quality in India.
... Given the quality of government schools, parents also incur some expenditure on tuitions -even though this is more prevalent among children going to private unaided and aided schools. This has many implications for girls' participation [Bashir 2000;De et al 2001]. While gender is a determining factor at the time of decision-making by parents on whether and where to enrol, independent research studies and DPEP studies reveal that gender inequities and gender bias was not significant among enrolled girl children [De et al 2001]. ...
This article, based on a desk review of the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) and qualitative micro studies in six states - Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Haryana and Tamil Nadu - attempts to capture the impact of primary education programmes on the ground. Introducing the emergent concept of 'hierarchies of access' to describe the new segregation occurring in primary education, the article focuses on the micro studies documenting the tangible and intangible dimensions of gender and social equity that frame the implementation of DPEP at the village and panchayat level. On the basis of the findings of the desk review and the micro studies, the authors discuss ways to reverse the trend of segregation so as to make universal primary education a substantive reality.
... Among the well-known problems associated with centrally-sponsored schemes, particularly externally-aided programmes, is unevenness in their regional spread, thus contributing to a deepening of the divide between educationally developed distribution. and backward states (Bashir 2000;Dev and Mooij 2002;Mehrotra 2006). Further, another key issue here is that of long drawn delays in release of funds from the central government and a variety of problems in their utilisation at the level of states (for details, see contributions in Mehrotra 2006). ...
This paper attempts to assess contemporary policies/programmes and financial commitments of the Indian state in providing elementary education to its children, as this, arguably, is among the most important basic needs in any society. As is well-known, in spite of the frequent rhetoric to the contrary, there has been a serious neglect in the public provisioning of this need, and the schooling system in India is nowhere near ready to provide a decent quality of education to all its children. Inadequate spending, as well as the malfunctioning of schools and other relevant institutions, have been the obvious bottlenecks constraining India's progress. Ostensibly, there is a greater sense of urgency in contemporary official discourses to address existing problems and move forward rapidly. However, our reading is that public commitment to quality elementary education continues to be half-hearted. The policy initiatives of the government in the last few years do not generate much optimism with respect to addressing the huge deficits in the education sector, and even appear to be retrogressive in important ways
An attempt is made here to examine financing of higher education across states using interest subsidy as a case of reference. Hence, we make an analysis of the relative shares of interest subsidies in student loans, enrolment, etc. The paper uses various published and unpublished secondary sources to answer these questions. Using the pooled OLS regression across 23 states for the period from 2008–2009 to 2012–2013, the present paper attempts to explore the question whether government expenditure on higher education and student loan is substitutes or complements. Also the present paper attempts to estimate the magnitude of influence of state income on government expenditure on higher education. Other factors such as institutional access, secondary school enrolment rate, share of young population and region are included as explanatory variables in the models. The interstate disparity can be understood better if we examine the enabling environment to access interest subsidy. In other words, we raise certain basic questions such as: How is higher education distributed across states? How this distribution has evolved overtime?
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to examine resource allocation under the centrally sponsored scheme Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and its impact on development of elementary education in India. First, the author describes the current educational disparity across states in terms of state funding. Second, the author shows that interstate disparities in education resources have more to do with capacity of states to finance elementary education. For this, the author examines funding mechanism under SSA, focusing on principles of adequacy and absorptive rates. Third, the author analyzes the impact of additional funding on the progress of elementary education across states. Fourth, the author demonstrates how funding under SSA reinforces rather than reduces interstate disparity in school funding. Finally, the author concludes with certain policy implications for reforming federal transfers in Right to Education (RTE)-SSA, which can easily be extended to Rashtria Madhya Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) to be more responsive to educational inadequacy, effort and capacity across states.
Design/methodology/approach
– The author uses box plots for illustrating interstate disparity across various indicators on financing and growth of elementary education. Box plots are good at portraying extreme values and illustrate differences between distributions. Because the thrust of the paper is examining difference in distribution across and within states, box plots appropriately portray the distribution of both. Further, coefficient of variation is estimated in education funding and its impact variables.
Findings
– Interstate disparity in additional to the funding of SSA through discretionary transfers is examined by looking at two principles of inter-governmental transfers, viz., adequacy and absorptive rates. In a way, it appears that the educationally backward states getting the highest shares and also as per the requirement of the child population, but not necessarily so in terms of their relative proportions of enrolment, schools and teachers. Yet another revelation is that actual absorptive rates are much less than apparent absorptive rates. Unambiguously, additional resources coming from the Center for Development of Education can have a positive influence only after states have achieved a certain threshold level of absorptive capacities. As evidenced, fiscal disability is not compensated by transfers via SSA, as matching shares are uniform across states.
Research limitations/implications
– One significant limitations of the study is its use of administrative data. Often, administrative data from developing countries especially on social sector like education report inflated figures. The study uses primarily such but published secondary data sources.
Practical implications
– Finally, the author suggests certain policy implications for reforming federal role in the current RTE-SSA, which can easily be extended to RMSA, a CSS in secondary education, to be more responsive to state effort and capacity.
Social implications
– Though SSA attempts to address regional imbalance, the accumulated initial advantage of better-off states with uniform norms under SSA funding widens the interstate disparity rather than reduce it. It is, hence, mandated to look at building capacities and enable states for a level-playing field.
Originality/value
– It adds value to existing studies in two ways: rarely studies examine SSA expenditures and its impact on development and financing of elementary education, and examine a question on horizontal equalization mechanism whether additional allocation under SSA induce or reduce interstate disparity.
Ministerial meeting of the �South Asia EFA Forum, Islamabad 2003
The paper examines the role played by of classroom environment in the development of a teacher. The paper studies the concept of 'teacher development' in India. URL:[http://www.eruindia.org/files/Teacher%20booklet%20edited%20final%2028%20Oct%2008.pdf].
Government schools in Delhi are not providing quality education to the masses since many years, and this phenomenon has not escaped the eyes of experts, activists, and policy makers. However, there seems to be a general perception that the main, and sometimes even the sole, source of this problem are the low levels of government expenditure of education. And to prove their case supports of this view cite educational expenditure to GDP ratios in India in comparison with that of some other nations. Though there may be reasonable arguments to increase the level of government expenditure on education, such hijacking of public debate to focus on 'the level of expenditure' often overlooks more important issues. Contrary to common perception the level of per student expenditure on government schools in Delhi is reasonable, ranging from Rs.6000 to Rs.12000 p.a. There are a number of organisational deficiencies which do not create checks and balances for appropriate utilization of fund. Moreover, the division of these funds among social groups and for different purposes is also questionable. Though, female literacy lags significantly behind male literacy, about 15% points, extra resources provided for female education are insignificant. And in some schemes such as the one run for 'street children' and 'child labourers' large amounts are budgeted year after year without a single Rupee being spent. Also government schools catering to richer regions of Delhi seem to be spending more per child as compared to the poorer counterparts. The paper also proposes an education voucher model, which may have the potential to address some of the issues raised in the paper. Trends in expenditure under some schemes have been studied in relation to the purpose of expenditure. The issue of government expenditure on education is a complex one, and public space should be utilized to discuss them as they are, rather than reducing discussion to dogmatic wars aimed at increasing the levels of expenditure. Though, one may agree or disagree with the methods and findings of the author, hopefully the paper highlight the complexity of the issue at hand, and the need to understand the institutional deficiencies and allocative inefficiencies in government expenditure on education.
This paper reports on findings from a large sample survey in the states of India that account for two thirds of the children out of school. It then examines the feasibility of the central government's goals to ensure all children complete 5 years of school by 2007, and 8 years by 2010. These goals—more ambitious than the global EFA goals—are unlikely to be achieved without significant reforms by the central and state governments. It examines key reform options: in the public spending pattern; improving teacher accountability and work environment; incentives to improve demand for schooling; and the private sector. It argues that central to universalising elementary education will be improving the level, equity and efficiency of public spending. However, even with these reforms, improving teacher accountability will still remain key to the achievement of the goals.
Including abstract, graphs, references. In the early 1990s, large numbers of children in India remained out of school. International commitments to achieve education for all (EFA) globally meant that India was an important case for donors. India was pressed to accept aid for primary education, and agreed with some reluctance. Although subsequent donor involvement was substantial and influenced aspects of both policy implementation and management, it is shown that Indian education policy priorities remained self-determined. The Government of India - though falling short of securing universal education for its children - succeeded in using external resources and expertise in ways which suited its own purposes, whilst minimising external impact on policy development. The politics and economics of this process are discussed.
This paper is based on a recent study on teacher motivation in India, which is part of an international research project on this topic covering 12 countries in South Asia and Africa. This study is based on review of government data, policy documents and published material on India and interviews with stakeholders in the state of Rajasthan and rapid survey in ten schools of Tonk District of Rajasthan. This report therefore draws upon national trends and explores them in the context of Rajasthan.The key issues pertaining to the motivation of primary school teachers can be summarised as follows: First, the education system has expanded rapidly and enrolment rates have shot up. But growth rate in the number of teachers has not kept pace with the rise in enrolment.Second, the social distance between the teachers and the children is wide in government schools (which cater to the very poor). Third, teachers lack the skills to manage so much diversity in the classroom. Fourth, systemic issues dealing with corruption have vitiated the larger teaching environment in the country. Fifth, teachers’ unions and block and district-level administrators claim they are asked to do a range of non-teaching taskswhich them away from the classroom. Sixth, teacher training has picked up since 1994 with almost all teachers expected to attend a range of training programmes every year. Seventh, teachers and administrators are continuously embroiled in court cases to do with promotions and placements, claiming arrears due to them and disciplinary action-related issues.
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