It is often assumed that young novice drivers overestimate their driving skills and underestimate the risks in traffic; and therefore insufficiently adapt their driving behaviour (e.g. speed or headway) to the specific situation. This balancing of skills and task demands has been called calibration. To study if improved calibration can explain the decreasing crash risk in the first years of the driving career, 500 young novice drivers completed questionnaires and kept a driving diary during two years (from the moment of licensing). The results indicate that, although drivers are less positive about their driving skills than has been previously thought, young novice drivers indeed overestimate their driving skills more than experienced drivers. In addition the results show that overestimation of driving skills correlates with self reported unsafe driving behaviour, such as more violations and less adaptation of driving behaviour (speed) to the specific situation. However, the study did not find evidence that calibration skills of young novice drivers improved in the first two years of the driving career. Therefore it is still uncertain how these skills are developed and if they can be taught in driver training. Until we have a better understanding of how driving experience works, and which aspects are important for reducing crash risk, we can only let drivers gain as much experience as possible in the most safe environment. This can be achieved with constricting drivers’ privileges (e.g. by limiting the number of passengers or restricting driving after dark), or by introducing a period of accompanied driving after licensing.
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... Young people with insufficient driving experience underestimate risk (ie, novice drivers show less awareness of the real hazards of the road environment), overestimate their driving skills (they consider they have mastered all the necessary driving skills) and do not adapt their driving behaviour to the demands of the specific traffic situation (eg, excessive speed, small safety margins, unsafe following-distances, aggressive driving, risky manoeuvres and engaging in secondary behaviours such as making a phone call).  Efforts should be made to raise the awareness of novice drivers about the danger of overconfidence in their driving skills. For instance, training after obtaining their driving licence should be contemplated to help fully develop their driving skills. ...
... Risky decision-making (RDM) can have a number of causes including an inability to understand the level of danger their actions place them in, over-confidence in their own abilities, sensation seeking, and an incorrect assessment of the advantages and costs of taking that risk. 3,5 In hazard awareness tests, hazardous situations are typically provoked by the actions of another road user (eg, a delivery driver half-hidden by their vehicle suddenly crosses the road). In this sense they can be considered as "passive" hazards. ...
... There has in fact been considerable investigation of this issue, looking at young/novice drivers' balancing of skills and task demands that has been defined as calibration: young/novice drivers overrate their driving skills and undervalue the risks of driving, and therefore fail to adapt their driving behaviour sufficiently to the actual driving scenarios "(eg, excessive speeding, gap acceptance problems or reckless overtaking)". 3,5 Training should address this calibration issue and ensure that risk inoculation is included with training to help nondrivers to anticipate hazards (see, for instance, the "online hazard perception training course for drivers"). By upskilling drivers while constantly reminding them of the risk and dangers of driving (in relation to their newly found skills), we might avoid the increase in risk that comes with untethered increases in confidence. ...
Traffic collisions are a principal cause of death in Europe, disproportionately affecting young drivers. Driving safety depends not only on our ability to anticipate and respond to dangers on the road but also on the level of risk we are willing to engage within our own driving behaviour.
Hazard prediction (HPr) and risky decision-making (RDM) tests were given to three groups of young Spaniards (169 participants): 54 non-drivers (M=20), 65 novice (M=21) and, 50 experienced drivers (M=26 years old). Both tests presented participants with video clips of driving recorded from the driver's perspective. The HPr test contained hazardous situations caused by the actions of another road user (eg, a pedestrian crossing the road). Each HPr clip was occluded as a hazard began to unfold and participants were asked to predict "what happens next?" They selected their answer from four on-screen options. The RDM test used clips where any imminent danger would be provoked by the film-car driver's risky behaviour (eg, overtaking illegally). Participants were asked to report the probability of following certain types of risky behaviour (eg, "Would you go forward with the lights on amber?" or "Would you overtake the cyclist/lorry/bus at this point?"). In addition, the effect of the locality of the driving scenarios was manipulated: they could take place in the participant's native country (Spain) or in a different country (UK).
Non-drivers and novice drivers were less able to predict upcoming hazards and more likely to make risky decisions. Driving scenarios from another country (UK) provoked riskier decisions than those from the participants' home country (Spain).
Improvement in HPr skills among novice or new drivers poses a huge challenge as far as driver training is concerned, though it is only part of the solution. Young inexperienced drivers' willingness to engage in risky behaviour also needs to be tackled. Our results suggest that such RDM can be assessed in a similar way to HPr skill, using a naturalistic approach, which raises the possibility of assessing and training drivers on a wider range of safety-related behaviours.
... Furthermore, overconfidence among drivers makes them less likely to adapt their behavior to traffic situations, leading to even more violations of traffic rules (De Craen, 2010;Isler et al., 2008). The question of overestimated driver's self-appreciation also reflects the impact of traffic safety campaigns: why people who overestimate their skills should pay attention to the instructions given to drivers in general since they are safer and drive better than these drivers? ...
... That is, the more the person positively self-assessed, the more Aggressive Violations and Ordinary Violations he / she committed. The literature shows that overconfidence among drivers causes them more difficulty in adapting their behavior to traffic situations, leading to more violations of traffic rules (De Craen, 2010;Isler et al., 2008). Therefore, it is possible to perceive that inflated self-assessment can cause concrete risks to people, because if the person believes to be a better driver, have the tendency to commit violations of traffic laws and aggressive behavior and endanger the lives of others as a result. ...
This study aims to verify the self-evaluation that people make about their ability to drive and investigate whether there is a difference between self-evaluation and evaluation about their friends’ abilities. To this end, 151 people answered three different questionnaires, one questionnaire about driving abilities (self-evaluation and evaluation of friends), the Driver’s Behavior Questionnaire and a socio-demographic questionnaire The sample consisted of 50.3% of males with a mean age of 25.32 years (sd = 1.66). As a result, self-evaluation was positively correlated with age, evaluation of friend, weekly driving hours, Common Violations, and Aggressive Violations. In addition, there was significant difference between evaluation by sex: males carry out self-assessments in a more positive way. It was also found that people evaluate themselves better than they evaluate their friends. From this research, it is possible to think the target audience that would most benefit from an intervention to reduce self-evaluation, that is, men, people over 24 years old, and people who have more driving experience.
... They require special research because they have a higher tendency to cause accidents. The literature states that young drivers should drive at least 100,000 km over seven years to reach the level of an advanced driver . There are many research methods that can be used, which are listed, for example, in  and used and described in [18,19]. ...
... Rarely/Never, 2-Occasionally, 3-Often, 4-Always/Always 1 11. I "squirm" at plays or lectures.15. I like to think about complex problems. ...
This paper focuses on the statistical evaluation of two independent research tools in the field of traffic psychology. Our research focuses on young drivers in the Slovak Republic and conducts an international comparison. At present, these young drivers make up only about 7% of the total number of drivers, but they cause about 20% of accidents. The paper analyzes the traffic accident rate of young as well as inexperienced drivers. All drivers in the survey had a short period of driving experience. The traffic-psychological survey obtained detailed data via two independent tools. We aimed to find relations between the factors and subfactors of the tools used, namely the BIS-11 (Barratt Impulsiveness Scale) and DAQ (Driver Attitude Questionnaire). The researchers also used these tools in other countries, so it was possible to compare the results obtained. The results from these tools should reveal the psychological causes of as many traffic accidents as possible. Our paper shows the possibilities for the evaluation of the tools used with correlation analysis. The results of our research are shown in symmetrical matrixes of correlation coefficients. Our study also compares its values with the results of foreign authors. Such research has revealed some facts about young drivers’ violations connected with drunk driving, speeding, and other traffic offenses. Our aim was to find connections between the driver’s history (skills, traffic accidents, age, etc.) and psychological characteristics, and we have answered several research questions. In conclusion, we have highlighted the most significant relationships between the factors of driver psychology.
... Typically, young-novices tend to rate unmaterialized road hazards and complex situations as less hazardous than experienced road users (Armsby, Boyle, & Wright, 1989;De Craen, 2010;Borowsky & Oron-Gilad, 2013). Some reported that a higher number of lanes and wider roads (Ukkusuri, Miranda-Moreno, Ramadurai, & Isa-Tavarez, 2012) are associated with a higher number of pedestrian crashes. ...
Understanding the shortcomings of child-pedestrians in evaluating traffic situations may contribute to producing intervention techniques which may increase their awareness to potential hazards as well as inform and inspire designers of autonomous vehicle and infrastructure systems to deal with the complications of crossing pedestrians. The present work examined pedestrians’ hazard-perception (HP) skills in complex traffic scenes. Two experiments explored how pedestrians’ HP abilities vary with age and experience. In the first, adults and youngsters (7–13-year-olds) were presented with pairs of photographs displaying traffic situations and instructed to compare between the hazard levels of the two. Findings revealed a marked trend where experienced-adults tended to rate photographs depicting field of view partially obscured by parked vehicles as more hazardous. Moreover, adults tended to rate photographs depicting vehicles closer to the crossing site as more hazardous. Lastly, adults tended to rate photographs depicting complex configurations like traffic circles, as more hazardous than T-junctions. Findings suggested that youngsters may be highly influenced by cueing. Next, pedestrians’ HP was tested utilizing a crossing decision task. Participants observed traffic scenes presented in a dynamic simulated environment of an urban road from a pedestrian’s perspective and pressed a response button whenever they assumed it was safe to cross. Compared to experienced-adults and 7–8-year-olds, 9–13-year-olds presented a less decisive performance. Compared to previous findings regarding simpler road crossing configurations, most participants, regardless of age, related more to the approaching vehicles and presence of a pedestrian crossing while refraining from addressing the road configuration. Implications for road-safety are discussed.
... Machin & Sankey (2008) investigated the relationship between personality factors, risk perceptions, and driver behaviour of novice drivers; results showed that novice drivers underestimate the risks in many situations. Research also has shown that the crash risk of novice drivers decrease with increased driving experience (Mayhew et al., 2003;de Craen, 2010). According to Groeger (2006), age and inexperience should be associated together to explain the aggressive driver behaviour of young novices as there are indications that the lack of experience is more relevant than the young age. ...
Unsafe driver behaviour is regarded as the most significant contributory factor in road traffic crashes in Nigeria, and the prevailing road safety culture in the country is one aspect which sustains the high crash rate. This research used a problem-oriented approach with the intention to recommend research-based solutions to road safety problems in Nigeria while considering cultural and environmental factors that provoke different driving styles and behaviours. It aims to identify which, among culture and road environment, has a stronger influence on drivers’ behaviour and how behavioural changes can be achieved. To achieve this, a multi-method approach was adopted in different phases. Phase 1, an exploratory study involved on-road observation of traffic behaviour and conflicts in Nigeria using the Traffic Conflict Technique (TCT). It provided an understanding of the general traffic behaviour of various road users, showed the effect of various factors on conflict severity and helped to identify the most prevalent unsafe behaviours found in this environment. Based on the results of this study, a driving simulator experiment was designed and carried out in Phase 2, comparing the driving style of three groups of drivers in varying road conditions. These were Nigerians with no experience of driving in the United Kingdom (UK), Nigerians with some experience of driving in the UK and UK drivers. The conditions varied depending on how much regulation was provided (low or high infrastructure). A short road safety awareness-raising intervention for Nigerian drivers with no experience of driving in the UK was also evaluated. It was hypothesised that those Nigerian drivers with no experience of driving in a highly regulated UK road system would not be encouraged to adopt a safe driving style. This would have implications for the use of road safety interventions in Nigeria that have been developed outside the Nigerian context. In addition, participants completed the Driving Behaviour Questionnaire (DBQ) to compare reported behaviour and objectively measured driving behaviour in various traffic scenarios (overtaking, lane changing, car following etc.). Since many road safety measures could not evaluated for Nigerian drivers in phase 2, a focus group study was conducted in Phase 3 with the lead road safety agency in Nigeria-the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC). The study investigated the perceived effectiveness and ease of implementation of a wide range of road safety measures on drivers’ behaviour including those that were evaluated in Phase 2 (simple engineering measures and awareness-raising campaigns).
Results provided a greater understanding of the road safety situation in Nigeria. Some of the unsafe behaviours identified in Phase 1 are distinct and can only be found in a particular cultural environment like Nigeria because of the traffic conditions and vehicle fleet. Investigating some of these behaviours in Phase 2 and comparing them with the behaviour of drivers from other cultures showed that there were distinct differences in behaviour between all the groups in most of the traffic scenarios. Nigerian drivers with no experience of driving in the UK were more likely to engage in unsafe driving behaviours compared to other groups. Improvements in the roadenvironment did not bring about any significant changes in the behaviour of this group of drivers. However, small changes were observed after the awareness-raising intervention. The results indicate that the behaviour of drivers are interpretable in relation to their traffic safety culture, and are only partly influenced by their driving environment. Specifically, drivers’ traffic safety culture has a greater influence on their behaviour compared to changes in the road environment. Findings from the focus group study in phase 3 revealed that road safety measures such as education and information campaigns are perceived to have the potential to be very effective and easy to implement in Nigeria compared to other measures. The research findings provide an innovative approach to defining the key safety-critical behaviours which are prevalent in Nigeria as well as starting to understand how features of the road environment and/or training could be used to improve the road safety record in Nigeria. It also has implications for the design of road safety interventions in developing countries, particularly with respect to the non-portability of infrastructure measures from developing countries.
To maintain road safety for older drivers as well as other road users, it is important to provide interventions that improve self-awareness and behaviors in older drivers. We developed an intervention that provides feedback on accuracy of self-awareness of driving performance using a workbook, and examined its effectiveness using a prospective design with a follow-up after two months. Japanese drivers aged between 69 and 87 (Mean = 73.96) years were assigned to either the intervention group (n = 26) or the wait-list control group (n = 27). All participants were asked to assess their own driving performance by completing a questionnaire. They also completed an on-road driving assessment that involved driving on a public road while wearing an electronic device that measured their actual driving behaviors, accompanied by a driving instructor who sat in the passenger seat and assessed the participant’s driving performance (expert assessment). Thereafter, only the intervention group received the immediate intervention (first wave). One month later, the intervention group completed the booster intervention by post. Two months after the first wave, both groups completed the questionnaire and on-road driving assessment again (second wave). Result revealed that discrepancy between self-assessment and expert assessment reduced in only the intervention group between the two waves. This finding suggests that the intervention was able to improve the accuracy of self-assessment. Furthermore, the expert assessment improved in the intervention group between the two waves, but this change was not observed in the control group. Similar trend was evident for vehicle speed at intersections with a stop sign but the result was not statistically significant. Changes in head rotation at intersections requiring turn in the intervention group did not differ from those in the control group. Improved accuracy of self-assessment as a result of the intervention could have led to improved general driving performance, but did not influence head rotation.
The present study examines the effect of an existing driver training program, FOrward Concentration and Attention Learning (FOCAL) on young drivers’ calibration, drivers’ ability to estimate the length of their in-vehicle glances while driving, using two different measures, normalized difference scores and Brier Scores.
Young drivers are poor at maintaining attention to the forward roadway while driving a vehicle. Additionally, drivers may overestimate their attention maintenance abilities. Driver training programs such as FOCAL may train target skills such as attention maintenance but also might serve as a promising way to reduce errors in drivers’ calibration of their self-perceived attention maintenance behaviors in comparison to their actual performance.
Thirty-six participants completed either FOCAL or a Placebo training program, immediately followed by driving simulator evaluations of their attention maintenance performance. In the evaluation drive, participants navigated four driving simulator scenarios during which their eyes were tracked. In each scenario, participants performed a map task on a tablet simulating an in-vehicle infotainment system.
FOCAL-trained drivers maintained their attention to the forward roadway more and reported better calibration using the normalized difference measure than Placebo-trained drivers. However, the Brier scores did not distinguish the two groups on their calibration.
The study implies that FOCAL has the potential to improve not only attention maintenance skills but also calibration of the skills for young drivers.
Driver training programs may be designed to train not only targeted higher cognitive skills but also driver calibration—both critical for driving safety in young drivers.
One of the important factors of road safety is drivers’ behavior. It is very useful to examine the factors of driver behavior to reduce the human factors to improve road safety. The objective of this study is to employ Manchester driver behavior questionnaire (DBQ) to measure various types of driver behavior in Kuwait. Data collection was performed by using an online questionnaire. The factor analysis was used to examine the data which compute into three factors structure. However, these three factors could not be classified into errors, lapses and violations categories as other studied due to social desirability bias. The future studies should examine this issue further.
From 2006 to 2015, more than 52,000 young people aged 18 to 24 lost their lives on the roads. That is 16% of all road deaths in the EU (EC, 2017a). Furthermore, the number of road deaths in this age bracket fell by 52% over 10 years. During the same period, the number of road deaths among people aged 15 to 17 declined by 57%. As of 2015, this group represented 2.3% of all road fatalities.
The way in which young people behave on the road defines their exposure to danger and risk of road crashes. In addition, young motorists often drive under conditions that raise the risk of road crashes and injury, even for experienced drivers. Young drivers tend to have relatively old cars, that have fewer passive and active safety features. Furthermore, they tend to drive in poor light conditions (particularly at night on weekends).
Young, inexperienced drivers are over-represented in single-vehicle road crashes (i.e., crashes where only 1 vehicle is involved). These crashes occur after losing control of the vehicle, at night, not at intersections, outside built-up areas, and at intersections where the driver is making a left turn. The risk factors that may play a role in these crashes include the following: lack of experience, risky driving behaviours (speed, fatigue, distraction, alcohol), driving behaviour adversely affected by emotions, and driving behaviour influenced by passengers.
Age, gender, and experience (or lack thereof) create a dangerous cocktail in some young drivers; some young drivers are at a greater risk. The reasons for these phenomena are very complex.
The extent to which questionnaire based measures of driving risk, driving ability and accident likelihood are associated with response latency based measures obtained on a hazard perception test was examined. In Experiment 1 questionnaire evaluations of driving in general were obtained and correlated with hazard perception performance. In Experiment 2 questionnaire evaluations and hazard perception performance were obtained when drivers viewed the same driving scenes. In neither experiment did questionnaire responses correlate significantly with hazard perception performance. Additionally while in both experiments no difference in hazard perception performance arose between males and females, females rated driving as more risky and their ability to be lower than males. The results indicate independence between questionnaire and response latency measures of hazard perception. However the possibility that both approaches should be adopted within a single framework is raised.
People tend to hold overly favorable views of their abilities in many social and intellectual domains. The authors suggest that this overestimation occurs, in part, because people who are unskilled in these domains suffer a dual burden: Not only do these people reach erroneous conclusions and make unfortunate choices, but their incompetence robs them of the metacognitive ability to realize it. Across 4 studies, the authors found that participants scoring in the bottom quartile on tests of humor, grammar, and logic grossly overestimated their test performance and ability. Although their test scores put them in the 12th percentile, they estimated themselves to be in the 62nd. Several analyses linked this miscalibration to deficits in metacognitive skill, or the capacity to distinguish accuracy from error. Paradoxically, improving the skills of the participants, and thus increasing their metacognitive competence, helped them recognize the limitations of their abilities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The aim of this paper is to expound a model of the determinants of driving task difficulty and driver capability and of the process by which collisions on the road occur it arises from a rejection of the concept of risk as currently used in behaviour adaptation models such as Risk Homeostasis theory and redefines it in terms of the threat of being unable to respond to the demands of the driving task with a safe outcome. It is argued that rather than probability of crashing, it is probability of loss of control — of the vehicle or of the driving task more generality — that represents the true nature of risk in the driving situation [Summala, 1985]. The model attempts to integrate cognitive, human factor motivational, social, vehicle and environmental factors in a broad concetual frame work At the heart of the model is the interface between the demands of the driving task to achieve a safe outcome and what the driver is momentarily able to do; his or her capability. In this way it attempts to provide a freeze frame view of the driver's situation at any moment in time.
The present study aimed at identifying subtypes of young drivers (N=2524) and evaluate how these responded to a traffic safety campaign. On basis of a cluster analysis of personality measures, six subtypes of young drivers were identified. The subtypes were found to differ on self-reported risky driving behaviour, attitudes towards traffic safety, risk perception, estimation of own driving skills, and accident involvement. Two of the subtypes were identified as high-risk groups in traffic. The first high-risk group consisted of mostly men, characterised by low levels of altruism and anxiety, and high levels of sensation-seeking, irresponsibility, and driving related aggression. The second high-risk group reported high sensation seeking, aggression, anxiety, and driving anger. The subtypes were also found to differ on how they evaluated and responded to the traffic safety campaign. The results indicated that the campaign seemed to appeal most to the low-risk subtypes. Gender differences within each subtype were also found on the different traffic related measures, as well as on response to the campaign. It is concluded that young drivers should not be treated as a homogenous group pertaining to road safety. Practical suggestions on how to promote safe driving among these subtypes are also discussed.
Studies of subjective driving skill have usually assessed perceived driving skill in relation to the skills of the average driver. In order to examine whether novice drivers are overconfident with respect to their actual skills, a different method was used in the present study, where specific aspects of perceived driver competence were compared with assessments made by a driver examiner. A Finnish (n = 2847) and a Swedish (n = 805) sample of driving test candidates completed self-assessments and took a practical driving test; the instruments differed between the countries. The results indicated that about 50 percent of the Finnish and between 25 and 35 percent of the Swedish candidates made realistic assessments of their competence in the areas Vehicle manoeuvring, Economical driving and Traffic safety. The proportion of those who overestimated their competence was greater among the Swedish candidates than the Finnish candidates. This might be explained by greater possibilities of practicing self-assessment in the Finnish driver education. Furthermore, the results indicate that males are not overconfident to a greater extent than females. In conclusion, when perceived competence is related to actual competence instead of the skills of the average driver, the majority of drivers are no longer found to overestimate their skills.
Objectives. Taylor & Gollwitzer (1995) suggested that optimistic biases about risk are not an impediment to precaution adoption. Their ‘mindset hypothesis’ proposes that such biases are suspended during deliberation over new behaviours and reappear only later during thoughts about implementing these behaviours. This paper examines the research on which the mindset hypothesis was based and presents new data on this issue from an experiment designed to encourage home radon testing (Weinstein, Lyon, Sandman & Cuite, 1998). Method. Homeowners (N = 1346) in an area of high radon risk watched either a ‘risk’ video that gave information about the need to test, a ‘how to test’ video that focused on the implementation of testing decisions, or both. Risk perception biases were assessed before and after viewing the videos and purchases of radon test kits were determined. Results. No support was found for the mindset-illusions predictions. In contrast, the data indicated that optimistic biases about personal risk are barriers to action. Conclusion. There are several methodological problems in the design used to support the mindset-illusions hypothesis. In contrast to this hypothesis, it appears that acceptance of personal vulnerability is an important aspect of progress toward precaution adoption. The adaptiveness of optimistic biases about risk is also discussed.
Research using the driver behaviour questionnaire (DBQ) has found that aberrant driving behaviours can be categorised into: errors, lapses and violations (and aggressive violations, depending on the version of the DBQ used). There is also extensive evidence that it is only the `violations' score which is significantly correlated with, and predictive of, crash involvement. This consistency has been found both across different samples and different countries. However, recent research conducted on those driving cars in a work-related context has found a different factor structure and a different pattern of correlations with crash involvement. The present study extends this research by investigating the factor structure of the DBQ and the relationship between aberrant driving behaviour and crash involvement for a sample of truck drivers. Factor analysis yielded a four factor solution, that broadly replicated the four hypothetical factors (errors, lapses, violations and aggressive violations) found in the general driving population. Only the violations factor was found to be significantly predictive of crash involvement. This research provides evidence of the robust nature of the DBQ findings in populations other than the drivers of private motor vehicles.
A sample of 1006 professional truck drivers were surveyed on their perceptions of self and average other speeds, consideration, relative safety, and relative skill. A disproportionate frequency of responses is found in the measures of speed, safety, and consideration, but not skill. In the measures of speed and consideration this bias is found to operate in a negative direction. Truck drivers are found to evaluate other road users negatively, they do not demonstrate ‘self-enhancement’ indicative of driver overconfidence. Drivers responsible for the biases are isolated from the sample using a method of triangulation. Background factors relating to driver characteristics and employment conditions are examined. Characteristics of the drivers’ employment indicate the perceptions are related to factors external to the drivers’ self-conceptions. These contrasts provide further support for the contention that the ‘self-enhancement bias’, as it appears in this sample, operates as a negative-other rationalisation.
Among learner drivers with cerebral palsy (CP), driver education is problematic for those failing to fulfil their education as well as for those becoming licensed drivers. A crucial ingredient in the development of driving is the quality of the visual search. Problems increase for CP learners in those parts of training where high demands are set on visual search abilities. The aim of the study was to increase knowledge about search patterns among learners with CP in comparison with learners and experienced drivers without CP. The study was carried out in traffic by measuring eye movements and the duration and distribution of fixation. The results show that search strategies among learners with CP were less flexible than in the control groups. The results suggest a need for better methods for teaching CP learners search strategies and may provide a tool for such development.
It is well established that people tend to rate themselves as better than average across many domains. To maintain these illusions, it is suggested that people distort feedback about their own and others’ performance. This study examined expert/novice differences in self-ratings when people compared themselves with others of the same level of expertise and background as themselves. Given that a key expert characteristic is increased self-monitoring, we predicted that experts in a domain may have a reduced illusion of superiority because they are more aware of their actual ability. We compared expert police drivers with novice police drivers and found that this prediction was not supported. Expert police drivers rated themselves as superior to equally qualified drivers, to the same degree as novices, Cohen’s d = .03 ns. Despite their extensive additional training and experience, experts still appear to be as susceptible to illusions of superiority as everyone else.