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Much Ado About Nothing: The Misestimation and Overinterpretation of Violent Video Game Effects in Eastern and Western Nations: Comment on Anderson et al. (2010)



The issue of violent video game influences on youth violence and aggression remains intensely debated in the scholarly literature and among the general public. Several recent meta-analyses, examining outcome measures most closely related to serious aggressive acts, found little evidence for a relationship between violent video games and aggression or violence. In a new meta-analysis, C. A. Anderson et al. (2010) questioned these findings. However, their analysis has several methodological issues that limit the interpretability of their results. In their analysis, C. A. Anderson et al. included many studies that do not relate well to serious aggression, an apparently biased sample of unpublished studies, and a "best practices" analysis that appears unreliable and does not consider the impact of unstandardized aggression measures on the inflation of effect size estimates. They also focused on bivariate correlations rather than better controlled estimates of effects. Despite a number of methodological flaws that all appear likely to inflate effect size estimates, the final estimate of r = .15 is still indicative of only weak effects. Contrasts between the claims of C. A. Anderson et al. (2010) and real-world data on youth violence are discussed.
Much Ado About Nothing: The Misestimation and Overinterpretation
of Violent Video Game Effects in Eastern and Western Nations:
Comment on Anderson et al. (2010)
Christopher J. Ferguson and John Kilburn
Texas A&M International University
The issue of violent video game influences on youth violence and aggression remains intensely debated
in the scholarly literature and among the general public. Several recent meta-analyses, examining
outcome measures most closely related to serious aggressive acts, found little evidence for a relationship
between violent video games and aggression or violence. In a new meta-analysis, C. A. Anderson et al.
(2010) questioned these findings. However, their analysis has several methodological issues that limit the
interpretability of their results. In their analysis, C. A. Anderson et al. included many studies that do not
relate well to serious aggression, an apparently biased sample of unpublished studies, and a “best
practices” analysis that appears unreliable and does not consider the impact of unstandardized aggression
measures on the inflation of effect size estimates. They also focused on bivariate correlations rather than
better controlled estimates of effects. Despite a number of methodological flaws that all appear likely to
inflate effect size estimates, the final estimate of r.15 is still indicative of only weak effects. Contrasts
between the claims of C. A. Anderson et al. (2010) and real-world data on youth violence are discussed.
Keywords: computer games, mass media, youth violence, aggression, child development
Over the last two decades, society has expressed concern that
violent video games (VVGs) may play some role in youth vio-
lence. To answer some of these questions, we engaged in a series
of precise meta-analyses of VVG studies that most closely related
to violent outcomes (e.g., Ferguson, 2007; Ferguson & Kilburn,
2009). Indeed, we were well aware that less precise measures tend
to overestimate effects (Paik & Comstock, 1994). We also had
questions regarding whether journals had been selectively publish-
ing significant studies and potentially ignoring nonsignificant stud-
ies. Our results were clear: The influence of VVGs on serious acts
of aggression or violence is minimal, and publication bias is a
problem in this research field. We also noted (as did Paik &
Comstock, 1994) that the best measures of aggression and violence
produced the weakest effects and that problematic unstandardized
use of some aggression measures, particularly in experimental
studies, tended to inflate effects.
Points of Agreement and Disagreement With
Anderson et al.
Anderson et al. (2010) critiqued our analyses and offered an
alternative of their own. Our analyses agree that the uncorrected
estimate for VVG effects is quite small (r.15 in both analyses).
We also agree that meta-analytic researchers must take careful
steps to minimize the influence of publication bias. But our re-
search groups disagree on many points: whether to include unpub-
lished studies, how best to analyze and correct for publication bias,
whether bivariate correlations are a proper estimate of VVG ef-
fects, how precise standardized and valid aggression measures
need to be to adequately answer research questions, and how effect
size estimates should be interpreted. We have concerns that Ander-
son et al. have made several misstatements about our meta-
analyses and meta-analyses more generally and have also made
significant errors in their own analyses that render their results
difficult to interpret.
Building the Perfect Meta-Analytic Beast
We are honored that Anderson et al. (2010) selected our anal-
yses to contrast with their own. However, readers should be aware
that other recent meta-analyses on VVGs and media violence more
broadly have been no more supportive of Anderson et al.’s position
than our own (Savage & Yancey, 2008; Sherry, 2001, 2007).
Anderson et al. surprisingly cite Sherry (2001) as if supportive of
their position, but in fact he is quite clear that he does not find the
results of his analyses persuasive for the causal position. Indeed,
he is specifically critical of the Anderson et al. research group,
stating, “Further, why do some researchers (e.g., Gentile & Ander-
son, 2003) continue to argue that video games are dangerous
despite evidence to the contrary?” (Sherry, 2001, p. 244).
Anderson et al. (2010) suggested that we should have included
unpublished studies in our analyses and that the best way to negate
publication bias issues is to “conduct a search for relevant studies
that is thorough, systematic, unbiased, transparent, and clearly
documented” (p. xx). We note that, given that one of our questions
Christopher J. Ferguson and John Kilburn, Department of Behavioral,
Applied Sciences and Criminal Justice, Texas A&M International Univer-
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Christo-
pher J. Ferguson, Department of Behavioral, Applied Sciences and Crim-
inal Justice, Texas A&M International University, Laredo, TX 78045.
Psychological Bulletin © 2010 American Psychological Association
2010, Vol. ●●, No. , 000– 000 0033-2909/10/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0018566
xppws S1 12/23/09 7:13 Art: 2009-0286
specifically regarded the amount of bias in the published literature,
including unpublished studies would be counterintuitive. Although
including unpublished studies in meta-analyses is certainly com-
mon, is it really as “widely accepted” as they claim? Further, does
their meta-analysis live up to their own rhetoric?
First, Anderson et al. (2010) failed to note that many scholars
have been critical of the inclusion of unpublished studies in meta-
analyses. Baumeister, DeWall, and Vohs (2009) noted that one
weakness of meta-analysis is that the inclusion of dubious unpub-
lished works can “muddy the waters” (p. 490). Smith and Egger
(1998), echoing our own concerns, noted that including unpub-
lished studies increases bias, particularly when located studies are
not representative of the broader array of studies. Others have
noted that inclusion of unpublished studies remains controversial,
although certainly common, and it is not uncommon for meta-
analyses to avoid unpublished studies (Cook et al., 1993). Thus,
Anderson et al.’s implication that we essentially invented the
notion of avoiding unpublished studies is fanciful, much as we
would like to take credit.
Despite the comments of Anderson et al. (2010) supporting a
search for unpublished studies that is “thorough, systematic, un-
biased, transparent, and clearly documented,” they actually pro-
vide little information about how they located unpublished studies.
However, one common procedure, although certainly not suffi-
cient in and of itself, is to request unpublished studies from known
researchers in the field (Egger & Smith, 1998). It is surprising then
that, although the Anderson et al. researchers were in contact with
us (i.e., C. J. Ferguson), they neither mentioned their meta-analysis
nor requested in-press or unpublished studies. As such, they
missed several in-press studies (e.g., Ferguson & Rueda, in press;
Ferguson, San Miguel, & Hartley, 2009) as well as a larger number
of “on review” papers and papers for which data had been col-
lected but not yet written up. We express the concern that other
research groups that, arguably, have presented research not in line
with Anderson et al.’s hypotheses may not have been contacted
(e.g., Barnett, Coulson, & Foreman, 2008; Colwell & Kato, 2003;
Kutner & Olson, 2008; Ryan, Rigby, & Przybylski, 2006; Un-
sworth, Devilly, & Ward, 2007; Williams & Skoric, 2005). For
example, we note that several published reports (e.g., Barnett et al.,
2008; Olson et al., 2009; Przybylski, Weinstein, Ryan, & Rigby,
2009) from this group of authors have been missed. Thus, from
only a small group of researchers, albeit those who differ from
Anderson et al. in perspective, a considerable number of published,
in-press, and unpublished studies were missed. One can only
speculate at the number of other missed studies from unknown
authors. On the other hand, when examining the appendix of
included studies, one finds that unpublished studies from Anderson
et al.’s research group and colleagues are well represented. For
example, of two unpublished studies, both are from Anderson et
al.’s broader research group. Of three in-press manuscripts in-
cluded, two (67%) are from the Anderson et al. group. Of confer-
ence presentations included, 9 of 12 (75%) are from the Anderson
et al. group and colleagues. Whatever techniques used by Ander-
son et al. to garner unpublished studies, these techniques worked
very well for their own unpublished studies but poorly for those
from other groups. We do not conclude that this was purposeful on
the part of Anderson et al.; rather, this matter highlights our
concerns about including unpublished studies.
Publication Bias Exists in VVG Studies
Our original meta-analyses indicated that published studies of
VVGs are products of publication bias. Anderson et al. (2010)
does not appear to have disputed this but suggested we should have
included unpublished studies instead of our publication bias anal-
yses. Anderson et al. focused on our use of the “trim and fill”
procedure. As Anderson et al. indicated, the trim and fill is not
without imperfections. However, they failed to mention that we
actually used a wide range of publication bias analyses and looked
for concordance between these analyses. Indeed, we found a
general agreement between publication bias tests for studies of
aggressive behavior and VVGs. The trim and fill procedure can
function as an estimate for the degree of publication bias, partic-
ularly when there are sound theoretical reasons to expect publica-
tion bias. As Egger and Smith (1998) indicated, publication bias is
quite common. Ioannidis (2005) observed that bias is particularly
prevalent in new or “hot” research fields, as that on VVGs cer-
tainly is. Other scholars have expressed concern that VVG studies
have become politicized, which increases the risk for bias (e.g.,
Grimes, Anderson, & Bergen, 2008; Kutner & Olson, 2008;
Sherry, 2007). We find suggestions that VVG studies are immune
to publication bias effects to be naive. However, the reader need
not take our word for it. Publication bias appears evident in a
previous meta-analysis by this research team (Anderson, 2004). Of
the published studies (n32) in this analysis, 19 were supportive
of the causal view, nine were inconclusive, and four were nonsup-
portive. Of the unpublished studies (n11), one was supportive,
one was inconclusive, and nine were nonsupportive. The differ-
ence between published and unpublished studies is obvious.
Best Practices or Best of the Worst?
Some of the suggestions offered by Anderson et al. (2010)
concerning “best practices” appear reasonable, but we express
concern that they did not raise the issue of unstandardized aggres-
sion measures used in many VVG studies. A measure of aggres-
sion (or any other construct) is unstandardized when the method
for calculating outcomes scores is not clearly set; this allows
different scholars to calculate outcomes in very different ways (or
the same author may calculate outcomes differently between stud-
ies). By contrast, a measure may be considered standardized when
measurements taken from it (as well as its administration) are “set
in stone” and do not vary across studies or across researchers (the
aggression score developed from the Child Behavior Checklist is
an example of a standardized aggression measure). The benefit of
standardized measures is that researchers must accept the out-
comes from these measures whether or not the outcomes are
favorable to their hypothesis. Unstandardized assessments poten-
tially allow researchers to select from among multiple outcomes
those which best fit their a priori hypotheses. For instance, the
Anderson et al. research group has assessed the “noise blast”
aggression measure differently across multiple studies, with little
explanation as to why (for a discussion, see Ferguson, 2007). Our
previous analyses have suggested that unstandardized measures
tend to inflate effect size estimates, as noted, potentially because
researchers may ignore the “worst” outcomes and select the “best”
outcomes to interpret (we argue that this is human nature and do
not mean to imply any purposeful unethical behavior). Standard-
xppws S1 12/23/09 7:13 Art: 2009-0286
ization is a basic tenet of psychometrics; thus, it is unfortunate that
it has been so ignored in this research field. Unfortunately, the best
practices-nominated studies are populated with manuscripts in
which unstandardized assessments were used. This fact, rather
than the quality of those reports, probably explains why the effect
sizes seen for this group or paper were higher than those for other
We also find that Anderson et al. (2010) did not rigidly apply
their own standards. For instance, they nominated at least one
paper (Konijn, Nije Bijvank, & Bushman, 2007) as best practices,
although it included several games with violent content descriptors
(The Sims 2, Tony Hawk’s Underground 2, Final Fantasy) in its
nonviolent game condition, thus making its results uninterpretable.
Panee and Ballard (2002) were nominated as best practices even
though all participants played the same game. Similarly, Anderson
et al. seem particularly disinclined toward Williams and Skoric
(2005), despite the fact that this study does indeed (contrary to
Anderson et al.’s assertions) include a measure of verbal aggres-
sion at least as ecologically valid, if not more so, than that of many
of those studies nominated as best practices.
Anderson et al. (2010) included several studies from which it is
unclear how effect size estimates meaningful to the basic hypoth-
eses were calculated. For example, Hagell and Newburn (1994)
provided only descriptive percentiles and no analyses from which
a meaningful effect size estimate could be calculated. Hind (1995)
reported only the degree to which offender and nonoffender youths
liked different kinds of games, not their reaction to playing these
games or any correlation between play and behavior. Kestenbaum
and Weinstein (1985) reported pvalues, but no other statistics, and
these for some outcomes but not all. In the Panee and Ballard
(2002) study, all participants played the same violent game without
any variation in game violence content. Silvern and Williamson
(1987) reported only a pretest/posttest design in which all children
played the same video game (Space Invaders). We do not believe
that these studies (or many others) provide meaningful information
related to VVGs and youth violence.
Is Psychology Inventing a Phantom
Youth Violence Crisis?
Anderson et al. (2010) neglected to report on one very basic
piece of information. Namely, as VVGs have become more pop-
ular in the United States and elsewhere, violent crime rates among
youths and adults in the United States, Canada, United Kingdom,
Japan, and most other industrialized nations have plummeted to
lows not seen since the 1960s. Figure 1 (adapted from Ferguson,
2008) presents this information for youth violence rates in the
United States. Similar patterns are seen for other nations. Even the
Anderson et al. group appears to have acknowledged that this kind
of data is important to consider: “Nonetheless, dramatic reductions
in media violence exposure of children should, over a several year
period, lead to detectible reductions in real world aggression by
those children. This would further provide evidence for a strong
media violence link to aggression” (Barlett & Anderson, 2009, p.
10). In fact, we are seeing the opposite relationship, in which
dramatic increases in VVGs are correlated with dramatic decreases
in youth violence. The correlation coefficient for this data is r
.95, a near-perfect correlation in the wrong direction. We agree
with Barlett and Anderson (2009) that this kind of evidence is
strong. Barlett and Anderson, of course, cannot have it both ways,
with crime data important only so long as they are consistent with
Barlett and Anderson’s beliefs.
Last, Anderson et al. (2010) suggested that the r.15 relation-
ship is too conservative and, nonetheless, as strong as that seen in
other areas of criminology. The r.15 estimate includes only
basic controls; therefore, this estimate is probably too liberal. Our
Figure 1. Trends in youth violence and video game sales in the United States. Video game data were obtained
from the NPD Group, Inc./Retail Tracking Service. Youth violence data were obtained from
xppws S1 12/23/09 7:13 Art: 2009-0286
own research suggests that when other risk factors (e.g., depres-
sion, peers, family) are controlled, video game effects drop to near
zero (Ferguson et al., 2009). Indeed, focusing on bivariate corre-
lations is problematic, as they overestimate relationships due to
third variables. Males both play more VVGs and are more aggres-
sive than females. Thus, aggression will tend to correlate with
VVGs and with any other male-dominated activity, such as grow-
ing beards, dating women, and wearing pants rather than dresses.
Anderson et al. noticed this themselves. It is obvious that control-
ling other important risk factors related to personality, family, and
even genes (if one could) would further reduce the unique predic-
tive value of VVGs. Anderson et al. ignored this third variable
effect, although it has been well known for some time. It is also not
true that the r.15 estimate— even if we were to believe that it
is accurate—is on par with other criminological effect size esti-
mates. Table 1 compiles a list of effect size estimates from crim-
inology (Ferguson, 2009). As can be seen, compared to other
criminological effects, the VVG connection is rather weak. Fur-
thermore, Anderson et al. claimed that small effects may accumu-
late over time yet found the weakest effects from longitudinal
studies, in contradiction to this claim. It should be noted that this
2.25% coefficient of determination reflects a change of nonpatho-
logical aggression to the tune of 2.25% within individuals; it does
not mean that 2.25% of normal children became antisocial or any
other such alarmist interpretation of this effect. We observe that
Anderson et al. themselves acknowledged that this effect is for
nonserious aggression (Footnote 12) due to the limitations of many
of the measures included in this analysis.
In conclusion, we believe that Anderson et al. (2010) are sincere
in their concerns for children and beliefs about VVGs. However,
their current meta-analysis contains numerous flaws, all of which
converge on overestimating and overinterpreting the influence of
VVGs on aggression. Nonetheless, they find only weak effects.
Given that discussions of VVGs tend to inform public policy, both
scientists and policymakers need to consider whether these results
will get the “bang for their buck” out of any forthcoming policy
recommendations. There are real risks that the exaggerated focus
on VVGs, fueled by some scientists, distracts society from much
more important causes of aggression, including poverty, peer
influences, depression, family violence, and Gene Environment
interactions. Although it is certainly true that few researchers
suggest that VVGs are the sole cause of violence, this does not
mean they cannot be wrong about VVGs having any meaningful
effect at all. Psychology, too often, has lost its ability to put the
weak (if any) effects found for VVGs on aggression into a proper
perspective. In doing so, it does more to misinform than inform
public debates on this issue.
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Relationship Effect size (r)
Video game sales and youth violence rates in the
United States .95
Genetic influences on antisocial behavior .75
Self-control and perceptions of criminal
opportunity on crime .58
Protective effect of community institutions on
neighborhood crime .39
VVG playing on visuospatial cognitive ability .36
Firearms ownership on crime .35
Incarceration use as a deterrent on crime .33
Aggressive personality and violent crime .25
Poverty on crime .25
Childhood physical abuse and adult violent crime .22
Child witnessing domestic violence on future
aggression .18
Video game violence and nonserious aggression
Television violence on violent crime .10
VVG playing on serious aggressive behavior
Note. VVG violent video game.
Indicates calculated by Anderson et al. (2010). All other effects compiled
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Received October 30, 2009
Revision received November 20, 2009
Accepted November 24, 2009
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... Moreover, several meta-analyses explored the impact of violent VGs on aggression showing that violent VGs seem to be linked to aggression (Anderson et al., 2010;Bushman & Huesmann, 2006;Prescott et al., 2018). Other meta-analyses have shown no effect of VGs on aggressive behavior (Elson & Ferguson, 2014;Ferguson and Kilburn, 2010;Sherry, 2001). Another meta-analysis reported nuanced these results and as VGs impacted social outcomes (behavioral, cognitive, affective and arousal measures, all mixed in the analysis) by increasing aggressive cognitions and decreasing prosocial outcomes (violent VGs) and increasing prosocial outcomes and decreasing aggressive cognitions (prosocial VGs) (Greitemeyer & Mügge, 2014). ...
Full-text available
Playing video games is associated with cognitive changes and possibly psychosocial difficulties. Problematic gaming occurs upon the loss of control over videogame playing; gaming disorder is considered a behavioral addiction in the 11th version of the International Classification of Diseases. Models used to understand behavioral addictions include cognition as an essential factor in the development, maintenance, and relapse of addiction. Nevertheless, some aspects of cognition, such as social cognition, remain underexplored, despite evidence of alterations in cognitive and social function among patients with problematic gaming. This review aimed to describe the current understanding of social cognition in individuals exposed to videogames. We included all studies assessing social cognition in participants of any age with a wide range of exposure to video games (from simple use of video games (such as at least two exposures) to problematic gaming, defined according to the included study). This wide range of exposure allowed us to explore the whole process from repeated exposure to addiction. We included only studies that used neuropsychological tasks to assess social cognition. Patient-reported outcomes that could be biased by subjective self-report data were not included. The search was conducted from inception to January 2022 in three databases (PubMed, PsycINFO, and Web of Science). The systematic search identified 39 studies that assessed facial emotion processing, empathy, theory of mind, social decision-making, aggressive behavior, and moral competence. In general, results have been mixed, and a number of questions remain unanswered. Nevertheless, several studies showed cerebral changes when processing facial emotion that were linked with problematic gaming, while no link was obtained between nonproblematic gaming and empathy alterations. The influences of cooperation patterns, theory of mind, moral competence, and gaming frequency were highlighted. Finally, there was substantial heterogeneity in the population assessed and the methods used.
... The meta-analysis that Bushman and Anderson rely upon to derive their effect size of d = 0.4 was the one conducted by Anderson et al. (2010). This has been criticized for the omission of studies that found effects opposite to their team and the inclusion of studies that misused the competitive reaction time task (Ferguson & Kilburn, 2010; see also Hilgard et al., 2017 for a largely failed replication of this meta-analysis). Further, most other meta-analyses find much smaller effects (e.g., Ferguson, 2007Ferguson, , 2015Furuya-Kanamori & Doi, 2016;Hilgard et al., 2017;Prescott et al., 2018;Sherry, 2001), with best-practice longitudinal studies, for instance, finding effects statistically no different from zero (e.g., Drummond et al., 2021). ...
... Claim 19. Devilly et al. (2023) claim that the Anderson et al. (2010) meta-analysis, "has been criticized for the omission of studies that found effects opposite to their team and the inclusion of studies that misused the competitive reaction time task (Ferguson & Kilburn, 2010)" (p. 368). ...
We respond to the Devilly et al. (2023) comment about our article (Bushman& Anderson, 2021). Specifically, we point out 20 false claims they make about our article and explain why these claims are false.
... Many studies, on the other hand, have disputed these findings. Some studies have reported inconclusive or null effects of violent video games, television, and movies on aggressive behavior (e.g., Breuer et al., 2015;Drummond et al., 2021;Ferguson & Kilburn, 2010;Ferguson & Wang, 2019;Hilgard et al., 2019;Ivory & Kalyanaraman, 2007;Kneer et al., 2016;Kühn et al., 2019;McCarthy et al., 2016). Indeed, no preregistered study has found a strong connection between media violence and aggression, and a variety of scholars have suggested that positive findings in the literature may be a result of selection effects, poor methodology, publication bias, or spuriousness (e.g., Adachi & Willoughby, 2011;Drummond et al., 2020;Ferguson, 2007aFerguson, , 2007bFerguson, , 2014Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009;Ferguson & Savage, 2012;Hilgard et al., 2017;Savage & Yancey, 2008). ...
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Several decades of research have explored the links between exposure to violent entertainment media and subsequent aggression. However, there has been little research on the effects of exposure to images of real-life violence. In the present study, participants viewed either a video portraying acts of real violence, fictional violence, or a nonviolent video. After watching the video, mild aggressive behavior was assessed using the competitive reaction-time task. In 11 of the 17 preregistered measures, participants who viewed scenes of real-life violence exhibited lower levels of mild aggressive behavior compared to participants who viewed scenes of fictional violence from films and television shows. However, these effects were consistently small. The results suggest that exposure to images of real-life violence in the media may have a small inhibition effect on mild aggressive behavior in some contexts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
... É importante ressaltar que essas discussões ganharam mais força a partir da ocorrência de crimes violentos, como foi o caso do massacre de Columbine High School em 1999, onde a mídia associou o crime com o fato dos jovens em questão ser adeptos a jogar jogos com conteúdo de violência [5]. Ferguson e Killburn [6] ao rebaterem uma meta-análise realizada por Anderson et al. [7] -que concluíam a existência da forte relação entre videogames e violência -, pontuaram que muitos autores ignoram outras variáveis de causalidade que poderiam interferir nos resultados encontrados. Gunter e Daly [4] ainda afirmam que muitos destes estudos que destacam a forte relação entre videogames e violência carecem na qualidade de realização, sendo feitas pesquisas de curta duração e que não traduzem a experiência laboratorial com fidelidade para espaços reais. ...
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O presente estudo busca compreender o fenômeno do comportamento tóxico dentro do jogo League of Legends, a partir da aproximação e comparação do ato de jogar com o conceito do brincar proposto por Winnicott. Para isso, buscou-se realizar um questionário, com questões quantitativas e qualitativas, que investiga como os jogadores de League of Legends percebem e experienciam este fenômeno. A partir da análise de dados, foi possível observar que a realização de comportamento tóxico advém, principalmente, de homens héteros, entre a faixa dos 18 anos aos 27 anos, que investem um bom tempo do seu dia jogando League Of Legends, comumente relatando que não se afetam com eventuais comportamentos tóxicos e que, inclusive, acreditam que ofensas no meio virtual possuem menos peso do que na realidade. Comportamentos de flamming ou de ofensas consideradas leves pela comunidade (Tais como chamar de “lixo”, “noob” ou ofender o ranking da pessoa) possuem uma alta taxa de ocorrência e o perfil destes agentes se torna variável pois este tipo de comportamento geralmente cria um ciclo de toxicidade. A partir dos resultados é possível concluir que, o jogo, que poderia ser um local de elaboração psíquica, se torna um local para extravasar as emoções, já que o espaço do League Of Legends é permeado por uma cultura de toxicidade, onde alguns comportamentos tóxicos são mais permitidos que outros.
In public discourse on violent media effects, positions often become polarized: Violent media are either blamed for violent acts or are said to have no effect whatsoever. Decades of media violence research is often absent from this discussion, despite every major relevant scientific organization agreeing with the conclusion that media violence is a causal risk factor for aggression. A nuanced interpretation of these effects is needed, one where media violence is neither necessary nor sufficient for aggression but is, instead, one of many known risk factors for it. We begin this chapter by clarifying how researchers and laypersons refer to the concepts of “aggression,” “media violence,” and “causation.” Next, we describe the general aggression model, a theoretical framework guiding much of the violent media research, which is followed by a review of the empirical evidence. Finally, we address criticisms of this research, demonstrating how many are unwarranted or grounded in fallacious reasoning.
Background Computer games are becoming increasingly more common as a form of leisure activity. While these games can be captivating, there are concerns about the potential risks associated with excessive use.ObjectiveA controversially discussed question is whether violent computer games directly contribute to increased aggression in individuals, thus posing a risk to society.Method In this narrative review the results of different research approaches are discussed.ResultsCorrelational field studies have reported a positive association between aggressive personality traits and the frequent use of violent computer games. Experimental laboratory studies have often found a positive correlation between the extent of violent game use and aggressive thoughts, but weaker effects on aggressive behavior. In contrast, there is discussion about the potential for computer games to regulate aggression in the sense of managing moods; however, longitudinal studies have yielded contradictory findings. The results of systematic reviews were also similar, which have shown weak correlations at best between violent computer games and in particular aggressive thoughts, whereby the quality of the individual studies was often criticized.DiscussionIn summary, the existing body of research presents an inconsistent picture, characterized by partially contradictory results. While some studies have found significant correlations between aggressiveness and exposure to violent video games, the question of causality has not yet been answered with certainty. The assumption that violent computer games are directly responsible for violent behavior appears to lack sufficient empirical support at present.
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People of all sexes and age groups can find entertainment in playing online games. They play video games for entertainment, but too much gaming can result in addiction. Both beneficial and adverse psychological impacts can be attributed to gaming, but the adverse effects outweigh the positive effects significantly. The current study looked at the association between aggressiveness and personality traits among PUBG players who were university students. Buss Perry Aggression questionnaire with an alpha reliability of .78 and the Big five inventory with an alpha reliability of .63 were used to collect the data. The research was carried out using a cross-sectional research approach. Research data was gathered using the survey approach using the convenience sampling technique and data was collected through a google form. The number of PUBG players in the sample was 250. Correlation, t-test, and regression analysis were used to compute the results. It was hypothesized that males would be more aggressive than females. The results suggest that aggression differs significantly by gender. The findings a positive association between personality qualities and aggression (openness, conscientiousness, agreeableness, neuroticism, and extraversion). These results contribute to our understanding of the psychological impact on online video game players. The study's findings aid in resolving the PUBG player’s psychological issues. Although the field has rapidly expanded over the last three to four years, a clear view of the association between the Big Five personality traits and video games may be achieved.
Violence remains a contemporary concern in the USA. After high-profile acts of violence are committed, society searches for explanations. This is reflected in concerns regarding unwarranted violence including shootings by police officers. Violent video games have often been alleged to be the cause of societal aggression despite contrary research. To date, no study has considered whether violent video game play predicts aggressiveness among police officers. Relatedly, it is unclear if an officer’s mental health, as indicated by depression, is predicted by violent game play. This study sought to test these relationships. We electronically surveyed 363 officers who attended classes in an advanced criminal justice leadership program. Key variables include the use of violent video games with outcomes related to trait aggression and depression. All surveys included officers’ game habits, trait aggression, depression symptoms, self-esteem, and neuroticism. Violent video game play does not predict officer trait aggression, nor is it predictive of officer depression. Both outcomes were predicted by neuroticism with depression also predicted by self-esteem. Findings suggest that violent game play does not predict officer aggression or mental health. Factors related to personality and self-esteem appear to be more critical.
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Abstract ,The impact that violent video games have on aggressive behavior is a serious topic, with implications for video game players and non-players, school teachers, parents, and society, as a whole. Over two decades of empirical work using a variety of research methods has found conclusive evidence that violent video game play causes later aggressive behavior. However, to date, there are few public policies that effectively limit children’s consumption of such violent media. The current chapter describes the results of empirical findings on violent video games and aggression, some of the barriers related to implementing effective public policy, and the current state of public policy concerning violent video games in the United States and in Europe. Violent Video Games and Public Policy 3 Violent Video Games and Public Policy “I have been playing violent video games since I was young and I have not gone out and punched people or shot anybody.” This quote (paraphrased from a internet chat room) emphasizes the common misperception that many video game players and parents of these players have towards the effects that violent video games have on aggressive behavior: “I see violent media
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This research examined the potential relationship between adolescent problem behaviors and amount of time spent with violent electronic games. Survey data were collected from 1,254 7th and 8th grade students in two states. A “dose” of exposure to Mature-rated games was calculated using Entertainment Software Rating Board ratings of titles children reported playing “a lot in the past six months,” and average days per week of video game play. Analyses were conducted using simultaneous logistic regression for binary outcome variables, and simultaneous multiple linear regression for continuous outcome variables, controlling for a series of potential confounders. M-rated game dose predicted greater risk for bullying (p
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Research on violent video games suggests that play leads to aggressive behavior. A longitudinal study of an online violent video game with a control group tested for changes in aggressive cognitions and behaviors. The findings did not support the assertion that a violent game will cause substantial increases in real-world aggression. The findings are presented and discussed, along with their implications for research and policy.
Offering a unique and interdisciplinary focus on the roots of violence, Violent Crime: Clinical and Social Implications explores cutting-edge research on the etiology, nature, assessment, and treatment of individuals who commit violent crimes. This edited volume covers the foundations of criminal behavior, offers a balanced discussion of both environmental and biological research, and includes articles written by top researchers and scholars in the field. In Part I, Violent Crime examines the origins of violence, including family and other social factors, media violence, genetics, biochemistry, and head injuries. Part II delves into research on specific subgroups of offenders, including sex offenders, domestic violence perpetrators, murderers, and serial murderers. Part III focuses on issues related to victimology, prevention, and the treatment of violent offenders. Key Features Draws from a wide range of disciplines, including criminology, sociology, biology, medical science, genetics, clinical psychology, and psychiatry; Introduces students to cutting-edge research on genetic, biochemical, and traumatic brain injury-related causes and correlates of violent crime; Presents a systematic introduction to the current state of the field (and its likely future) through articles from leading researchers in the various subfields of violent crime; Includes case studies with salient, fascinating examples of actual crimes and criminals to help students understand key points; Offers an international focus, with authors from Canada, England, Greece, and Spain, as well as from the United States; Provides end-of-chapter learning aids, including summaries, discussion questions, Internet resources, and suggestions for further reading A must-read for any student of criminological research, Violent Crime: Clinical and Social Implications can be used as a core or supplementary text in undergraduate and graduate courses on Violent Crime, Interpersonal Violence, and Social Deviance.
A meta-analysis is performed on studies pertaining to the effect of television violence on aggressive behavior. Partitioning by research design, viewer attributes, treatment and exposure variables, and type of antisocial behavior, allows one to interpret computed effect sizes for each of the variables in the partitions. We find a positive and significant correlation between television violence and aggressive behavior, albeit to varying degrees depending on the particular research question. According to research design, we find ZFisher values ranging from .19 for survey to .40 for laboratory experiments. Erotica emerges as a strong factor even when it is not accompanied by portrayal of violence. Additionally, the effect of television violence on the antisocial behavior of boys and girls is found to be marginally equal in surveys. A host of tests are performed to solidify these, and further results. Substantive interpretation is provided as well.
The article presents a meta-analysis of studies—yielding 26 independent samples of subjects—on the relationship between exposure to media violence and violent aggression. Mean effect sizes from aggregate and experimental studies do not suggest that media violence and criminal aggression are positively associated, but findings from prospective longitudinal studies are more ambiguous. Summary statistics based on models strictly conforming to each study's original design were compared to post hoc models (in which measures or model specification were not consistent with the original description). Overall, “original” models, controlling for “trait,” did not suggest that exposure to media violence is associated with criminal aggression. The summary statistic for boys reached statistical significance, but the effect size was small, and conclusions based on this finding are attenuated because of known biases in the coefficients estimated.
Emotional numbness remains an empirically supported and theoretically intriguing pattern of response to social exclusion that warrants further research, and it would be a loss to the field if such research were prematurely terminated or hampered by the unwarranted conclusions from misleading meta-analyses. The meta-analyses by Gerber and Wheeler (2009, this issue) are based on a biased sample that omits much relevant work. Worse, the authors misinterpret what evidence they do assemble, even interpreting strong evidence for numbness as if it contradicted numbness. Their conclusions about control are similarly unfounded and misguided. © 2009 Association for Psychological Science.