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Going Along With It: Sexually Coercive Partner Behavior Predicts Dating Women's Compliance With Unwanted Sex

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Sexual compliance involves willing consent to unwanted sex despite a lack of sexual desire.The authors hypothesized that compliance would be significantly more common among women with sexually coercive partners because compliance allows women to bypass possible coercion. Undergraduate women in heterosexual relationships ( N = 76) responded to self-report measures of partner sexually coercive behavior at baseline and sexual compliance 6 weeks later. As expected, reports of partner coercive behavior at Time 1 predicted women's willing consent to unwanted sex at Time 2. Most compliant women consented to unwanted sex after learning their partners may coerce them if they refuse.
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Violence Against Women
16(7) 730 –742
© The Author(s) 2010
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DOI: 10.1177/1077801210374867
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Going Along With It:
Sexually Coercive
Partner Behavior
Predicts Dating
Women’s Compliance
With Unwanted Sex
Jennifer Katz1 and Vanessa Tirone2
Abstract
Sexual compliance involves willing consent to unwanted sex despite a lack of sexual
desire. The authors hypothesized that compliance would be significantly more common
among women with sexually coercive partners because compliance allows women
to bypass possible coercion. Undergraduate women in heterosexual relationships
(N = 76) responded to self-report measures of partner sexually coercive behavior
at baseline and sexual compliance 6 weeks later. As expected, reports of partner
coercive behavior at Time 1 predicted women’s willing consent to unwanted sex
at Time 2. Most compliant women consented to unwanted sex after learning their
partners may coerce them if they refuse.
Keywords
dating, sexual coercion, sexual compliance
Ideally, sexual interactions are consensual and motivated by mutual desire. Not all
consensual sex, however, is desired. Some researchers refer to voluntary but
unwanted sex as sexual compliance. Specifically, compliance involves consenting
to unwanted sexual penetration without sexual desire in the absence of immediate
partner sexual pressure (Shotland & Hunter, 1995; Sprecher, Hatfield, Cortese,
1State University of New York College at Geneseo
2University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Corresponding Author:
Jennifer Katz, Department of Psychology, State University of New York College at Geneseo,
Geneseo, NY 14454
Email: katz@geneseo.edu
Katz and Tirone 731
Potapova, & Levitskaya, 1994). Prevalence rates vary, although compliance is most
commonly reported in the context of a committed (rather than casual) relationship and
is more commonly reported by women than men (see Impett & Peplau, 2003, for a
review). Besides denying their own sexual desires, women who comply with unwanted
intercourse may also experience physical health consequences (e.g., pregnancy, sexu-
ally transmitted infection [STI] transmission) as well as decreased happiness within
their romantic relationships (Katz & Tirone, 2009). Given these physical and emo-
tional risks, research is needed to understand why women go along with sex that they
do not want.
Two primary conceptualizations have been developed to explain consent to unwanted
sex with partners. The more optimistic perspective is that sexual compliance may pro-
mote commitment and intimacy within a romantic relationship (e.g., Impett & Peplau,
2002, 2003). For example, O’Sullivan and Allgeier (1998) found that 88% of women
who complied with unwanted sexual activity reported positive consequences, such as
promoting dating partner satisfaction and avoiding relationship tension. An alternative
view characterizes compliance as a consequence of a partner’s previous acts of sexual
coercion. For example, Basile (1999) found that some of the married or cohabiting
adult women in her community sample (N = 41) gave in to unwanted sex because it
was easier not to argue (27%), because they knew what would happen if they didn’t
agree (20%), or because they were afraid of what would happen if they didn’t (7%). In
other words, these women went along with unwanted sex after learning that their
sexual refusals might result in being psychologically or physically pressured into sex
(i.e., sexual coercion).
Studies of women’s “unwanted sex” inappropriately confound consensual unwanted
sex (sexual compliance) with nonconsensual unwanted sex (sexual coercion; see, for
example, O’Sullivan & Allgeier, 1998); only the latter involves surrender to immedi-
ate partner pressure. Nonetheless, these two categories of unwanted sex may not be
clearly distinguished when compliance is predicted by a partner’s past (rather than
immediate) coercive behavior. In other words, a woman whose partner has refused to
accept her sexual refusals subsequently may choose not to resist his sexual advances,
even when she does not desire sex. This woman may consent to unwanted sex without
being pressured at that specific moment. However, she complies after having learned
that this partner previously refused “to take no for an answer.” Put another way, as
suggested by Basile (1999), willing consent to unwanted sex could allow women with
sexually coercive partners to bypass being sexually coerced.
In the present research, partners were identified as sexually coercive if they report-
edly continued to exert sexual pressure after being asked to stop (Struckman-Johnson,
Struckman-Johnson, & Anderson, 2003). Struckman-Johnson et al. (2003) found that
such tactics of sexual coercion, referred to as partner postrefusal sexual persistence
(PRSP), often but not always led to sexual penetration. College women commonly
report experiencing PRSP; Struckman-Johnson et al. reported that 78% of women in
their undergraduate sample reported experiencing at least one PRSP tactic from a
boy or man since age 16. Furthermore, men in their sample were significantly more
732 Violence Against Women 16(7)
likely than women to report using PRSP. Both of these findings are consistent with
typical normative expectations for heterosexual interaction involving male domi-
nance and sexual persistence (e.g., Gavey, 2005; Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe, &
Thompson, 2004).
To our knowledge, an intimate partner’s sexually coercive behavior has not been
examined as a predictor of women’s later sexual compliance with that partner. General
research on coerced sex suggests that, in an intimate relationship, psychological pres-
sure is more often used than incapacitating substances or force because partners can
obtain sexual access without escalating to more severe tactics (e.g., Abbey, BeShears,
Clinton-Sherrod, & McAuslan, 2004; Ramisetty-Mikler, Caetano, & McGrath, 2007).
These findings indicate that women may sexually submit to intimate partners even in
response to relatively mild tactics of sexual coercion. Extending this past research, we
expect that any past coercive behavior by one’s partner will increase the likelihood
that women will later consent to unwanted sex with that same partner because “going
along with it” could allow women to bypass sexual coercion.
In addition, we examined women’s sexual well-being as related to their own com-
pliance. When asked directly about the consequences of their own compliant behavior,
women generally report that compliant sexual activity (not necessarily intercourse)
benefits their relationships and, most commonly, promotes partner satisfaction (O’Sullivan
& Allgeier, 1998). Nevertheless, although women often comply with unwanted sex to
enhance their relationship, these motives are not positively associated with women’s
relationship satisfaction (Katz & Tirone, 2009). In fact, Katz and Tirone (2009)
showed that sexually compliant women were less generally satisfied with their roman-
tic relationships than other women, and decreased satisfaction was especially pro-
nounced among women who reported complying to avoid partner upset or conflict.
This finding seems particularly relevant to women’s compliance with sexually coer-
cive partners. That is, women with coercive partners who comply with sex may be at
particular risk for poorer relationship well-being because such women presumably
comply to avoid being coerced. Extending past research focused on general relation-
ship satisfaction, the present study focused on women’s sexual satisfaction, defined as
subjective feelings of enjoyment and happiness from sexual interactions with her dat-
ing partner (Hudson, Harrison, & Crosscup, 1981).
To summarize, the primary purpose of this research was to test the hypothesis that
women with sexually coercive partners would be more likely than other women to
comply with unwanted sex. More specifically, the odds of women’s sexual compli-
ance at a 6-week follow-up were expected to be significantly increased as a function
of partner coercive behavior at baseline. A secondary purpose was to test whether
partner sexually coercive behavior moderates the relationship between women’s com-
pliance and sexual satisfaction. We expected that women who reported compliance at
follow-up concurrently would report less satisfying sexual interactions to the degree
that their partners were sexually coercive at baseline. Finally, we also assessed and
controlled for women’s past sexual victimization prior to the current relationship. Child-
hood or adolescent victimization may put women at elevated risk for later victimization,
Katz and Tirone 733
including sexual coercion (e.g., Classen, Field, Koopman, Nevill-Manning, & Spiegel,
2001; Daigle, Fisher, & Cullen, 2008; Messman-Moore & Long, 2000), which might
confound the expected positive associations among partner coercive behaviors and
women’s compliance. Similarly, past sexual victimization may diminish women’s
later sexual well-being, including sexual satisfaction (Polusny & Follette, 1995), and
thus could confound the expected negative association between women’s compliance
and sexual satisfaction.
Method
Participants
Undergraduate women (N = 100) from a small public college in the northeastern
United States volunteered to participate in a longitudinal study of “Dating Relation-
ships and Sexual Interactions” through a voluntary human participants pool. All
women were at least 18 years old and in a committed romantic heterosexual relation-
ship in which they saw their partner in person at least twice a month. The mean ages
were 19.25 (SD = 1.06, range 18-21) for participants and 19.60 (SD = 3.40, range
17-28) for partners. On average, relationships had lasted 22.53 months (SD = 20.45,
range 1-96) based on baseline reports. More than 90% identified as White. Ten women
did not respond to the follow-up survey, and 11 responded but reported that their
dating relationships had ended since Time 1. Univariate comparisons revealed no dif-
ferences between study completers and noncompleters in terms of baseline demographic
or study variables. Seventy-nine women had complete data at both time points. Study
analyses were based on the subsample of 76 women who reported consensual sex
(vaginal, oral, or anal) with their partners at baseline.
Measures
Sexual compliance was assessed at both Time 1 and Time 2 with a single item adapted
from past research (Impett & Peplau, 2002): “Approximately how many times did you
willingly consent to sexual intercourse even though you didn’t really want to have
intercourse?” Intercourse was defined as oral, vaginal, or anal penetration. At Time 1,
each woman was asked about experiences of compliance over the course of her cur-
rent intimate relationship, whereas at Time 2, women were asked about experiences of
compliance with that partner only in the past month. This ensured that positive
responses at Time 2 would not be redundant with responses at Time 1. Women who
reported nonzero responses to these items about compliance frequency were classified
as sexually compliant at each assessment.
Partner sexually coercive behavior was assessed with items developed by Struckman-
Johnson et al. (2003). Specifically, participants were asked to indicate the number of
times over the course of the relationship their current partner had used each of 19
tactics to continue sexual contact despite the participants’ refusal. More specifically,
734 Violence Against Women 16(7)
participants were asked to estimate the number of times their partner “used any of the
following tactics to have sexual contact (genital touching, oral sex, or intercourse)
with you after you indicated no to his sexual advance.” The four types of tactics
assessed include sexual arousal (three items; for example, “continued to kiss and
touch you to arouse you” and “removed his clothing to arouse you”), emotional
manipulation and deception (eight items; for example, “tried to talk you into it by
repeatedly asking” and “told you a lie of some kind [e.g., how much he loved you]”),
exploitation of the intoxicated (two items; “took advantage of the fact that you were
already drunk or high” and “purposefully gave you alcohol or drugs”), and physical
force, threats, or harm (six items; for example, “blocked your retreat [e.g., closed,
locked, or stood blocking the door]” and “used physical restraint to hold you down or
sit on you”). Positive responses to these items were used to classify women’s partners
as sexually coercive. In addition, responses to each item were summed to create a total
score with adequate internal consistency (Cronbach’s a = .76).
Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) was measured at Time 1 with items drawn from the
Computer-Assisted Maltreatment Inventory–Short Form (CAMI-SF; DiLillo, Fortier,
& Hayes, 2006). This self-report measure asks participants about developmentally
inappropriate sexual experiences before the age of 15. More specifically, participants
were asked if they experienced actual or attempted sexual touching, sexual kissing, or
attempted or completed oral, anal, or vaginal intercourse when they did not want to, by
a family member/relative or by a person 5 years older than them. Any positive reports
were used to classify individuals as having a history of CSA.
Adolescent sexual assault was assessed at Time 1 with the Sexual Experiences
Survey (SES; Koss & Oros, 1982; Testa, VanZile-Tamsen, Livingston, & Koss, 2004),
an 11-item self-report measure of respondents’ unwilling experiences of varying types
of sexual contact, including unwanted touching, sexual coercion, attempted rape, and
rape. Participants indicated how many times they have experienced each of the items
from a boy or man since age 15 but not with the current dating partner. Any nonzero
response to the attempted rape or rape questions on the SES reflected the presence of
past sexual assault.
Sexual satisfaction was assessed via the Index of Sexual Satisfaction (ISS; Hudson
et al., 1981), which is a 25-item self-report measure of respondents’ levels of global
satisfaction with sexual interactions with their current partners. A sample item is “Sex
is fun for my partner and me.” Respondents use a 5-point Likert-type scale (0 = rarely
or none of the time to 4 = most or all of the time). Responses were summed and higher
scores reflect greater sexual satisfaction. This scale was administered at Time 1 and
Time 2. The authors report evidence for reliability and validity. In the present study,
the index of internal consistency was good (Cronbach’s a = .87).
Procedure
Time 1 data were collected in a single research session lasting no more than 1 hr. Six
weeks after Time 1, participants were contacted via email through Survey Monkey
Katz and Tirone 735
with a link to a briefer follow-up survey assessing current relationship status and
sexual behavior over the past 6 weeks, including sexual compliance. Those who par-
ticipated in Time 2 earned US$10 as compensation; money was either retrieved from
a campus lab during designated hours or sent to participants via U.S. mail. All partici-
pants were debriefed and received referrals regarding free campus counseling services
as well as sexual assault and domestic violence hotlines.
Results
At Time 1, 40.8% (n = 31) of the sample reported one or more episodes of sexual
compliance with the current partner during the course of the relationship, and at Time
2, 22.1% (n = 17) reported sexual compliance during the past month. Of those who
reported Time 1 compliance, the average number of episodes was 5.81 (SD = 7.22). Of
those who reported Time 2 compliance, the average number of episodes was 2.18
(SD = 2.19). Unexpectedly, as shown in Table 1, women who complied at Time 2 were
significantly older than other women. Otherwise, compliant women were not distinct
from other women in terms of their demographic characteristics or previous sexual
victimization history.
The sample mean for partner coercive behavior based on total PRSP scores at Time 1
was 7.08 (SD = 13.14). Just over half of the sample, 52.6% (n = 40), reported one or
more instances of partner sexually coercive behavior, most commonly involving per-
sistent attempts at arousal (44.7%), followed by emotional manipulation and decep-
tion (28.9%), intoxication (7.9%), and force (1.3%). About 13% of the sample (n = 10)
reported past CSA. In contrast, 30.3% (n = 23) reported past sexual assault since age
15 not involving the current partner. The average scores for sexual satisfaction were
83.38 (SD = 10.89) at Time 1 and 83.93 (SD = 10.88) at Time 2, reflecting moderately
high satisfaction.
As reported in Table 1, past sexual victimization in childhood and adolescence were
both independent of women’s sexual compliance at Time 2. Furthermore, women’s
Table 1. Women’s Time 2 Sexual Compliance as a Function of Demographic Variables,
Victimization History, and Partner Sexually Coercive Behavior (N = 76)
Time 2 Sexual Compliance
Present (n = 17) Absent (n = 59) Test Statistic
Woman’s age (M, SD) 19.76 (1.20) 19.19 (1.00) t(74) = 2.02*
Male partner’s age (M, SD) 20.41 (1.70) 19.63 (3.30) t(74) = 0.94
Months in the relationship (M, SD) 25.50 (22.52) 20.72 (21.81) t(74) = 0.47
Any child sexual abuse (%, n) 17.60 (3) 11.90 (7) c2(1) = 0.39
Any adolescent sexual assault (%, n) 47.10 (8) 25.40 (15) c2(1) = 2.93
Any partner sexual coercion (%, n) 88.20 (15) 42.40 (25) c2(1) = 11.13**
Partner sexual coercion (M, SD) 13.35 (15.96) 5.22 (11.96) t(74) = 2.29*
*p < .05. **p < .01.
736 Violence Against Women 16(7)
sexual satisfaction at Time 2 did not vary as a function of past victimization in either
childhood or adolescence. Accordingly, past victimization was not controlled for in
subsequent analyses.
The primary study hypothesis was that partner sexually coercive behaviors at
Time 1 would predict women’s sexual compliance at Time 2. As shown in Table 1,
88.2% of women who reported Time 2 compliance had previously reported their
partners were coercive, as compared to 42.4% of women who reported no compli-
ance. Likewise, mean comparisons revealed that women who were compliant at Time 2
reported more frequent sexually coercive behaviors from partners at Time 1 than
noncompliant women. A logistic regression equation was calculated to predict Time 2
sexual compliance from the following Time 1 variables: women’s age, frequency of
sexual compliance over the course of the relationship, and the current partners’ sexu-
ally coercive behavior. Results are shown in Table 2. Only partner coercive behavior
significantly predicted women’s later sexual compliance. The odds for sexual com-
pliance at Time 2 were more than seven times greater for women who reported at
Time 1 that their partners were sexually coercive. Women whose partners had refused
to take no for an answer were much more likely to subsequently report willing con-
sent to unwanted sex.
Our second hypothesis was that the women’s compliance following partner sexu-
ally coercive behavior would predict diminished sexual satisfaction. Intercorrelations
among these study variables are reported in Table 3. A hierarchical multiple regression
was calculated to examine the hypothesized moderating effects of partner sexually
coercive behavior on the association between sexual compliance and women’s con-
current sexual satisfaction. Compliance and satisfaction at Time 1 were included as
control variables. Women’s age was not included because age was not significantly
associated with sexual satisfaction. Standardized beta weights and model characteris-
tics are reported in Table 4.
In a first block, sexual satisfaction, sexual compliance, and partner sexually coer-
cive behavior reported at baseline and women’s compliance reported at follow-up were
entered. As shown in Table 4, in the first block, only Time 1 sexual satisfaction and
Time 2 compliance predicted Time 2 satisfaction. The negative beta weight associated
with Time 2 compliance suggested that, after controlling for the other predictor vari-
ables, compliant women were less sexually satisfied. However, interpretation of this
Table 2. Logistic Regression Predicting Time 2 Compliance From Time 1 Age, Compliance,
and Partner Sexually Coercive Behavior (N = 76)
Time 1 Variable
Coefficient
Standard
Error
Adjusted Odds
Ratioa
95% Confidence
Interval
Age 0.18 0.30 1.34 0.73, 2.41
Compliance 0.08 0.06 1.08 0.97, 1.22
Partner sexual coercion 1.98 0.82 7.25* 1.39, 34.58
a. Odds ratios are adjusted for other terms included in the model.
*p < .05.
Katz and Tirone 737
main effect must be qualified by the interaction of Time 1 partner coercion × Time 2
women’s compliance entered in a second block. This significant interaction indicated
that Time 1 partner coercion moderated the effect of Time 2 compliance on women’s
sexual satisfaction.
To explicate this significant interaction, simple slopes analyses were conducted
(Aiken & West, 1991) at high and low levels of partner sexually coercive behavior. As
expected, there was a stronger association between frequency of compliant sex at
Time 2 and concurrent sexual satisfaction for participants at higher levels of Time 1
partner sexually coercive behavior (b = –.63, p < .001) than among those at lower
levels (b = –.33, p < .05). Although compliance was associated with less sexual satis-
faction for women generally, this association was particularly strong among women
who reported more frequent sexually coercive partner behavior.
Table 3. Zero-Order Correlations Among Women’s Compliance, Sexual Satisfaction, and
Partner Sexually Coercive Behavior Over Time (N = 76)
1 2 3 4
Time 1 variables
1. Compliance
2. Sexual satisfaction –.19*
3. Partner sexual coercion .32*** –.10
Time 2 variables
4. Compliance .57*** –.03 .32****
5. Sexual satisfaction –.24** .65**** –.10 –.13
*p < .06. **p < .05. ***p < .01. ****p < .001.
Table 4. Hierarchical Regression Analyses Predicting Time 2 Sexual Satisfaction From Time
1 Partner Sexually Coercive Behavior, Time 2 Sexual Compliance, and Their Interaction,
Controlling for Time 1 Sexual Satisfaction and Compliance (N = 76)
Predictors bt F for Set Adjusted R2
Block 1 24.14 .54**
Time 1 sexual satisfaction .68 7.99***
Time 1 sexual compliance –.06 –0.07
Time 1 partner sexual coercion –.02 –0.22
Time 2 sexual compliance –.19 –2.31**
Block 2 19.48 .59***
Time 1 sexual satisfaction .73 8.82***
Time 1 sexual compliance –.05 0.59
Time 1 partner sexual coercion .09 0.99
Time 2 sexual compliance .23 1.42
Time 1 coercion × Time 2 compliance –.51 2.89**
**p < .05. ***p< .01.
738 Violence Against Women 16(7)
Next, predicted values for women’s sexual satisfaction were generated by substitut-
ing high and low values of each predictor variable into the regression equation. High
and low values were computed as the mean plus or minus one standard deviation of
the continuous measures of partner sexually coercive behavior at Time 1 and compli-
ance at Time 2. The predicted level of sexual satisfaction was lowest (76.60) among
women who more frequently complied with sex after having reported more frequent
partner sexually coercive behavior. In contrast, predicted values ranged from 78.80 to
88.62 for women who reported less frequent compliance at Time 2, less frequent part-
ner coercion at Time 1, or both.
Discussion
Results showed that dating women’s sexual compliance with partners most commonly
occurred within sexually coercive relationships. Initial reports of partner sexual
coercive behavior predicted women’s compliance 6 week later in both univariate and
multivariate analyses. This effect could not be explained by women’s past sexual
victimization. The association between partners’ tactics of sexual coercion and women’s
later compliance with those partners converges with Basile’s (1999) conceptualization
of sexual compliance, which she termed rape by acquiescence. Although women
comply with unwanted sex in the absence of immediate pressure, our results indicate
that most women consented to unwanted sex after learning that they would be pressured
if they refused.
It is noteworthy that the tactics of sexual coercion that participants typically
reported experiencing involved partner attempts to arouse them with continued sexual
touching or to emotionally manipulate/deceive them. In contrast, partners rarely
attempted sexual coercion involving intoxication or force. These findings converge
with past research showing that psychological rather than physical forms of coercive
sexual pressure are most commonly exerted by intimate partners (e.g., Ramisetty-
Mikler et al., 2007). Such behaviors may be common because exerting psychological
pressure for sex is often viewed as socially acceptable in a heterosexual relationship
context (e.g., Oswald & Russell, 2006) and because male social norms for heterosex-
ual interaction teach men to behave as if “no” means “keep trying” (e.g., Holland et al.,
2004) or even to believe “no means yes” (e.g., Osman, 2003). Such norms may explain
the higher rates of men’s use of sexually coercive tactics relative to women (e.g.,
Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003) and, in turn, the higher rates of sexual compliance
among heterosexual women relative to men (Impett & Peplau, 2003).
The high overall rates of partners’ sexually coercive behaviors based on women’s
reports could lead to a dismissal of such behaviors as “just sex” (Gavey, 2005). How-
ever, the observation that a behavior occurs frequently does not exonerate such behav-
ior as desirable or even acceptable:
Just because it might be normal for a man to repeatedly sexually pressure a
woman, and for a woman to agree to have sex in the absence of her own positive
desire, this does not mean we should sit by and cheer it on. (Gavey, 2005, p. 7)
Katz and Tirone 739
To the degree that this type of sexually coercive behavior constricts women’s sexual
decision making, as the current results suggest, such behavior may be implicated in a
variety of harmful consequences for women, including unplanned pregnancy and
STIs. Additional research is needed to identify women’s subjective reactions to dating
partners’ tactics of sexual coercion. Because exerting psychological pressure for sex
is common in relationships, individual women may feel annoyed, flattered, guilty, or
some combination of emotional responses. Regardless of their specific emotional
reactions, however, such behaviors teach women that, when their partners initiate
unwanted sex, consenting will provide the path of least resistance.
Importantly, our results show that not all women with sexually coercive partners go
along with unwanted sex. Additional studies are needed to identify factors that sensi-
tize women to submit to unwanted sex. For example, adherence to traditional female
gender roles may play a role. Past studies indicate that sexual compliance may be the
result of feeling pressured to be involved in sexual relationships with men, to engage
in sex to preserve these relationships (Walker, 1997), and to conform to traditional
gender expectations (Katz & Tirone, 2009). Insecure attachment styles may also be
implicated. Anxiously attached women may comply with unwanted sex due to fears
about the partner losing interest (Gentzler & Kerns, 2004; Impett & Peplau, 2002), and
avoidantly attached women may comply because they perceive themselves to be obli-
gated (Impett & Peplau, 2002).
Furthermore, an important caveat to our research is that not all sexual compliance
occurs following a partner’s use of sexually coercive pressure. Our sample included a
few women who denied partner sexual coercive behavior at Time 1 but who reported
choosing to comply with unwanted sex at Time 2. For these women, sexual compli-
ance may indeed reflect a benign, freely chosen, voluntary self-sacrifice as described
by several researchers (e.g., O’Sullivan & Allgeier, 1998). At the same time, it appears
that past research focused primarily on explaining women’s sexual compliance as a
function of personality factors that may have been subject to a potential third-variable
problem. That is, women with sexually coercive partners may develop the traditional
sex roles or attachment insecurities that have been identified as predictors of women’s
compliance. Future research simultaneously focused on both dispositional and situa-
tional variables associated with women’s sexual compliance is needed for a more com-
prehensive understanding of willing consent to unwanted sex.
Additional research is also needed to examine the consequences of sexual compli-
ance for women’s relationship functioning and individual mental health. We found
that women who reported compliance at Time 2 following partner coercion at Time 1
also reported lower sexual satisfaction than other women. This finding converges with
past research indicating that dating women’s sexual compliance, when motivated by
an attempt to avoid conflict or partner upset, is detrimental for women’s relationship
satisfaction (Katz & Tirone, 2009). Studies of avoidance motives and sexual interac-
tions more generally further suggest that avoidance motives are negatively associated
with relationship longevity (Impett, Peplau, & Gable, 2005). Future research should
address whether attempts to evade sexual coercion by willingly consenting to
unwanted sex ultimately lead to relationship dissolution.
740 Violence Against Women 16(7)
Limitations of the present findings should be noted. Our research was based on
convenience samples of primarily White female undergraduates in committed dating
relationships with men, and so findings may not generalize to more diverse samples or
types of relationships. Furthermore, because participants volunteered for studies of
“Dating and Sexual Interactions” and because rates of past sexual victimization were
quite high, our participants may not be representative of female undergraduates gener-
ally. Because both women and men engage in sexual compliance (Impett & Peplau,
2003) and sexually coercive behaviors (Struckman-Johnson et al., 2003), future
research should examine these study variables among women and men in both mixed
and same-sex relationships. Unexpectedly, we found that older participants were more
likely to comply with unwanted sex at follow-up. However, there were no significant
associations between compliance and partner age, length of relationship, or other
demographic or relationship characteristics. The association between women’s age
and later compliance is likely spurious given that this effect has not been reported in
the past literature, although, if replicable, explanations for this effect should be explored.
These caveats notwithstanding, our data provide strong evidence for the notion that
many sexually compliant women choose to go along with unwanted sex after learning
that refusing their partner may lead to sexual coercion. The high rates of sexual com-
pliance suggest that many young women do not, or do not feel free to, prioritize their
own sexual desire in sexual decision making. As such, sexual compliance represents a
disembodiment of women’s sexual desire (Hirshman, Impett, & Schooler, 2006).
Researchers interested in further explaining women’s sexual compliance and its con-
sequences must examine the relational context within which women comply to deter-
mine the degree to which compliance is freely chosen. More generally, our results
indicate that black-and-white conceptions of consensual sexual behavior obscure the
gray area of sexual compliance common in women’s lives.
Acknowledgment
The authors gratefully acknowledge Amy Credit and Alyssa Infantino for their assistance with
data management.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or
publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
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Bios
Jennifer Katz is a licensed psychologist and associate professor of psychology at SUNY Col-
lege at Geneseo in upstate New York. Her general research interests focus on the sociocultural
context of women’s mental health.
Vanessa Tirone graduated with a bachelor’s degree in psychology from SUNY College at
Geneseo. She is now a graduate student in clinical psychology at the University of Tennessee,
Knoxville. Her research interests focus on trauma and women’s sexual functioning.
... 21,22 Thus, some women may engage in Duty Sex due to difficulties with or hesitancy to communicate their sexual boundaries, while others may do so to protect themselves from coercion, pressure, or manipulation from their sexual partner. 23 An alternative explanation for the link between a history of NSEs and Duty Sex is that women with a history of NSEs may experience less sexual satisfaction, which, in turn, increases Duty Sex engagement. In a series of studies, Meston and colleagues have shown that individuals with a history of NSEs, particularly childhood NSEs, view sex differently than those without a history of NSEs, such that they experience less sexual and romantic satisfaction. ...
... 18 Women with NSE histories may have an increased risk of abusive/coercive relationships in which they engage in Duty Sex to avoid escalated coercion or pressure to engage in sex. 23,37 Other studies have found that sexual autonomy, that is, an individual's capacity to communicate sexual preferences and make decisions during sexual interactions, is lower among those who engage in Duty Sex. 13 Although speculative, the violation of autonomy during a NSE may have lingering effects that impact women's perceived ability to make and communicate sexual decisions, leading them to engage in sex out of a sense of duty that is not physically or psychologically desired. ...
Article
Introduction Nonconsensual sexual experiences (NSEs) impair sexual function, decrease sexual satisfaction, and inhibit one’s confidence in communicating sexual boundaries (Kennett et al., 2013), which in turn may increase the frequency of Duty Sex. Engaging in sex out of a sense of duty, obligation, to avoid conflict, or to maintain a relationship is higher among women with, compared to without, previous NSE experiences and sexual dysfunction (Metcalfe et al., 2024). However, it is unclear how characteristics of the NSE influence Duty Sex. Duty Sex may be higher in those who experienced childhood NSEs, relative to those who experienced an NSE in adulthood, given that childhood NSEs impact the ability to navigate future unwanted sexual advances (Kennett et al., 2009) and impair sexual function that then makes sex less enjoyable (Pulverman et al., 2018). Moreover, higher perceived impairment and trauma from the NSE may reduce enjoyment of future sexual encounters. Objective This study aimed to investigate how the type, timing, and traumatic appraisal of the NSE influence Duty Sex frequency. Methods A total of 388 women with, and 270 women without NSEs completed a measure assessing the frequency of Duty Sex using the Sex Motives Scale (Cooper et al., 1998). The Nonconsensual Sexual Experiences Scale captured the timing, nature, and impairment/trauma of the NSE (Kilimnik & Meston, 2017). Participants were grouped depending on the worst NSE behavior they experienced [i.e., No NSE (n = 270), sexual fondling (n = 91), oral sex (n = 20), or vaginal/anal penetration (n = 277)]. Participants reported the age of their first NSE (M = 15.27) and the perceived impairment and trauma associated with their most severe NSE, on a scale ranging from 2 (no impairment) to 12 (high impairment/trauma) (M = 8.93). We used non-parametric statistical tests given that the data was not normally distributed. Results A Kruskal-Wallis test to examine differences among each NSE group revealed a significant difference between severity groups, X^2(3) = 15.83, df = 3, p = .001. Post-hoc comparisons revealed that the Penetrative NSE group (MDN = 8) engaged in significantly more frequent Duty Sex than the group without NSEs (MDN = 5). There were no other significant differences between NSE severity groups. Ordinal logistic regression analyses were used to examine whether age of first NSE and the impairment associated with the NSE predicted Duty Sex frequency; neither analysis revealed a significant effect (both p > .92). Conclusions The results suggest that penetrative NSEs increase the likelihood of engaging in Duty Sex as an adult, whereas those with fondling experiences are not more likely to engage in Duty Sex than those without NSEs. In contrast, the age of first NSE did not influence Duty Sex frequency, despite research indicating that childhood NSEs impair adult sexual function and satisfaction (Kilimnik et al., 2018). Moreover, the perceived impairment/impact of the NSE did not predict Duty Sex frequency. It is possible that penetrative NSEs, regardless of age or impairment, increase the likelihood of sexual dysfunction or reduce one’s self-efficacy to communicate non-consent to their partner, that cumulatively increase engagement in Duty Sex. Disclosure No.
... 21,22 Thus, some women may engage in Duty Sex due to difficulties with or hesitancy to communicate their sexual boundaries, while others may do so to protect themselves from coercion, pressure, or manipulation from their sexual partner. 23 An alternative explanation for the link between a history of NSEs and Duty Sex is that women with a history of NSEs may experience less sexual satisfaction, which, in turn, increases Duty Sex engagement. In a series of studies, Meston and colleagues have shown that individuals with a history of NSEs, particularly childhood NSEs, view sex differently than those without a history of NSEs, such that they experience less sexual and romantic satisfaction. ...
... 18 Women with NSE histories may have an increased risk of abusive/coercive relationships in which they engage in Duty Sex to avoid escalated coercion or pressure to engage in sex. 23,37 Other studies have found that sexual autonomy, that is, an individual's capacity to communicate sexual preferences and make decisions during sexual interactions, is lower among those who engage in Duty Sex. 13 Although speculative, the violation of autonomy during a NSE may have lingering effects that impact women's perceived ability to make and communicate sexual decisions, leading them to engage in sex out of a sense of duty that is not physically or psychologically desired. ...
Article
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Background Duty Sex—the act of engaging in sex out of a sense of duty or obligation to a partner—is a commonly reported reason why women have sex, with studies indicating associations between Duty Sex and sexual dysfunction, as well as nonconsensual sexual experiences (NSEs). Aim This study sought to examine the associations between Duty Sex frequency, sexual function, and NSEs using comprehensive, validated measures of sexual function and NSE histories in a large community sample of women. Methods Six hundred and fifty-eight women with (n = 293) and without (n = 365) NSE histories completed measures of sexual function and sexual motivations. Results Women with NSE histories reported more sexual pain, lower sexual satisfaction, and more frequent Duty Sex. The relation between NSE history and Duty Sex remained after controlling for the variance in sexual function. The type of NSE behavior, but not the timing of the first NSE nor the perceived impact of the experience, predicted Duty Sex frequency. Clinical implications Clinicians should consider sexual motivations, particularly Duty Sex, when treating women with NSE histories or who experience sexual dysfunction. Strengths and Limitations To our knowledge, this was the first study to examine how NSEs relate to all domains of sexual function and sexual motives, revealing a link between NSEs, sexual function, and Duty Sex. However, we were unable to account for what percentage of sexual encounters are considered Duty Sex. Therefore, our measurement of Duty Sex lacks specificity, which may explain the relatively low variance accounted for by the models in our analyses. Conclusions There are consequences of NSEs, including difficulties with communicating sexual boundaries and impairment of sexual function, that may contribute to the increased likelihood of engaging in Duty Sex.
... With regard to the men who minimized their victimization, there may have been gendered social norms that influenced how much of a victim they were permitted to be. While gendered social norms influence what is experienced as regrettable sex, they also influence why men and women might consent to unwanted sex (Bay-Cheng & Eliseo-Arras, 2008;Ford, 2018;Katz & Tirone, 2010;Walker, 1997). Notably, Harrington and Maxwell (2023) found that heterosexual men who more strongly ascribe to traditional masculine gender roles, such as expectations for men to be physically tough, bossy, not express their care verbally, and like sports, have a lower comfort in refusing sex. ...
Article
Full-text available
Ethical sexual regret refers to regret for acts during a sexual experience that questions one’s ethical behavior and may be an important concept in understanding and preventing sexual assault. Although sexual regret is relevant to discussions of consent and unwanted/coerced sex, few researchers have explored the concept, even fewer have explored the phenomenon in men, and none in queer men. In this discourse analytic study, we focused on male-identifying participants who were asked to write about a sexual experience about which they felt ethical regret. Discourses were categorized into five themes that informed the analysis. Several discourses revealed that heteronormative gendered social norms may offer men a way to position themselves as good men who had lapses of judgment rather than men who disregard their own morals for sexual advantage. When men were on the receiving end of sex that was uncaring, unfair, coercive or otherwise unethical, they positioned themselves as responsible for the harm, perhaps indicating a lack of availability of a victim discourse. We also noted an absence of a discourse that focused on care for the sexual partner. We discuss how examples of ethical sexual regret may guide future work related to facilitating sexually ethical encounters for men across sexual and gender identities.
... However, coercion may still occur outside of compliant sexual encounters, potentially influencing how individuals perceive the consequences of sexual compliance. Katz and Tirone (2010) found that sexually coercive behavior from a partner was associated with increased compliance in women, which, in turn, was associated with less sexual satisfaction-particularly in women with more sexually coercive partners. Vannier and O'Sullivan (2010) speculated on whether sexual compliance is perceived differently in relationships with a history of coercive behavior, noting that many of their participants described instances of feeling pressured by their partners. ...
... Future studies should examine the convergent validity of the CSCS, as this was beyond the scope of the present study e. g., by having participants respond to both the CSCS and the scale developed by Himanen and Gunst (2023), or by comparing CSCS scores with measures of approach and avoidance motives, which have been shown to correlate with the perceived consequences of compliance (Himanen & Gunst, 2023;Katz & Tirone, 2010). Finally, because our data were crosssectional and retrospective, we were not able to test whether complying to sex actually leads to any of these consequences. ...
Article
Sexual compliance (i.e., consenting to sexual activity despite the lack of initial desire for it) is common in committed relationships. Previous research has shown that sexual compliance can have both positive and negative consequences for the well-being of the individual and the relationship. The aim of the present study was to develop a scale to measure the perceived consequences of sexual compliance, using exploratory factor analysis. The scale items were developed based on previous research and administered to a Finnish population-based sample of adults (N = 1,159). A two-factor model, explaining 40% of the total variance, was selected to create the Consequences of Sexual Compliance Scale (CSCS). The final scale included two subscales, with 10 items measuring perceived positive consequences and 10 items measuring perceived negative consequences of sexual compliance. The individuals in the current sample perceived significantly more positive than negative consequences of sexual compliance, suggesting that engaging in sex without initial sexual desire does not harm well-being for most people. Our scale can be used by researchers and clinicians who wish to further explore the perceived consequences of sexual compliance.
... Previous studies in Asia and Europe suggest that societies with higher levels of IPV also have higher levels of stigma surrounding reporting [46,47], which may lead to further social isolation and loneliness. Further, women demonstrating consensual sexual engagement that they do not desire (sexual compliance), which is a potential manifestation of a lack of sexual autonomy [48], reported negative consequences on their well-being [49]. While these results are aligned with the findings in this study, no studies have been conducted on sexual compliance and loneliness to date. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background Loneliness is a significant risk factor for both mental and physical health issues, including depression and increased mortality. Loneliness is reported at higher levels during life transitions, such as the transition to motherhood. Loneliness in mothers has far-reaching detrimental impacts on both mother and child, such as an increased risk of maternal depression and child abuse. Understanding the impact of different risk factors for loneliness, specifically in young mothers, may inform potential interventions for this at-risk group. The aim of this study was to determine whether mothers were lonelier than childfree women, and whether there are different risk factors for loneliness in mothers relative to childfree women, both for gender-associated and established risk factors for loneliness. Methods This cross-sectional study included partnered mothers and partnered childfree women between the ages of 20 and 29 from the 2020 Generations and Gender Survey (GGS) in the Republic of Moldova. The De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale was used to assess overall, emotional, and social loneliness. A total of 11 potential risk factors were considered, across gender, well-being, relationships, and household status. Depending on the nature of the variables and their distributions, Wilcoxon rank-sum tests or Spearman correlation coefficients were used to assess loneliness risk factors for partnered mothers and childfree women. Results Data from 396 mothers and 113 childfree women in the Republic of Moldova were analysed in this study. There was no significant difference between the mean overall, emotional, or social loneliness scores in partnered mothers and childfree women. A lack of sexual autonomy was a risk factor associated with social loneliness in young mothers, but not in childfree women. This was the only gendered risk factor that differed between populations. Other gendered risk factors were not significant for any types of loneliness in either population. There were differences between mothers and childfree women in several established risk factors for loneliness. Conclusion Mothers were not lonelier than childfree women in this study, but a lack of sexual autonomy was a risk factor associated with loneliness only in mothers.
... However, research also suggests that women are more likely to comply with sex in relationship where they have less control (Conroy et al., 2015) or when there is a history of sexual victimization. This suggests compliance and victimization while distinct concepts may co-occur in an individual's life (Katz & Tirone, 2010). Therefore, it is important to differentiate sexual compliance from verbal coercion to reduce potential false positives in measurement. ...
Article
Full-text available
Verbal coercion, a form of sexual violence, is a common problem that is related to various psychological and physical outcomes. Cognitive interviewing is an important technique used to understand how people perceive items on a questionnaire. The current study utilized cognitive interviewing and sought to examine the content validity of a potentially ambiguous item, “my partner insisted on sex,” from the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales, a measure of intimate partner violence. Participants were mostly college students at a local Midwestern University (N = 39). Participants responses were qualitatively coded, and the following themes emerged: coercion (42.68%; physical, 4.88% and verbal, 37.80%), consent (30.49%), compliance (4.88%), hesitancy to have sex (13.41%), personal experiences (6.10%), and perpetrator’s intent (2.44%). The results show that most participants viewed the item, “partner insisted on sex” as a verbally coercive tactic; this theme was mentioned more often than noncoercive themes. Participants were also asked to rate quantitatively how consensual they considered the insistence item, and comparison items representing other tactic types. Three tactics were rated as clearly nonconsensual using a p < .05 standard, including the insistence item (M = 1.946, SD = 1.70) with a range from 0 (not consensual at all) to 7 (completely consensual). This suggests evidence of consent validity since the item was perceived as representing coercive behavior.
... The transition to affirmative consent reflects society's demand for a redefined understanding of consent [20]. This shift acknowledges that saying "No" might not always happen due to fear of confrontation or concerns about the consequences of refusing sexual advances [21,22]. Supported by scientific evidence, numerous SCACs have embraced the concept of affirmative consent [23], where an explicit "no" is no longer required to express a lack of consent. ...
Article
Full-text available
Communication concerning sexual consent among young people is a significant concern for prevention in our society today. While sexual consent awareness campaigns (SCACs) hold importance in various communication modes, they predominantly rely on speech acts despite scientific literature providing other elements beyond these. This research aims to fill this gap through dialogues between young people and the scientific literature. A content analysis of 23 international and national campaigns was conducted alongside fieldwork in Spain with 77 young participants (18–25 years old) and 24 professionals from the field of education and society engaging in dialogue with scientific evidence on sexual consent. The results provide three aspects for future campaigns: (a) to be based on scientific evidence, (b) to introduce clear examples of coercive discourse and interactive power, and (c) to aim at new alternative masculinities rather than targeting potential victims.
... The present study highlighted that health practitioners see patients engaging in unpleasant sexual experiences due perceived and overt partner pressures and experiencing associated negative outcomes such as pain, injury, and emotional harm. The observations of health practitioners may be understood through research on sexual coercion as predictive of sexual compliance both in the moment and over time (Katz & Tirone, 2010), and as a factor in women's decisions to engage in unpleasant heterosexual anal sex (Fahs & Gonzalez, 2014;Faustino & Gavey, 2022) and choking (Herbenick et al., 2022a(Herbenick et al., , 2022b(Herbenick et al., , 2022c. Participants in this study referenced patients who sought permission to say 'no' to unpleasant sex acts, seeking an understanding of whether their dislike of a sexual experience was 'normal' or valid, or if the issue they were experiencing was their fault. ...
Article
Full-text available
Sexual health, including sexual pleasure, is fundamental to holistic health and well-being, and is considered an area of priority health in Australia. Despite the importance of sexual functioning, women experience significant gaps in sexual well-being compared to men and often do not seek medical care or treatment. Health practitioners are central to the identification and treatment of sexual dysfunction, including fostering sexual well-being for patients. Despite this, minimal research has explored health practitioners’ experiences in treating reports of unpleasant sex. This study aimed to explore health practitioners’ experiences, responses, and confidence in treating patients presenting for unpleasant sexual experiences. An online, mixed-methods survey was completed by 96 participants. Thematic analysis identified 11 core themes. These themes included five patient centred themes (health risks, diverse sex acts, painful vaginal intercourse, relationship breakdown and violence, unwanted sex) and six health practitioner centred themes (communication and counselling, what is normal, ongoing care and follow up, emotional response, limited practical training, and highly prevalent). Participants described a complex sexual health landscape, with social contexts impacting women’s sexual experiences and engagement in treatment. Additionally, health practitioners reported the need for a biopsychosocial approach to understanding and responding to unpleasant sexual experiences for patients, while simultaneously reporting limited education in this area. Findings reflect the need for health practitioners to be cognisant of matters related to sexual function, consent, coercion, client engagement, and treatment pathways, identifying a need for greater education and holistic approaches to sexual healthcare across medical settings.
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This study examined the relationship between sexual revictimization and interpersonal problems in a sample of adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder. Fifty-two treatment-seeking women participated in this study. Research participants completed the Sexual Experiences Survey to assess sexual revictimization within the past 6 months and completed the Inventory of Interpersonal Problems (IIP). Revictimized participants reported overall greater interpersonal problems compared with nonrevictimized participants. Post hoc analyses showed significantly higher interpersonal problem scores for revictimized participants on the Hard to Be Assertive and Too Responsible subscales. On the circumplex IIP, revictimized participants were more socially avoidant, nonassertive, and overly nurturant.
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