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Brazil's multilateral relations : between first and third world / Wayne A. Selcher

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... The multilateral dimension of the Brazilian foreign policy was guided by efforts to modify the international hierarchy and ensure progress in their bilateral relations with developing countries, including Arab countries. A clear outcome was the increase in the potential for disagreement with US policies (Selcher 1978; Den Hartog 1989; Lessa 1998; Lessa 2000). Brazil-US relations oscillated significantly after 1945, but the Medici years (19691970197119721973) were normally seen as a moment of improvement. ...
... On November 24, 1973, a resolution passed by African countries included Brazil among six countries that could potentially be embargoed if they did not cease to support the government of South Africa's white minority. Arab demonstrations in the same vein took place in the following months (Selcher 1978). The oil crisis and the pro-active Third World caused strong embarrassments to the newly inaugurated Geisel administration. ...
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Em 1975, o Brasil votou a favor da resolução da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas 3379 (XXX), que equiparou o sionismo a uma forma de racismo. Centrando-se no processo decisório da Política Externa do "Pragmatismo Responsável" desenvolvida pelo governo do Presidente Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979), este artigo discute como a decisão final para votar a favor da resolução foi tomada tendo em conta principalmente as relações entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos.
... We aim to generate insights into Argentina's, Brazil's, and Mexico's foreign policy by looking at how they voted on UN General Assembly motions. 2 The choice of this measure, however, is not consensual, as some analysts see the General Assembly only as a passive arena as regards the interaction of states (Dixon 1981) or consider the votes recorded therein as merely symbolic (Kennedy 2006, 34). Other authors make use of these votes to identify the position of countries on multilateral issues and regional alignments (Lijphart 1963;Marín-Bosch 1998;Selcher 1978). However, a strand of the scholarly literature treats these votes as an indicator of the general orientation of states' foreign policy (Thacker 1999;Tomlin 1985;Voeten 2000). ...
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Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. The findings show that while Argentina's voting behavior has been determined mostly by domestic factors and Mexico's by realist systemic ones, Brazil's has a more complex blend of determinants, but also with a prevalence of realist systemic variables.
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South–South relations have regained widespread interest in recent years, together with increasingly visible stances on international stages. Brazil’s interactions with the African continent, in particular, came to epitomise such a perception while sustaining an expectation of mutual alignment in several global issues. However, these assumptions still lack empirical corroboration. Drawing on United Nations General Assembly voting data for the 1991–2013 timeframe, this article questions a supposed South–South solidarity at the multilateral institution with the largest global representation and identifies key thematic axes that incite greater collective stances. The analysis further sheds light on whether or not a common South–South agenda has emerged over time.
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Um dos episódios mais controversos do governo Geisel foi o voto brasileiro na Assembléia Geral da Nações Unidas a favor Resolução 3379, em 1975, que “[d]etermina que o Sionismo é uma forma de racismo e de discriminação racial”. Estudos sobre a questão têm implícita ou explicitamente interpretado o brasileiro como a manifestação da racionalidade inerente dos objetivos gerais e conceitos estratégicos do Pragmatismo Responsável. Contrariamente a essas interpretações, este trabalho considera que a decisão foi tomada pelo presidente Geisel, principalmente por causa das pressões norte-americanas para que o governo brasileiro votasse contra a aprovação da resolução. Analisa-se o processo decisório da política externa do governo Geisel e enfatiza-se o papel das idéias das lideranças governamentais.
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O texto faz considerações sobre a política externa brasileira conduzida pelo regime militar. Procura destacar as políticas formuladas durante os diversos governos, considerando as alternâncias dos grupos no poder e as mudanças na conjuntura tanto doméstica quanto internacional. O que se observa, portanto, é que cada governante implementou sua política de acordo com os interesses do grupo que naquele momento se encontrava no controle do Estado. Um dos objetivos do texto é discutir as nomenclaturas utilizadas para designar cada período: “alinhamento automático”, “diplomacia da prosperidade”, “diplomacia do interesse nacional” “pragmatismo responsável” e “pragmatismo ecumênico”. Essas terminologias não fazem jus, nem correspondem à realidade das políticas implementadas naqueles momentos, uma vez que todas as políticas públicas, nessas incluindo a política externa e as de defesa e segurança, são motivadas pela necessidade de se atender princípios básicos comuns a todos os governos, como a soberania e o desenvolvimento nacionais.
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In the last years, different frameworks were created with the purpose to help analysts understand the transitions in Brazilian foreign relations since the end of Cold War, several of them using dichotomist conceptual pairs like distance/participation and distance/integration. The objective of this work is present four case studies in Brazilian multilateral relations in which the "thesis of distance" will be analyzed, confronting it with new primary sources. In three cases there is clear conflict with the concept under exam. In other case, it will be evaluated the use of Cold War in the periodization of Brazilian foreign policy. It will be argued, with the presentation of those cases, that it is not possible to encompass all Brazilian multilateral actions in the Cold War in the conceptual framework of "distance". Besides, the cases will also expound that Brazil was far from maintaining systematic distance, absence or isolation; and even when that was the result, several times it was not a tactical position of Brazil.
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In the last years, different frameworks were created with the purpose to help analysts understand the transitions in Brazilian foreign relations since the end of Cold War, several of them using dichotomist conceptual pairs like distance/participation and distance/integration. The objective of this work is present four case studies in Brazilian multilateral relations in which the "thesis of distance" will be analyzed, confronting it with new primary sources. In three cases there is clear conflict with the concept under exam. In other case, it will be evaluated the use of Cold War in the periodization of Brazilian foreign policy. It will be argued, with the presentation of those cases, that it is not possible to encompass all Brazilian multilateral actions in the Cold War in the conceptual framework of "distance". Besides, the cases will also expound that Brazil was far from maintaining systematic distance, absence or isolation; and even when that was the result, several times it was not a tactical position of Brazil.
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A política externa brasileira é abordada aqui em seu aspecto multilateral, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica tendo como fonte principal os periódicos brasileiros especializados em relações internacionais. Procura-se traçar um panorama dos estudos sobre a atuação multilateral do Brasil em dois tempos históricos: o primeiro referente a um tempo mais longo, em busca dos aspectos conjunturais, e o segundo tratando da história do tempo presente, especificamente as últimas três décadas.Brazilian Foreign Policy is treated here in its multilateral side towards a bibliographical review that has as main source Brazilian periodicals specialized in international relations. It aims to trace a panorama of the studies about Brazil's multilateral action in two historical times: the first refers to a longer period, that looks for conjectural aspects, and the second is related to the present time history, specifically the three last decades.
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Este artigo analisa o comportamento da política de comércio exterior brasileira em um contexto interno de crise econômico-financeira, limitada capacidade de importação e exportação, industrialização e dependência em relação ao capital estrangeiro. Propõe-se identificar e avaliar o papel que desempenhou o comércio exterior brasileiro como elemento propulsor do desenvolvimento econômico.This article aims to analyze how Brazilian foreign trade policy behaved in an internal context of economic-financial crisis, limited importing and exporting capacity, industrialization and dependence on foreign capital. The purpose of this work is to identify and to assess the role Brazilian foreign trade policy played in the promotion of national development.
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O presente trabalho explora a evolução histórica do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, bem como os câmbios sofridos na formulação da política externa brasileira no tocante ao tema da proteção internacional dos direitos humanos após o período de redemocratização do país. Analisa, igualmente, a importância do reconhecimento pelo Estado brasileiro da jurisdição obrigatória da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e os efeitos positivos de tal ato sobre a posição brasileira no contexto multilateral da Organização dos Estados Americanos. Finalmente, tece algumas considerações a respeito da participação do Estado brasileiro na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos.
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