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Political Economy From Below: Communitarian Anarchism as a Neglected Discourse in Histories of Economic Thought
... Sulla concezione economica di Kropotkin confronta JonBekken (1991;2013) e RobKnowles (2000). ...
Rivista di Studi Politici (Quadrimestrale dell'Istituto di Studi Politici "S. Pio V")
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... During the transition to industrialization, various utopian communities were conceived and established across the world [54][55][56]. They were often imprinted through the principles of mutualism, social welfare, and internationalism, such as anarchist internationalism [57] and communitarian anarchism [58]. However, they often proved to be transitory and impermanent and sometimes did not last more than a generation, being typically obliterated during World War I [59]. ...
This article argues that we need to look at living examples provided by non-state communities in various regions of the world that are, perhaps unwittingly, contributing to the maintenance of the Earth’s optimal thermal balance. These fully sustainable communities have been living outside the mainstream for centuries, even millennia, providing examples in the global struggle against the degradation of social–ecological systems. They have all, to varying degrees, embraced simple forms of living that make them ‘exemplary ethical communities’ (EECs)—human communities with a track record of sustainability related to forms of traditional knowledge and the capacity to survive outside the capitalist market and nation-state system. The article proceeds in three steps: First, it condenses a large body of research on the limits of the existing nation-state system and its accompanying ideology, nationalism, identifying this institutional–ideological complex as the major obstacle to tackling climate change. Second, alternative social formations that could offer viable micro-level and micro-scale alternatives are suggested. These are unlikely to identify with existing nation-states as they often form distinct types of social communities. Taking examples from hunter-gatherer societies and simple-living religious groups, it is shown how the protection and maintenance of these EECs could become the keystone in the struggle for survival of humankind and other forms of life. Finally, further investigation is called for, into how researchers can come forward with more examples of actually existing communities that might provide pathways to sustainability and resistance to the looming global environmental catastrophe.
... During the transition to industrialisation, various utopian communities were conceived and established across the world [47][48][49]. They were often imprinted through the principles of mutualism, social welfare and internationalism, such as anarchist internationalism [50] and communitarian anarchism [51]. However, they often proved to be transitory and impermanent and sometimes did not last more than a generation, being typically obliterated during World War I [52]. ...
This article argues that we need to look at living examples provided by non-state communities in various regions of the world that are, perhaps unwittingly, contributing to the maintenance of the Earth's optimal thermal balance. These fully sustainable communities have been living outside the mainstream for centuries, even millennia, providing examples in the global struggle against the degradation of social–ecological systems. They have all, to varying degrees, embraced simple forms of living that make them ‘exemplary ethical communities’ (EECs) – human communities with a track record of sustainability related to forms of traditional knowledge and the capacity to survive outside the capitalist market and nation-state system. The article proceeds in three steps: First, it condenses a large body of research on the limits of the existing nation-state system and its accompanying ideology, nationalism, identifying this institutional–ideological complex as the major obstacle to tackling climate change. Second, alternative social formations that could offer viable micro-level and micro-scale alternatives are suggested. These are unlikely to identify with existing nation-states as they often form distinct types of social communities. Taking examples from hunter-gatherer societies and simple-living religious groups, it is shown how the protection and maintenance of these EECs could become the keystone in the struggle for survival of humankind and other forms of life. Finally, further investigation is called for, into how researchers can come forward with more examples of actually existing communities that might provide pathways to sustainability and resistance to the looming global environmental catastrophe.
... Graeber (2004: 4) suggests academics often misrepresent the anarchist tradition as being 'theoretically a bit flat-footed but making up for brains, perhaps, with passion and sincerity'. This dismissive view is particularly apparent within economic disciplines where, in contrast to Marxism, anarchism is often assumed to contribute little to associated debates (Knowles, 2000), despite the rich economic discourse emanating from anarchist thinkers such as Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (see North, 2007; and also Marshall, 2008, for an extensive discussion of the different strands of anarchist thought). ...
This article interrogates the performative effects of mutualist ideas in the context of market-making. Mutualism is a variety of anarchism associated with the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who argued for the centrality of market exchanges and mutual credit as a means for emancipating workers from capitalist exploitation. The discussion is informed by an ethnographic inquiry within a Local Exchange Trading System in Spain – the Moneda Social Puma – which illustrates how actors put mutualist ideas to work. This research makes three contributions: first, it frames a view of market multiplicity and plasticity that broadens the current scope of market studies beyond a managerialist focus. Second, it reveals how actors mobilise anarchist theories to shape – rather than escape – markets. Third, this work elucidates how actors negotiate and stabilise conflicting forms of valuation as mutualist ideas are implemented. In particular, we draw attention to a set of infrastructural practices and mutual credit arrangements whereby the market is cooperatively managed as a common. We conclude by reflecting on the implications of our work for extant debates concerning post-capitalist politics, markets and anarchism.
... Graeber (2004: 4) suggests academics often misrepresent the anarchist tradition as being 'theoretically a bit flat-footed but making up for brains, perhaps, with passion and sincerity'. This dismissive view is particularly apparent within economic disciplines where, in contrast to Marxism, anarchism is often assumed to contribute little to associated debates (Knowles, 2000), despite the rich economic discourse emanating from anarchist thinkers such as Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (see North, 2007; and also Marshall, 2008, for an extensive discussion of the different strands of anarchist thought). ...
This article interrogates the performative effects of mutualist ideas in the context of market-making. Mutualism is a variety of anarchism associated with the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who argued for the centrality of market exchanges and mutual credit as a means for emancipating workers from capitalist exploitation. The discussion is informed by an ethnographic inquiry within a Local Exchange Trading System in Spain – the Moneda Social Puma – which illustrates how actors put mutualist ideas to work. This research makes three contributions: first, it frames a view of market multiplicity and plasticity that broadens the current scope of market studies beyond a managerialist focus. Second, it reveals how actors mobilise anarchist theories to shape – rather than escape – markets. Third, this work elucidates how actors negotiate and stabilise conflicting forms of valuation as mutualist ideas are implemented. In particular, we draw attention to a set of infrastructural practices and mutual credit arrangements whereby the market is cooperatively managed as a common. We conclude by reflecting on the implications of our work for extant debates concerning post-capitalist politics, markets and anarchism.
... Cumberpatch, 2001) e a história (cf. Knowles, 2000;Knowles e Owen, 2008). 75 Swedberg salienta ainda noutro sítio que, enquanto Polanyi introduziu a noção de incrustação para salientar que a economia era uma parte orgânica da sociedade nos tempos pré-capitalistas, o objectivo de Granovetter com este conceito é quase o inverso: demonstrar que as acções económicas são verdadeiramente acções sociais no seio da sociedade capitalista (Swedberg, 1997: 165). ...
... It has been strongly felt, from the 1980s and 9 The concept of embeddedness has been used in other disciplines as well. In addition to economic anthropology (especially as a result of Polanyi's influence over the substantivist camp), economic geography (Hess, 2004), archaeology (Cumberpatch, 2001), and history (Knowles, 2000; Knowles and Owen, 2008) also deserve mention. 10 Elsewhere Swedberg also makes it clear that while Polanyi proposed the concept of embeddedness to highlight the fact that in pre-capitalist times the economy was an organic part of society, Granovetter's intent when he uses the concept is almost the opposite: to show that economic actions are truly social actions within capitalist society (Swedberg, 1997: 165). ...
Within the context of the New Economic Sociology, Karl Polanyi is almost universally
considered the “father” of the concept of embeddedness. However, this concept has been
subject to selective appropriation by this discipline and its relationship to the remaining
theoretical edifice constructed by Polanyi has been neglected. It is, in fact, possible to refer to
the “great transformation” to which the concept of embeddedness has been subjected:
whereas in Polanyi’s work it is associated with the macro(economic) level and is used as
evidence of the exceptional nature of the capitalist market economy – disembedded from
society – in NES, it is normally associated with the meso (and even micro) level, on the
assumption that all economies – including capitalist economies – are embedded.
... definida com precisão (Swedbeg, 2006: 4). 10 O conceito de incrustação também tem sido utilizado noutras disciplinas. Para além da antropo‑ logia económica, nomeadamente mediante a influência de Polanyi sobre a corrente substantivista, saliente‑se ainda a geografia económica (cf. Hess, 2004), a arqueologia (cf. Cumberpatch, 2001) e a história (cf. Knowles, 2000; Knowles e Owen, 2008). ...
No contexto da Nova Sociologia Económica, Karl Polanyi é quase consensualmente
considerado o “pai” do conceito de incrustação (embeddedness). Todavia, este conceito
foi alvo de uma apropriação selectiva por parte da disciplina, sendo negligenciada a sua
relação com o restante edifício teórico construído por Polanyi. Pode, com efeito, falar‑se
de uma “grande transformação” sofrida pelo conceito de incrustação: se em Polanyi ele
está associado a um nível macro(económico) e é utilizado para evidenciar o carácter
excepcional da economia capitalista de mercado – que se encontra desincrustada da
sociedade –, na NSE , por seu turno, é normalmente associado a um nível meso (e até
micro), sendo preconizado que todas as economias – incluindo a capitalista – estão
incrustadas.
Smith, Darwin y sus propias observaciones como naturalista sirvieron a Kropotkin para desarrollar su teoría del apoyo mutuo como factor relevante del éxito adaptativo de las especies. Frente a la idea del propio interés como motivación económica fundamental, Kropotkin reivindicaba la importancia del comportamiento cooperativo basado en la empatía y la reciprocidad, algo que sólo recientemente ha empezado a atraer la atención de los economistas. Esta visión de la naturaleza humana fue uno de los elementos esenciales de la crítica de Kropotkin a la economía política y al llamado darwinismo social, que se analiza en el presente trabajo. Aunque el autor ruso fue seguramente el más leído por parte de los anarquistas españoles, estos no profundizaron en las implicaciones económicas de su obra ni en la idea del apoyo mutuo, dado que las cuestiones económicas fueron para ellos muy secundarias, careciendo de un pensamiento económico original y limitando generalmente sus análisis críticos al terreno ético. Palabras clave: Kropotkin, apoyo mutuo, cooperación, crítica a la economía política, anarquismo
Through the analysis of Kropotkin's economic thought, this paper seeks to highlight how economic theory can represent a legitimising device for the structural inequities typical of capitalist society. According to our anarchist social scientist, economics is an instrument of social control rather than an empirical science. This process branches out from the cultural dimension, where economic dogmas gain legitimacy, to the political and social level where the ruling class achieves its domination. The end product is a crystallisation of society into unnatural forms. Kropotkin's theoretical perspective has a heuristic fertility that allows us to recall the thought of Boltanski and Chiapello. The two sociologists, in Le nouvel esprit du capitalisme (1999), through an analysis of management texts from the 1960s and 1990s, underline how the evolution of power relations and hierarchies within companies is legitimised through the production of theories that we could understand, with Meyer and Rowan (1997), as rationalised myths. In the 1990s, for example, the position of leaders in companies was legitimised as charismatic, creative individuals capable of managing social relations. For Kropotkin, the same function of rationalised myth is performed by Malthusian theory and the notion of homo oeconomicus. Malthusian scarcity and human egoism are two arguments in defence of economics as the science of scarce resources. According to Kropotkin, economics is a metaphysical science because it is based exclusively on the interests of the ruling class. Economics, according to Kropotkin, must necessarily implement a process of synthesis with the natural sciences in order to realise itself as a science empirically oriented towards human emancipation.
Critical scholarship on peace has coined the term liberal peacebuilding and proven that it is unsuccessful, even counterproductive, in achieving that what it sets out to do—foster peace after violent conflict. The dominant part of this endeavor has been statebuilding. This paper adds to a slowly developing literature that starts to ask the question what an alternative to the reliance on statebuilding could look like. By employing anarchist theory, a new theoretical methodology is introduced to International Relations that allows to imagine forms of peace outside the liberal paradigm whilst preventing imperialistic claims. Such an emancipatory peace practice based on anarchism is envisioned as to build on prefigurative politics and direct action, strengthening autonomy, decentralization, and horizontality as well as challenge all structural forms of domination through radical forms of self-determination. Incorporating such an anarchist agenda offers one perspective on what fostering peace outside decontextualized and imposed liberal nation states could be. I argue that challenging statebuilding foreshadows a greater implication an anarchist research agenda promotes, namely, the need to move away from peace building toward emancipatory forms of peace facilitation.
It is by no means exaggeration to suggest that society finds itself increasingly ill equipped in the art of civil discourse. In particular, the realm of political debate has polarized at partisan extremes, arguably fueled by gross economic inequality. And as is typical when advocates’ hearts are aflame, logic can give way to passion, whether for lack of empathy or failures in communication. With skirmish lines firmly drawn seeming eons ago, the opposing forces calcify in their trenches, rarely daring set foot on the field of battle, choosing instead to lob poorly calculated mortars at their “enemy,” not in honest attempt to “win” the war, but merely hoping to quiet the shells raining down, even if but temporarily. Before we can broker peace, it is crucial we mend the broken lines of communication, starting with the most basic building blocks of language. Of late, our (un)civil discourse has been rife with talking at each other and past each other, without pause to consider the foundational definitions of the words we lob. We have weaponized our very means of intellectual connection, to the point that what remains is a toxic stew of defensive reactions. Into this fray author beckons reader, with lofty goals of both deconstructing and then intentionally framing a lay person’s lexicon with useful definitions for capitalism, capitalist, and capital, each considered as relative to socialism.
Environmental economics rooted in the neoclassical paradigm is ineffective and problematic. Viewing environmental degradation as simply a market failure has a distributional effect which disproportionately harms those with lower incomes and causes inequality. The mainstream anthropocentric approach, such as environmental valuation based on cost-benefit analysis and willingness to pay models, is unlikely to assess the intrinsic value of nature, but reflects only nature’s perceived market value. This chapter offers an alternative to the mainstream paradigm. The author examines the heterodox approaches to the environment for their compatibility with a truly sustainable development path. The chapter begins by looking at the similarities and differences between Post Keynesian (PK), institutional economics (IE), and ecological economics (EE) and the efforts that have been put forward to bridge the differences. The second section provides an analysis of why a capitalist mode of production might not be compatible with these alternative approaches. The third section introduces philosophical paradigms of other socioeconomic forms that could be more consistent with sustainable development. The last section presents conclusions and recommendations.
Na raiz do pensamento Polanyiano, encontra-se a distinção entre economia no sentido substantivo e economia no sentido formal. Com efeito, a concepção substantivista que define a economia como um processo instituído de interação entre o homem e o ambiente natural e social que o rodeia e resulta em contínua oferta de meios para satisfazer as necessidades humanas constitui a base do método preconizado pelo autor: a análise institucional. Com tal distinção, Polanyi (1977a) pretende evitar a “falácia economicista” que consiste na identificação automática da economia com sua forma de mercado. Ao contrário, só na moderna economia capitalista é que um “sistema de mercados formadores de preços” desempenha papel fundamental. Essas questões foram alvo de um “Grande Debate” entre as correntes substantivista – encabeçada por Polanyi – e formalista no contexto da disciplina da Antropologia Econômica.
for between us and that which is to be, if art is not to perish utterly, there is something alive and devouring; something as it were a river of fire that will put all that tries to swim across to a hard proof indeed... (cited in Thompson 1977, 244). This imagery is from William Morris (1834-1896) writer, poet, artist, artisan, and socialist calling for courage in confronting the daunting work of transforming industrial capitalist society to a better socialist future; a transformation from ‘old art ’ to ‘new art’. The reference to ‘art ’ here is a reflection of Morris’s developed view of art as a holistic manifestation of the condition of human society and of its deep connection with ‘work ’ or labour (Morris [1884] 1969, 94-5). The intransigent and deeply embedded barrier which Morris saw before him in his mission to contribute to transforming society was the Political Economy of his time. 1 It was a similarly daunting ‘river of fire ’ which had earlier confronted the prophetic ‘man of letters’, historian and social critic Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881) and the equally prophetic and incisive social critic and art critic John Ruskin (1819-1900).
L'A. vise a elaborer une taxonomie des differentes historiographies des paradigmes economiques ou programmes de recherche. La taxonomie qu'il propose est construite autour de la question de progres de l'economie. Il ne s'agit pas d'une theorie de l'histoire de l'economie, mais d'une maniere de classifier les historiographies qui relevent d'une telle theorie
“Experience,” from Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society Raymond Williams (1921-88) was a Welsh scholar, novelist, and media/culture critic who, among his many accomplishments, is recognized as one of the earliest scholars of the field of Culture Studies. Williams pioneered the notion that culture is a fundamentally ordinary phenomenon: a series of complex, yet completely commonplace, ideological struggles that permeate the whole of society. In making this statement he intended both to rescue the term from its relegation to an elitist realm of arts and literature focused solely on aesthetics, and to simultaneously demonstrate how these very ordinary struggles are also at the center of such arts, literature, and aesthetics. Williams was born in Wales, the son of a railway worker. Trained at Cambridge, he interrupted his education, including his extracurricular involvement in the student-led branch of the Communist party, for military service in the British Army during World War II. After his return to Cambridge, he completed a degree in English and worked for several years in the field of adult education. In 1973 Williams was named Visiting Professor of Political Science at Stanford University, and after this held a post as Professor of Drama at Cambridge for close to a decade. In his professional life Williams is noteworthy for having been a professor of drama who was also a playwright and a media critic who, through his influential work in television, also participated in the creation of the medium. © Craig Martin, Russell T. McCutcheon, and Leslie Dorrough Smith 2012 Essays
Written over fifty years ago, History and Historians of Political Economy is now being published for the first time. John Maynard Keynes, after reading the manuscript, called Stark "one of the most learned men on these matters that I have ever come across." Its publication is an important event in the study of the history of social ideas, particularly economic ideas. Werner Stark's most significant contribution to scholarship is his extensive work in the sociology of knowledge. In this volume, he reveals his parallel analysis of the history of economic thought, highlighting the paramount influence of social and historical factors. The themes of Stark's work are extraordinarily contemporary. He discusses economic historiography and the rational reconstruction method, issues that continue to be debated today. History and Historians of Political Economy is divided into two parts. The first section explains the beginnings of the history of economic thought as well as the theoretical and historical approaches towards the subject. The second section examines the relationship between phenomena and the explanation of phenomena theory. Stark illuminates the insights and limitations of the various approaches of study to the history of economic thought by analyzing the works of Eugen DUhring, Wilhelm Roscher, Karl Marx, Joseph Schumpeter, and many other prominent scholars. History and Historians of Political Economy is of significant value to the studies of economics and sociology. Stark's book raises a number of critical questions: How should past theories be understood and explained? What is the relationship between ideas and events? Do economic theories reflect universal truths or relative ones? These issues are as unsettled today as when originally presented. History and Historians of Political Economy is an essential addition to the libraries of economists, political theorists, sociologists, and historians of ideas.
The book brings for the first time to the English reader an original documentation of socialism and communism in France, when these movements were in their earliest and most creative phases. The ideas and the rhetorical style of these publicists, many of them proletarian artisans and activists, reflect the aspirations and enthusiasm of the intellectual milieu in Paris when Karl Marx first encountered socialism on its home ground.
This paper provides a short summary of Mark Bevir, The Logic of the History of Ideas . Logic stands here as a subset of Wittgenstein's notion of philosophy as a matter of the grammar of our concepts. It studies the forms of reasoning appropriate to a discipline, rather than the material of that discipline. Hence, the logic of the history of ideas considers the nature of meaning, the way we should justify our knowledge of past meanings, and how we should explain things such as the existence of meanings, the beliefs people held, and conceptual change.
First published in 1890, and reaching an eighth edition in 1927, Marshall's Principles of Economics was in its time the dominant textbook on economics in Britain. Intended as a compendium or codification of the whole of economic thought, only the first of two planned volumes was published. Marshall's study is microeconomics, the study of individual markets and industries. Although Marshall considered that the concern of economics was human behavior, he introduced the rigorous use of mathematics, methods of science, and differential calculus. He famously stated that economic evolution is gradual. Marshall introduced time into economic analysis as a powerful tool (partial equilibrium analysis); he isolated various forces and time to work out partial solutions, "other things being equal;" in a step-by-step fashion, more factors are introduced to allow treatment of broad issues and the domain of the dynamic problem becomes larger. Of consumer demand, he developed the concepts of marginal increments and marginal utility, elasticity of wants, immediate and deferred uses, price and utility, and consumer surplus. Marshall analyzed the factors of production as land, labor, capital, and organization. Marshall realized neither labor, supply, or demand could account for price and output; price determination was an equilibrium of normal supply and demand, and he develops the use of demand and supply curves and the concepts of price elasticity of demand, marginal costs, and diminishing and increasing returns. He recognized the link between shifts in supply and demand. He showed that consumers attempt to equal prices to their marginal utility. He also recognized consumer surplus and producer surplus. He used the idea of surplus to analyze the effects of taxes and price shifts on markets. Since markets adjust to changes in supply and demand over time, he introduced the ideas of the market period, the short period when output can be increased by adding labor, and the long-term period for capital to be introduced. Other concepts he developed include those of competitive equilibria, internal and external economies of scale, increasing and decreasing cost industries, quasi-rent, and costs of production. Finally, the issues of distribution of national income are explored: earnings of labor, interest, profits of capital and business, rent of land, and the effect of progress on value and standards of living. (TNM)
This essay examines the significance of Karl Polanyi for contemporary economic thought. The key to this significance is indicated by the expression "lives and livelihood," which refers to the place of economy, or livelihood, in society. Contemporary economic thought is dominated by an habitual outlook, formalism, which nearly precludes consideration of the problem of lives and livelihood. This essay discusses the limitations of formalism in light of another Polanyi theme, the disembedded economy. An alternative perspective, which Polanyi referred to as substantivism, is presented; it is argued that this perspective provides the foundation for a much needed reconstruction of economic thought. Copyright 1989 by Taylor and Francis Group
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