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Nations at War: A Scientific Study of International Conflict

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... Instead of uncovering new, durable, systematic patterns , as is the case in most other quantitative subfields of political science (and public health, of which this field is also a part [King and Murray 2000]), students of international conflict are left wrestling with their data to eke out something they can label a finding. As a consequence, those with deep qualitative knowledge of the subject are rarely persuaded by conclusions from quantitative works (see Bueno de Mesquita 1981; Geller and Singer 1998; Levy 1989; Rosenau 1976; Vasquez 1993). The field has a number of important successes to its credit, such as the democratic peace, and many important and very promising research programs , but the discontinuity between the beliefs of most experts and many quantitative results remains. ...
Article
We address a well-known but inffequently discussed problem in the quantitative study of international conflict: Despite immense data collections, prestigious journals, and sophisticated analyses, empirical findings in the literature on international conflict are often unsatisfying. Many statistical results change from article to article and specification to specification. Accurate forecasts are nonexistent. In this article we offer a conjecture about one source of this problem: The causes of conflict, theorized to be important but often found to be small or ephemeral, are indeed tiny for the vast majority of dyads, but they are large, stable, and replicable wherever the ex ante probability of conflict is large. This simple idea has an unexpectedly rich array of observable implications, all consistent with the literature. We directly test our conjecture by formulating a statistical model that includes its critical features. Our approach, aversion of a "neural network" model, uncovers some interesting structural features of international conflict and, as one evaluative measure, forecasts substantially better than any previous effort. Moreover, this improvement comes at little cost, and it is easy to evaluate whether the model is a statistical improvement over the simpler models commonly used. Government Version of Record
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Während die etablierte Forschung zum Demokratischen Frieden sich fast ausschließlich auf potentiell friedensfördernde demokratische Institutionen und Normen konzentriert hat, betrachtet ein jüngerer Forschungsstrang die „Kehrseite” demokratischer Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik: die Beteiligung von Demokratien an Kriegen und militärischen Interventionen und dabei insbesondere die erhebliche Varianz innerhalb der Gruppe demokratischer Staaten. In Abgrenzung von bestehenden Ansätzen, welche primär die jeweilige politische Kultur zur Erklärung der Kriegsneigung von Demokratien heranziehen, richtet dieser Beitrag den Blick auf institutionelle und präferenzbasierte Faktoren, wie der Ausprägung parlamentarischer Rechte und verfassungsrechtlicher Beschränkungen, der politischen Ausrichtung von Regierungen, der öffentlichen Meinung und dem Machtstatus des jeweiligen Landes. Basierend auf Fallstudien zu den Kriegen im Kosovo, in Afghanistan und im Irak wird die Frage untersucht, unter welchen Kontextbedingungen und politischen Konstellationen sich Demokratien militärisch beteiligen bzw. von einer Beteiligung absehen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen unter anderem, dass die Kombination von konservativen Regierungen mit schwachen parlamentarischen Rechten ausreichend für eine Kriegsbeteiligung im Irak war. Für die Einsatzentscheidungen in Afghanistan spielten parteipolitische Faktoren hingegen eine untergeordnete Rolle. Gleichzeitig wird jedoch deutlich, dass eine Parlamentsbeteiligung kein hinreichender Grund für eine militärisch zurückhaltende Außenpolitik ist. Das Papier argumentiert, dass die gewählte Fragestellung mit methodischen Ansätzen die sich auf die Messung der Effekte singulärer Faktoren beschränken nur unzureichend beantwortet werden kann. Daher wird mit Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fs/QCA) ein Ansatz gewählt, der sowohl kausale Interaktion als auch Equifinalität abbilden kann. Mit Hilfe von fs/QCA werden dabei unterschiedliche „demokratische Pfade“ zur Beteiligung bzw. Nichtbeteiligung an militärischen Einsätzen identifiziert und theoretisch erörtert. Abschließend werden die Ergebnisse für die jeweiligen Konflikte eingeordnet in die breitere Diskussion um demokratische Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik.
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Social conflict entails a variety of social phenomena, including international conflict, civil war, genocide, organized violence, insurgencies and rebellions, terrorism, riots, etc. Given the heterogeneity of social phenomena encompassed by this notion, it is not surprising that a variety of methodological and theoretical approaches have been applied to study it, ranging from formal game theoretic models to the hermeneutics of narratives. Social conflict has also been studied by means of complex systems research methods, such as agent-based social simulation. We conduct a review of the main formal-theoretical approaches to social conflict including agent-based modeling. We promote the usage of agent-based social simulation for it affords shedding light onto the nature of generative processes related to social conflict. We discuss the implications of such an approach to the study of social conflict against orthodox research designs and point toward its advantages which may facilitate development of more adequate conflict prevention and conflict management procedures.
Article
Mueller (1989) says that war is merely an idea. If war begins in the minds of men, then thinking has to be properly conditioned a priori to the performance of violent acts. This paper is an attempt to solve a puzzle of origins of international conflict based on two propositions: (1) Conflict is an inherent aspect of societal systems. (2) The occurrence of international conflict is contingent in the character of our leadership, their normative images of themselves and "the others", and their desire to maintain themselves in power. Neither the occurrence nor the outcome of conflict is completely and rigidly determined by objective circumstances. Political leaders are held accountable for their foreign policy actions, and because they desire to maintain themselves in power they choose policies with an eye to their personal political future. That means that they choose in such a way that they do not precipitate an internal overthrow of their authority while also avoiding external removal. Thus decisions to go to war are endogenous to the domestic political setting of the leaders. The potentially powerful political consequences of the diversionary action are demonstrated in case studies of Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin which illustrate the conditions under which domestic political opposition and elite insecurity led to the external use of force in two wars in Chechnya.
Article
The convergence of three distinct but interconnected trends - unrelenting globalization, growing worldwide electronic connectivity, and increasing knowledge intensity of economic activity - is creating powerful new opportunities and challenges for global politics. This rapidly changing environment has information demands that surpass existing capabilities for information access, interpretation, and overall use, thus hindering our abilities to address emergent and complex global challenges, such as terrorism and other security threats. This reality has serious implications for two diverse domains of scholarship: international relations (IR) in political science and information technology (IT). Unless IT advances remain "one step ahead" of emergent realities and complexities, strategies for better understanding and responding to critical global challenges will be severely impeded. 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Full-text available
The convergence of three distinct but interconnected trends - unrelenting globalization, growing worldwide electronic connectivity, and increasing knowledge intensity of economic activity - is creating powerful new opportunities and challenges for global politics. This rapidly changing environment has information demands that surpass existing capabilities for information access, interpretation, and overall use, thus hindering our abilities to address emergent and complex global challenges, such as terrorism and other security threats. This reality has serious implications for two diverse domains of scholarship: international relations (IR) in political science and information technology (IT). Unless IT advances remain "one step ahead" of emergent realities and complexities, strategies for better understanding and responding to critical global challenges will be severely impeded. For example, more so now than ever, the U.S. Office of Counter-Terrorism and the newly-created Office of Homeland Security rely on intelligence information from all over the world to develop strategic responses to security threats. However, relevant information is stored in various regions throughout the world and by diverse agencies in different media, formats, and contexts. Intelligent integration of information is fundamental to developing policies to anticipate and strengthen protection against terrorist threats or attacks in the United States. This Project's activities, and relationships with its collaborators, will be coordinated through a newly formed joint Laboratory for Information Globalization and Harmonization Technologies (LIGHT). LIGHT will address information needs in the IR domain, focusing on the conflict realm, which deals with emergent risks, threats, and uncertainties of potentially global scale and scope related to: (a) crises, (b) conflicts and war; and (c) anticipation, monitoring and early warning. The goals of this initiative are to: (1) improve understand
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Three important trends - unrelenting globalization, growing worldwide electronic connectivity, and increasing knowledge intensity of economic activity - are creating new opportunities for global politics, with challenging demands for information access, interpretation, provision and overall use. This has serious implications for two diverse domains of scholarship: Information Technology (IT) and International Relations (IR) in political science. Unless IT advances remain "one step ahead" of such realities and complexities, strategies for better understanding and responding to emergent global challenges will be severely impeded. For example, the new Department of Homeland Security will rely on intelligence information from all over the world to develop strategic responses to a wide range of security threats. However, relevant information is stored throughout the world and by diverse agencies and in different media, formats, quality, and contexts. Intelligent integration of that information and improved modes of access and use are critical to developing policies designed to identify and anticipate sources of threat, to strengthen protection against threats on the United States, and to enhance the security of the nation.
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