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Political Power beyond the State: Problematics of Government
Abstract
This paper sets out an approach to the analysis of political power in terms of problematics of government. It argues against an overvaluation of the 'problem of the State' in political debate and social theory. A number of conceptual tools are suggested for the analysis of the many and varied alliances between political and other authorities that seek to govern economic activity, social life and individual conduct. Modern political rationalities and governmental technologies are shown to be intrinsically linked to developments in knowledge and to the powers of expertise. The characteristics of liberal problematics of government are investigated, and it is argued that they are dependent upon technologies for 'governing at a distance', seeking to create locales, entities and persons able to operate a regulated autonomy. The analysis is exemplified through an investigation of welfarism as a mode of 'social' government. The paper concludes with a brief consideration of neo-liberalism which demonstrates that the analytical language structured by the philosophical opposition of state and civil society is unable to comprehend contemporary transformations in modes of exercise of political power.(1).
... Thus, it is critical that problematisations are rationalised. This often involves the use of discourses or narratives that present moral, ethical or scientific justifications for the presented problematisation (Rose and Miller 1992). To accurately assess governmentalities, therefore, it is essential to recognise how governance is conducted through the production of truth (Foucault 1991). ...
... As a means of gaining legitimate control over how issues will be governed, truths are declared by way of appealing to specific knowledge of the problem to be addressed. Through the process of making issues 'knowable', truths can then be used to rationalise how a problem is governed (Rose and Miller 1992). Although underpinned by specific power arrangements, rationalities do not operate through explicit commands to action. ...
... In other words, for problematised and rationalised discourses to achieve their desired outcome, they must be materialised as practices (Merlingen 2011). Technologies can include the design of programmes, techniques, initiatives, policies and procedures that are capable of giving effect to these discourses (Rose and Miller 1992). Using the Blue Economy as an example once again, scholars have explained how state control of the concept is applied through laws and regulations -implemented by government departments and agencies -that govern specific jurisdictions. ...
Community science can transform how marine governance operates by introducing new knowledge, mobilising resources, and fostering socio-technical innovation. Transformation has, however, been conceptualised in a limited way within the community science literature. Power issues within governance transformations have tended to be oversimplified, particularly concerning subtler forms of power that lie beyond the mere gatekeeping of participatory processes. Using a realist governmentality framework, this study critically assesses the power dynamics of government-funded marine community science initiatives in the United Kingdom and Ireland. Findings illustrate that a professionalisation governmentality creates conditions within which community science practitioners self-govern to reinforce existing marine management logics. In this governmentality, community science is narrowly framed as a means of generating additional data for current processes, foreclosing the possibility for transformative action. In this instance, community science’s utility is legitimised by the connection it provides between government and non-governmental organisations, rather than its capacity to produce new knowledge and actions. Whilst this connection facilitates a pathway for community science to inform policy, it also enables the government to police projects. Epistemologically unsuitable data standards and short-term funding time-frames, act as professionalising technologies that encourage community science actors to moderate their conduct to maintain their relationship with the government. To challenge this governmentality, community science must create the conditions necessary to instigate radical change in marine governance. This could be achieved by politicising community science and learning from the concept of community organising.
... Desde esta perspectiva, el liberalismo, el welfarismo y el liberalismo avanzado no son ideologías políticas, sino programas de gobierno que problematizan las conductas de las personas de una manera específica y que ponen en juego racionalidades políticas y tecnologías de gobierno distintivas. Si bien el término gubernamentalidad se aplica a diversos periodos históricos, es utilizado por Michael Foucault y otros cultivadores de esta perspectiva para nombrar la gubernamentalidad neoliberal, en cuanto modo particular de gobierno que caracteriza a las democracias liberales avanzadas (Foucault, 2006; Martín Sandra Gil Araujo & Janneth Clavijo Padilla, Reconfiguración del discurso sobre refugio en el contexto sudamericano: integración y autosuficiencia como formas de protección ______________________________________________________________________ Rojo y del Precio, 2019) En este marco, la programática de gobierno piensa y construye los objetos de gobierno de tal modo que sus enfermedades aparecen como susceptibles de ser diagnosticadas, prescritas y sanadas mediante el cálculo y la intervención normalizadora (Rose y Miller, 1992). Esta es la lógica que subyace al diseño y puesta en marcha de cualquier política pública, y muy claramente en el caso de las políticas dirigidas a la integración de poblaciones migrantes y refugiadas, que buscan subsanar (por diferentes vías según los contextos históricos y nacionales) ese fallo o anormalidad que supone la presencia de no nacionales en el orden de la nación (Sayad, 2008), interviniendo en el campo de lo social con el objetivo de resolver sus deficiencias y transformarlos en ciudadanos activos, participativos y responsables, en consonancia con el sujeto imaginado por la racionalidad política liberal avanzada. ...
... Las racionalidades políticas y los programas que las articulan se desarrollan a través de las tecnologías de gobierno: mecanismos humildes y cotidianos, como Sandra Gil Araujo & Janneth Clavijo Padilla, Reconfiguración del discurso sobre refugio en el contexto sudamericano: integración y autosuficiencia como formas de protección ______________________________________________________________________ las técnicas de anotación, computación y cálculo, los procesos de exanimación y evaluación; instrumentos de investigación, como las encuestas, y formas de presentación, como las tablas, la estandarización de sistemas de formación, la homogeneización de normativas y reglamentaciones, la inauguración de especialidades y vocabularios profesionales; los acuerdos, contratos, programas, informes, documentos, manuales, procedimientos y un largo etcétera a través de los cuales autoridades de diverso tipo buscan formar, normalizar e instrumentalizar la conducta de otros, con el fin de alcanzar objetivos que consideran deseables (Miller y Rose, 1991;Rose y Miller, 1992;Rose, 1999). ...
... El análisis de los discursos políticos ayuda a dilucidar no solo el sistema de pensamiento mediante el cual las autoridades han planteado y especificado el problema de gobierno, sino también el sistema de acción mediante el cual buscan activar el gobierno (Rose y Miller, 1992). Estas argumentaciones pueden ser entendidas como una especie de teoría oficial que (1) describe y conceptualiza hechos y realidades básicas de la situación social a la que se aplica (epistemological claims); (2) teoriza el sentido de las intervenciones y establece causalidades entre procesos políticos y sociales (explanatory claims), y (3) da cuerpo a alguna clase de núcleo de valores que constituye el objetivo de las políticas y que será su justificación filosófica subyacente (normative claims). ...
Este artículo indaga los modos en que el refugio es pensado y problematizado en el actual contexto sudamericano, así como las políticas e instrumentos propuestos para su intervención. Nuestro análisis se enmarca en los estudios críticos del refugio, y desde la perspectiva de la gubernamentalidad apunta a colaborar en el rastreo de los contenidos discursivos de las racionalidades políticas y tecnologías de gobierno a través de las cuales las poblaciones en necesidad de protección internacional son gobernadas en el marco del neoliberalismo o liberalismo avanzado En particular, examinamos cómo ACNUR, con la colaboración de otros actores, operacionaliza su mandato de protección vinculando la solución duradera de permanencia con el paradigma de la integración y la activación de las poblaciones refugiadas como sujetos autosuficientes, autónomos, participativos y responsables de su propio destino. Esta indagación se sustenta en una metodología cualitativa basada en el análisis de un corpus documental cuya recopilación contempló materiales producidos por diversos actores, y espacios interinstitucionales, involucrados en el tratamiento político de la cuestión del refugio. Concluimos que el gobierno del refugio es una de las formas concretas que ha adquirido el gobierno de lo social en la gubernamentalidad globalizada.
... The local government tries to disseminate this normative pattern to library managers in a variety of ways. The range of interactions to which library facilities are subject can be seen as "governance at a distance" (Miller & Rose 1990, 1992. The paper provides an interpretation of the empirical material collected as part of the research on the library network in the Pomeranian Voivodeship carried out in 2022 and 2023, which included individual in-depth interviews and questionnaire surveys with representatives of local government units. ...
... Samorząd stara się upowszechniać ten wzorzec normatywny wśród kierowników bibliotek w różnorodny sposób. Szereg oddziaływań, którym podlegają placówki biblioteczne, można traktować jako "rządzenie na odległość" (Miller i Rose, 1990Rose, , 1992. Artykuł stanowi interpretację materiału empirycznego zebranego w ramach badań nad siecią biblioteczną w województwie pomorskim realizowanych w 2022 i 2023. ...
... The various entities in the community need publicity or a place where they can do something, and it's a little bit up to the mayor: if they come with an interesting idea, he will approve it and do it, or they will do it together. " It would seem that the normative vision presented here, indicating the positively assessed transformations taking place in the library network, is, in the perspective adopted in this paper, a tool for "governing at a distance" (Rose, 1990(Rose, , 1992. This vision serves to formulate and effectively articulate a set of guidelines to "help" librarians exercise their autonomy. ...
Artykuł ukazuje sposób zarządzania siecią bibliotek lokalnych przez samorząd terytorialny. Uwarunkowania zewnętrzne zmuszają samorząd do poszukiwania oszczędności poprzez likwidację części bibliotek oraz nacisk na pozostałe placówki w celu zmian organizacyjnych. Transformacja ta odbywać się ma w czterech obszarach-poszerzenia dostępności, funkcji, współpracy, odbiorców. Wdrożenie zmian mają umożliwić zasoby pozyskane ze źródeł zewnętrznych. Sposób transformacji ma wyznaczać wzorzec normatywny inspirowany przez zewnętrzne - najczęściej ogólnopolskie - podmioty o różnym charakterze. Samorząd stara się upowszechniać ten wzorzec normatywny wśród kierowników bibliotek w różnorodny sposób. Szereg oddziaływań, którym podlegają placówki biblioteczne, można traktować jako "rządzenie na odległość" (Miller i Rose, 1990, 1992). Artykuł stanowi interpretację materiału empirycznego zebranego w ramach badań nad siecią biblioteczną w województwie pomorskim realizowanych w 2022 i 2023. W ich ramach przeprowadzono indywidualne wywiady pogłębione i badania kwestionariuszowe z przedstawicielami jednostek samorządu terytorialnego.
... Para ello, es necesario representar a través de cálculos políticos el problema a intervenir. Esto requiere conceptualizar y construir el conocimiento sobre el problema a gobernar (Rose y Miller, 2017). Tal como se describe: ...
... Representan los principios e ideales de cómo el gobierno debe ser dirigido. Por otra parte, tienen un componente epistemológico, puesto que se articulan a través de la concepción del objeto gobernado y finalmente, se expresan a través de un lenguaje determinado, que constituye el discurso político (Rose, 2017). ...
... Elaboración propia con base enFoucault (1991),Dean (2010),Castro-Gómez (2015),Rose (2017),Rose y Miller (2017) e Inda (2005.Aproximación esencial de Foucault, que permite entender que el poder es relacional y a través de el se pueden establecer juegos de poder. Estos juegos de poder a través de Desayunos Escolares serán motivo de discusión en el capítulo cinco de la tesis, en donde se presentan las luchas, enfrentamientos, apoyos o contradicciones entre los diversos agentes que participan en el programa. ...
Esta tesis tiene como propósito analizar el ejercicio del poder sobre la alimentación a través del programa Desayunos Escolares modalidad caliente, en el plantel educativo Jacinto Pat del municipio de Akil, una localidad rural del sur de Yucatán, México. Para ello, utilicé el enfoque analítico de la gubernamentalidad planteado por Michel Foucault. Si bien, los destinatarios de los efectos explícitos del programa son los niños y niñas en edad escolar, también se producen una serie de prácticas y discursos sobre las madres de familia, cocineras, personal educativo y comunidad escolar en general, acerca de cuestiones alimentarias, sociales y de salud
... More recently, audits have joined surveillance as a key technique through which accountability is ensured in large institutions. Introduced initially in the financial sector following the 1929 stock market crash, audits are now used across industries, often in tandem with surveillance, to ensure accountability and enact governance at a distance (Rose and Miller 1992). Through standardized quantitative measures deployed in service of assessment and accountability (Strathern 2000a;Shore and Wright 2015), this audit culture (Power 1997) now pervades institutional governance across public and private sectors, with medicine and healthcare being no exception. ...
... But "seeing" is never unitary, singular, or unequivocal: what resistant bugs are emerging, what drugs are being (over)used, and what potential solutions might be considered and/or enacted are all seen through the datafied lens of the (anti)microbial gaze. This can, in turn, be seen as the deployment of the kind of calculative rationality that Rose and Miller (1992) describe as ensuring (quantitative) accountability through governance at a distance. AMR/AMS data enables institutions to calibrate themselves in relation to where they stand and where they should be. ...
Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is a rapidly escalating global health threat, known increasingly through different forms of monitoring. Surveillance, both of resistant organisms and of the antimicrobial prescribing practices that contribute to their proliferation, has increased dramatically over the last decade. So too have audits, which are routinely deployed to evaluate, and ensure accountability for, the alignment of local prescribing practices with established “best practice” guidelines. However, governing AMR in this way raises important questions including: how do these forms of monitoring play out in practice, and with what consequences? How do they articulate with the machinations and temporalities of hospital governance more generally? Here, drawing on in-depth interviews with thirty-six participants ranging from ward nurses to hospital executives in metropolitan Australia, we ask what, precisely, this particular way of monitoring medics and microbes—which we conceptualize here as the (anti)microbial gaze—makes visible in the hospital setting, what might be obscured, and how this particular way of knowing may delimit what is seen as possible in terms of intervening in the growing challenge of antimicrobial resistance.
... While the party states have consistently sought to reform the countryside through their varying rural development schemes since the founding of these socialist republics, we suggest that there is a shift in the problematisation of the countryside in the market economy, namely in the ideological status of the peasantry from being a revolutionary force under high socialism to a population category to be improved upon. This market-oriented problematization of the countryside and rural people for the state to realise its "will to improve" (Rose and Miller 1992;Li 2007) not only serves to mask the consequences of state-led development on social and cultural lives but also the increasing level of self-responsibilization by rural people in ensuring livelihoods and wellbeing (Nguyen 2017;Hoang 2024;Wang 2024). Conversely, our ethnographic material from rural China and Vietnam suggest complex trajectories of social and spatial mobilities whose translocal and transnational character transcends any kind of rural-urban distinctions to produce social outcomes that challenge the very conception of rural people as passive and resistant to change. ...
... As the editors of this special issue (Mao, Nguyen, and Wilcox 2024) also point out, they are by no means in need of being liberated from themselves -their habits and their way of thinking -and improved upon to become entrepreneurial subjects fit for the new economy as implied by state development programs. As they emphasise the moral strength of their homeplace and their rural networks, rural people articulate an agentic positioning in engaging with the global and national economies to improve individual and communal lives that departs from the construction of them as the object of the state's will to improve (Li 2007;Rose and Miller 1992). ...
Based on a comparative study of two villages with distinct translocal and transnational migrant economic networks, this article examines the ideological underpinnings of China and Vietnam’s rural development programs in relation to rural people’s actions and strategies. Central to these programs are enduring modernizing agendas that seek to reform rural people and transform rural places according to state-defined criteria moulded on class-based notions of civility and population categories that construct rural people as backward and in need of reform. Our ethnographic research finds that villagers undertake multidirectional mobility trajectories to generate social and economic values that defy such constructions. Yet, these are often incorporated by the said state agendas, which maintain a social order based on the rural-urban hierarchy that is crucial for legitimating the political power of their party states. We underscore a complex politics in which rural people contest the imposition of the categories with their actions and at the same time view the said modernising agendas as a social space for value creation.
... Governmentality also focuses on both the macro and micro-dynamics of power because they are interconnectedly played out through particular governing modalities, especially regarding power-knowledge nexuses that make people subjects of governing (Dean, 1999;Rose and Miller, 1992). That is, governmentality, in effect, indicates interlinks between micro effects of power (including technologies of selfhow we relate to ourselvesand "anatomicopolitics", which confine human bodies in specific disciplinary cells of productive machinery) and macro strategies of power, including the "biopolitics" of governing the population as a collective body to be governed. ...
... Drawing on Foucauldian governmentality and counter-conduct as its theoretical anchor (e.g. Foucault, 1982Foucault, , 1997Foucault, , 2002Foucault, , 2007Miller and Rose, 1990;Rose and Miller, 1992) and writing into the critical accounting literature on public sector reforms in LDCs (e.g. Alawattage and Alsaid, 2018;Alawattage and Azure, 2021;Hopper, 2017;Hopper et al., 2017;Hopper et al., 2009;Lassou and Hopper, 2016;Lassou et al., 2021a), this study examined how and why WBimposed governmentality apparatuses become fragile. ...
Purpose-The World Bank-sponsored public financial management reforms attempt to instil fiscal discipline through techno-managerial packages. Taking Ghana's integrated financial management information system (IFMIS) as a case, this paper explores how and why local actors engaged in counter-conduct against these reforms. Design/methodology/approach-Interviews, observations and documentary analyses on the operationalisation of IFMIS constitute this paper's empirical basis. Theoretically, the paper draws on Foucauldian notions of governmentality and counter-conduct. Findings-Empirics demonstrate how and why politicians and bureaucrats enacted ways of escaping, evading and subverting IFMIS's disciplinary regime. Politicians found the new accounting regime too constraining to their electoral and patronage politics and, therefore, enacted counter-conduct around the notion of political exigencies, creating expansionary fiscal conditions which the World Bank tried to mitigate through IFMIS. Perceiving the new regime as subverting their bureaucratic identity and influence, bureaucrats counter-conducted reforms through questioning, critiquing and rhetorical venting. Notably, the patronage politics of appropriating wealth and power underpins both these political and bureaucratic counter-conducts. Originality/value-This study contributes to the critical accounting understanding of global public financial management reform failures by offering new empirical and theoretical insights as to how and why politicians and bureaucrats who are supposed to own and implement them nullify the global governmentality intentions of fiscal disciplining through subdued forms of resistance.
... Following Foucault (1991), neoliberalism refers to governmentality, a 'political rationality' that conceptualizes individuals' 'conduct of conduct,' transcending the actions of the states and political institutions (Rose 1998: 12). Neoliberal governmentality thus rests on a distributed network of institutions, individuals, and practices with liberty of choice, autonomy, and individualism at heart (Rose and Miller 1992). The tenants of neoliberalism expect individuals/citizens to govern themselves as free and responsible and encourage them to strive to maximize their own well-being according to certain objectives, thereby becoming 'entrepreneurs of themselves' (Rose 1998: 150-68) and making calculated choices 'to fit a pre-defined mould' (Tomkinson and van den Ende 2022: 198). ...
... However, these devices are governed by the game rules, a strict discipline that players internalize, where the liberated self 'is obliged to live its life tied to the project of its own identity' (Rose 1998: 258). Quantification and calculative technologies, Rose and Miller (1992) and Baerg (2014) argued, are central to neoliberal governmentality and convey neoliberal values via self-surveillance, self-evaluation, and self-regulation. ...
This study uses a pragma-semiotic landscape (SL) perspective to scrutinize how farming games (re)shapes the human experience of the social world by means of (re)constructing and (re)configuring the representation, (re)organization, and interpretation of social space. Drawing on technological mediation, where technology actively (co)shapes human–world interactions, this study suggests that farming games, as in the case of Hay Day (HD), train gameplayers into neoliberalism while entertaining a panopticon schema. In doing so, HD trains players to internalize hierarchized surveillance, normalizing judgements, differential distribution, and self-discipline. Drawing on Semiotic Landscape and Speech Act Theory, this study discusses how HD as a farming gamescape represents and enacts a panopticon power economy. The findings suggest that HD semiotic resources index neoliberal governmentality as illocutionary acts, while (re)constructing and partitioning time, social spaces, and practices. HD semiotically embodies the panoptic schema as a spatial experience using three tropes: utility (uninterrupted toil, training/practising, and transforming), docility (space, time, and action segmentation, norms internalization, and hierarchized surveillance), and examination (evaluative gaze, normalizing judgement, and differential distribution) to govern/manage players in a gameplay experience of empowerment and subjectivation. Players are continuously empowered by and subjugated to a procedural system to evaluate their performance and determine their value, while allowing them to gaze and be gazed upon by others to empower and normalize them. This study claims to fill a remarkable lacuna in technology–human interactions in which technological artefacts play a central role in the (re)construction of the social world and practices.
... Foucault's(1979) theory of governmentality further challenges traditional notions of power as solely repressive, proposing that power operates through the management and administration of society by engaging citizens in active participation. Governments, therefore, are no longer singular entities exerting top-down control but are conglomerations of practices and ideologies that must focus on education, persuasion, and motivation to sustain their legitimacy (Cohen, 1989;Miller & Rose, 2010). ...
... The 21st century has seen global politics characterized by a dynamic interplay of evolving structures and processes. The complexities of governance today are shaped by a network of institutions and organizations operating at both state and non-state levels, interconnected in their pursuit of sustaining communities and addressing transnational challenges (Miller & Rose, 2010). Understanding the evolving nature of power requires an examination of these linkages, particularly in the developing world, where traditional concepts of power, legitimacy, and freedom are increasingly inadequate for addressing the unique challenges these regions face. ...
While partnerships between state and non-state actors have proven effective in developed contexts, this equilibrium in less developed countries is disrupted due to political instability, weak governance, and historical legacies. Governments often perceive NGOs in these regions as foreign entities that challenge national sovereignty. This complex relationship is rooted in power dynamics, patronage networks, and systemic corruption. The concept of “distant proximity,” where governments prioritize localization while NGOs emphasize global values, further complicates these partnerships, leading to adversarial interactions. This article analyzes the contemporary political realities and geopolitical forces that shape these relationships. It underscores the need for trust-based, transparent alliances to address complex societal challenges. Ultimately, this research seeks to provide policymakers and practitioners with an understanding of the importance of sustainable partnerships between governments and NGOs in developing countries.
... The subsequent reforms have implied transferring the state's role from provider and administrator to subsidiser, regulator, evaluator and overseer of the public-private network that operates within the education system (Ball & Youdell, 2008;Maroy, 2009). Rather than undermining state power, these reforms reconfigure the role of the state in the governance of education, shifting the exercise of state power from discipline to continuous surveillance (Rose & Miller, 1991) and requiring objectified and numerical data (Newman, 2005;Ozga, 2011). In this context, performance based-assessment has become the most widespread instrument for implementing new modes of governance through performance metrics (Rose & Miller, 1991). ...
... Rather than undermining state power, these reforms reconfigure the role of the state in the governance of education, shifting the exercise of state power from discipline to continuous surveillance (Rose & Miller, 1991) and requiring objectified and numerical data (Newman, 2005;Ozga, 2011). In this context, performance based-assessment has become the most widespread instrument for implementing new modes of governance through performance metrics (Rose & Miller, 1991). The intensive production of macro-, meso-and micro-level data is considered a key strategy for current and future educational solutions (Ozga, 2016), aimed at holding schools and teachers accountable for results (Laval & Dardot, 2013). ...
The most well-known and controversial version of accountability policies is high-stakes testing. However, various countries employ diverse instruments of ‘soft accountability’ or low-stakes accountability tools. This paper highlights the main results of a study conducted in Chile that examines the enactment of one of these soft accountability tools, namely the school inspection system, which is particularly complex as—unlike standardised tests—it involves a face-to-face assessment. The research project is a qualitative study following 12 ‘school inspection networks’ that include a documentary analysis of the school reports delivered (N = 12), as well as in-depth interviews with headteachers and the inspectors who assessed the schools (N = 24). The research findings question the contribution of school inspections. Even though this soft accountability technology can produce enriching information, while a performance-based accountability framework is maintained, the potential contribution of school inspection is trapped by the overall performance-based rationale.
... De uma perspectiva histórica, Braun e Gabor (2020) sugerem que o Federal Reserve (Fed) dos Estados Unidos e o BCE ajudaram a criar e desenvolver os chamados mercados de shadow banking como meio de "resolver problemas políticos intratáveis" da governança financeira. Walter e Wansleben (2020), por sua vez, afirmam que não apenas as suas motivações políticas, mas as próprias as "tecnologias de governo" (Rose;Miller, 1992) empregadas pelos bancos centrais foram cruciais para transformar a arquitetura das finanças e redefinir o exercício de poder infraestrutural entre esses atores. Analisando os casos dos Estados Unidos e Reino Unido nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, os autores mostram que os procedimentos e técnicas de implementação da política monetária promoveram o alinhamento entre "programas de governança" públicos e práticas de finanças privadas. ...
... De uma perspectiva histórica, Braun e Gabor (2020) sugerem que o Federal Reserve (Fed) dos Estados Unidos e o BCE ajudaram a criar e desenvolver os chamados mercados de shadow banking como meio de "resolver problemas políticos intratáveis" da governança financeira. Walter e Wansleben (2020), por sua vez, afirmam que não apenas as suas motivações políticas, mas as próprias as "tecnologias de governo" (Rose;Miller, 1992) empregadas pelos bancos centrais foram cruciais para transformar a arquitetura das finanças e redefinir o exercício de poder infraestrutural entre esses atores. Analisando os casos dos Estados Unidos e Reino Unido nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, os autores mostram que os procedimentos e técnicas de implementação da política monetária promoveram o alinhamento entre "programas de governança" públicos e práticas de finanças privadas. ...
O artigo joga luz às formas de exercício de poder por atores financeiros sobre a ação estatal no Brasil, mapeando os distintos imbricamentos público-privados concentrados no Banco Central do Brasil. O interesse em tais intersecções e interdependências intensificou-se após a crise financeira de 2008, desmistificando análises tradicionais que tratavam Estados e mercados financeiros como domínios estanques. A pesquisa apresenta a literatura emergente sobre o tema, argumentando que, no contexto brasileiro, dois tipos de vínculos têm sido mais explorados: a complementaridade entre interesses e macroinstituições, e as conexões pessoais no sistema financeiro. Buscando contribuir com esses esforços, o artigo joga luz a um terceiro tipo de imbricamento, chamado infraestrutural, que começa a ser discutido internacionalmente. Por fim, o trabalho classifica três dimensões infraestruturais das finanças no Brasil, visando orientar futuras pesquisas sobre as minúcias institucionais, técnicas e políticas do poder infraestrutural.
... More specifically, the term disciplinarization refers to Foucault's theoretical apparatus which understands techniques as tools of knowledge-based power that are productive of socio-political orders (dispositifs). I, therefore, term this approach technicization as disciplinarization, first, because Foucault's incisive conceptual framework relies on a "paradigmatic modern power formation that he called 'discipline'" (Behrent, 2013), and also because the term "discipline" is commonly mentioned by the literature operating within this theoretical framework when referring to technicization (Humphreys, 2017;Lascoumes, 2004;Rose and Miller, 1993). ...
How does social actors’ engagement with the technical dimensions of world politics—from material infrastructures to modeling, engineering, bureaucracy, and discourses of expertise—bring about specific social configurations and political effects? To answer this research problem, International Relations scholars have growingly mobilized the idea of technicization to investigate the relationship between knowledge, governance, socio-political reproduction, and social change. However, despite this interest, technicization has been neither conceptualized nor theorized. I argue that this absence limits our understanding of how technicality affects world politics and leads to the literature taking depoliticization as the default interpretation. To address this issue, this article develops three conceptualizations of technicization by distinguishing between the theoretical traditions underpinning this idea across social sciences. I introduce to International Relations the concept of technicization as desociologization based on the Habermassian concepts of technique and practice, which I distinguish from technicization as depoliticization (Weberian) and technicization as disciplinarization (Foucauldian) most commonly encountered in the literature. I illustrate the utility of disentangling these approaches through the case study of the history of the medicalization of male circumcision and its use as a global health anti-HIV policy since 2007. Overall, this article lays solid theoretical foundations for a more structured conversation about knowledge- and discourse-related processes dealing with the technical dimensions of world politics and beyond.
... As a result, each person effectively possesses the same amount of governing authority. The legitimacy and legality of governmental power originate from the power of the people (Rose & Miller, 2017). Democracy is still the best option for political and state governance systems as a philosophy and as a system. ...
Democracy is a fundamental principle in most modern states, and elections serve as a key expression of people’s sovereignty. However, in Indonesia, political money crimes, such as money politics, threaten the integrity of the democratic process. The aim of the research is to explore the legal challenges and loopholes in the election system that facilitate the rise of such criminal activities. The research employs an empirical and normative-juridical approach, utilizing case data from general elections and various legal analyses. The findings reveal significant weaknesses in the electoral framework, particularly regarding the enforcement of regulations during the campaign and voting periods, leading to widespread vote-buying. Furthermore, the research highlights that the legal provisions governing electoral offenses are insufficient to deter money politics, as they fail to encompass all potential perpetrators, particularly those outside campaign teams. The implications of this research suggest a need for stricter legal measures and improved oversight mechanisms to ensure the legitimacy of elections and uphold democratic principles.
... In their stead, there emerged a vast investment in civil society as the most effective means of channeling popular power (Arato and Cohen 1992;Gordon and Stack 2007;Hoffman 2004;Lupel 2005;Michaels 2013;Sangeetha Tobin, Vissa, and Pillai 2012;Wapner 1995). Similarly, regional and international modes of governance conjoined with a new power beyond the state (Czempiel and Rosenau 1992; Rose and Miller 1992;Slaughter 2004) to demonstrate that the demise of the state hardly marked a demise in modes of coercive power in general, which in turn needed to be checked in new ways (Buchanan and Keohane 2006;Grant and Keohance 2005;Keohane et al. 2009). ...
This article identifies three central axes in the contemporary constellation of democratic theory and practice: (1) redefining the roots of democratic power, or kratos, in response to new challenges to popular participation in democracy; (2) the rescaling of the demos given the growing dissatisfaction with liberal cosmopolitan approaches to global democracy; and (3) the de-parochialization of democracy within a multipolar world in light of democratic erosion in liberal democracies across Europe and the Americas. This article arrives at these axes by way of revisiting the relation of the two concepts constituting democracy's etymological roots— demos and kratos —in recent work in democratic theory. It concludes by urging to move beyond the post-Cold War social imaginary by exploring the question “What demos and kratos for the twenty-first century?”
... Governmental interventions strive to "bring the most unfavourable [distributions of normality] in line with the more favourable" (Foucault 2007, 63). Finally, neoliberal government, a variant of which is known as advanced liberal government, operates through market creation and incentives like rankings that "govern at a distance" (Rose and Miller 2010). Making use of technologies of subjectivation, neoliberal government addresses the individual as a free subject. ...
Foucauldian governmentality studies of climate politics have established themselves as a vibrant field of research, illuminating the power‐knowledge‐formations inherent in governing climate change. Synthesizing the contributions of climate governmentality studies since 2015, we provide a critical assessment of the technologies of government and the resulting visibilities and identities in the context of the Paris Agreement. Our reading of the current “cli‐mentality” reveals a much higher continuity from the Kyoto era to the Paris era than generally assumed by dominant IR approaches. The cli‐mentality of the Paris era radicalizes the neoliberal approach of the Kyoto era while extending its reach into more policy sectors. The responsibilisation of states, sub‐state actors and individuals obscures root causes of the climate crisis and reproduces key elements of the socio‐economic and political order. The dominant problematisation of climate change in both academia and policymaking narrows down the solution space for climate politics and forecloses transformative approaches. Climate mitigation mobilizes neoliberal self‐governance through nationally‐determined contributions while obscuring unequal historical responsibilities. Adaptation is organized in depoliticized processes of preparing for presumably inevitable climate futures. This is reinforced by climate finance which employs financialisation and de‐risking to mobilize additional private capital. Climate‐related loss and damage funding is rendered as charity, foreclosing liability and reparation claims. Future research should examine (1) how the dominant cli‐mentality is resisted and challenged by social movements and climate litigation, (2) if and how it is stabilized through the global economic order and its regulations, and (3) which globally varying effects the cli‐mentality has.
... Foucault's concept of governmentality has been strongly influential across disciplines (Foucault, 2007) and has provided important insights into "the way contemporary regimes of power rely less on externally imposed discipline and more on distributed technologies and discourses that act through, not over, individual liberty" , p.1294Rose & Miller, 1992). However, while Foucault's self-declared ambition (as stated in a late interview) was to "show people that they are much freer than they feel" (Martin, 1988, p. 10), the empirical application of governmentality has been criticized by those who have suggested that it frequently neglects agency (e.g., Caldwell, 2007;Newton, 1998). ...
Sammendrag
I dagens samfunn stilles det store forventninger til foreldrerollen, og det å tilegne seg
ekspertkunnskap har blitt selvsagt for dagens foreldre. Det rådende foreldreskapsidealet er
barnesentrert og intensivt langs flere linjer: det er økonomisk kostbart, emosjonelt krevende,
og den tette oppfølgingen av barna er tidsintensiv. Samtidig som det finnes mye kunnskap om
foreldrepraksisers betydning for barns velferd, har det også blitt rettet kritikk mot at det er en
fare for å behandle foreldreskap som et kontekstløst fenomen.
Denne avhandlingen har en kritisk og problematiserende tilnærming, og handler om hva som
skjer når barnevernet nettopp forsøker å få foreldre til å endre seg i tråd med dominerende
kunnskap og normer for hva som utgjør godt foreldreskap. Relasjoner mellom foreldre med
ulik klassebakgrunn og barnevernet er et sentralt analytisk utgangspunkt, og den overordnede
problemstillingen er: Hvordan utspiller normer for foreldreskap seg i en norsk
barnevernskontekst?
Det empiriske materialet for studien består av en spørreundersøkelse besvart av 256 foreldre i
kontakt med barnevernet, samt kvalitative intervjuer med 37 av disse foreldrene. I tillegg inngår
kvalitative intervjuer med 16 barnevernsarbeidere som var i kontakt med 21 av de samme
foreldrene. I en av artiklene blir én families kontakt med barnevernet benyttet som empirisk
utgangspunkt, og her inngår det også et intervju med barnet i familien sammen med foreldrenes
og barnevernsarbeiderens intervju.
Avhandlingen består av fire artikler. I Artikkel 1 undersøkte vi om det var sammenheng mellom
foreldrenes sosioøkonomiske status og deres foreldreskapspraksiser. Analysene viste både
foreldre med høy og lav sosioøkonomisk bakgrunn, svarte at de hadde høy grad av
involverende / positive foreldrepraksiser, noe som kan sies å være i tråd med dagens
foreldreskapsidealer. Men analysene viste også at lav sosioøkonomisk bakgrunn likevel var
assosiert med noe høyere grad av positive / involverende foreldrepraksiser enn for foreldre med
høy sosioøkonomisk bakgrunn. Dette viser et litt annet mønster enn det som har vært rapportert
for den generelle populasjonen av foreldre som ikke har kontakt med barnevernet.
I artikkel 2 blir normer for foreldreskap tematisert med utgangspunkt i to barnevernsarbeideres
narrativer om én middelklassefamilie hver som de har vært i kontakt med i sitt arbeid. Analysen
viser hvordan de ofte tatt-for-gitte middelklassenormene kan spilles ut i barnevernets
konstruksjoner av foreldrenes identitet. Begge familiene posisjoneres som ressurssterke, og
barnevernsarbeidernes narrativer viser kjønnede og klassede beskrives av foreldrene, som
sammenfaller med dominerende normer for intensivt morskap. Analysene viser hvordan
(middelklasse)idealet for foreldreskap normaliseres, noe som også involverer konteksten for
foreldreskapet, slik som eksempelvis levekår. Foreldrene gis stort aktørskap, og barnevernet
får en noe mindre rolle. Metaforisk så vi på interaksjonen slik den utspilte seg, som seremonier
som opprettholder foreldrenes status.
Artikkel 3 handler om uintenderte konsekvenser dreiningen mot foreldreskapet kan få i
interaksjonen mellom barnevernet og familier som har komplekse levekårs- og
helseutfordringer. Artikkelen er basert på intervjuer med foreldre, barn og saksbehandler i
samme barnevernssak, og viser hvordan normer for foreldreskap kan utspille seg som en
kraftfull form for makt, på tross av gode intensjoner. Stigma som fenomen kommer til uttrykk
i kategoriseringer og nedvurderinger av foreldrene, og er også tett sammenvevd med politiske
beslutninger om økonomisk omfordeling. Foreldrenes (og barnets) perspektiver ble devaluert,
og barnevernet la til en viss grad begrensinger for deres aktørskap. Samtidig var det rom for å
utfordre stigma: Barnevernsarbeideren demonstrerte noe refleksivitet knyttet til sine moralske
nedvurderinger av foreldrenes livsstil, og foreldrene gjorde også motstand mot stigmamakten
de opplevde.
Mens de tre første artiklene på ulikt vis tematiserer normenes formative potensiale i
barnevernskonteksten, vier jeg artikkel 4 til å først og fremst tematisere foreldrenes rom for å
handle annerledes. Fenomenet hverdagsmotstand blir utforsket både empirisk og teoretisk.
Foreldrene i utvalget gjør motstand mot intervensjoner (eller mangler på det) og mot å bli
posisjonert som ikke-vitende i interaksjon med barnevernet. De gjør motstand mot normer for
foreldreskap, eksemplifisert med normer knyttet til hvordan gå kledd, psykologisering og
profesjonalisering av foreldreskapet, og normer for matlaging. Motstand betyr ikke
nødvendigvis at foreldre er misfornøyde med barnevernet som helhet, eller at de tar total
avstand fra rådende normer for foreldreskap. Jeg argumenterer for at motstand bør bli akseptert
og anerkjent som en viktig og naturlig del av dynamikken i barnevernet, og som et uttrykk for
agens som det er viktig å ta på alvor.
Samlet sett kan barnevernets rolle i samfunnet sees som del av en del av en lengre historisk
prosess for sivilisering av foreldreskapet. Avhandlingens kan leses som et bidrag til å tilby
kunnskapsalternativer, og siviliseringsperspektivet dreier seg ikke om hvorvidt barnevernets
intervensjoner er legitime eller ikke. Avhandlingen har illustrert at det naturligvis er mange
prosesser som foregår samtidig, og normer for foreldreskap utspiller seg på ulikt vis i møte
mellom ulike foreldre og barnevernet. Foreldre generelt synes imidlertid å tilegne seg de
rådende normene for godt foreldreskap. Samtidig viser avhandlingen at å behandle motstand
som et eget ontologisk fenomen, også åpner opp for andre kunnskapsalternativer enn det å først
og fremst studere maktutøvelse, noe som lenge har vært en tradisjon innen kritisk
barnevernsforskning. Med dette håper jeg å kunne bidra til å i større grad forene
motstandsstudier og sosialt arbeid, og med det bidra til å «åpne opp» motstand som fenomen i
sosialt arbeid.
Summary
In today's society, the expectations of parenthood are high, and acquiring expert knowledge has
become second nature for modern parents. The prevailing ideal of parenting is child-centered
and intensive in multiple dimensions: it requires financial investment, emotional involvement,
and time-consuming oversight of children’s activities. While there is extensive knowledge
about the importance of parental practices for children's well-being, critiques have also
emerged about the risks of viewing parenting as a decontextualized phenomenon.
This dissertation adopts a critical and exploratory approach, examining what occurs when child
welfare services seek to guide parents toward changes aligned with prevailing norms and
knowledge on good parenting. The study’s analytical focus is on relationships between parents
from various socioeconomic backgrounds and child welfare services, framed by the
overarching research question: How do parenting norms unfold within a Norwegian child
welfare context?
The empirical material consists of survey responses from 256 parents involved with child
welfare services, as well as qualitative interviews with 37 of these parents. Additionally,
qualitative interviews were conducted with 16 child welfare workers who had interactions with
21 of the same parents. One of the articles focuses on one family's experience with child welfare
services as an empirical case study, including an interview with the child, alongside interviews
with the parents and the child welfare worker.
The dissertation comprises four articles. In Article 1, we examine the relationship between
parents' socioeconomic status and their parenting practices. The analysis demonstrated that
both parents with high and low socioeconomic backgrounds reported high levels of involved
and positive parenting practices, consistent with modern parenting ideals. However, the
analysis also indicated that parents with lower socioeconomic backgrounds displayed slightly
higher levels of positive and involved parenting practices compared to parents with higher
socioeconomic backgrounds. This finding diverges somewhat from patterns observed in the
general population of parents not in contact with child welfare services.
In Article 2, parenting norms are explored through narratives from two child welfare workers
about their work with middle-class families. The analysis revealed how assumed middle-class
norms can shape child welfare's constructions of parental identity. Both families were portrayed
as resourceful, and the child welfare workers’ narratives reflected gendered and classed
descriptions of the parents, aligning with the dominant ideal of intensive motherhood. The
analysis demonstrated how the (middle-class) parenting ideal is normalized, extending beyond
parental behaviors to include contextual aspects like living conditions. The parents were
granted considerable agency, while child welfare services assumed a more background role.
We interpreted these interactions metaphorically as status maintenance ceremonies.
Article 3 addresses unintended consequences that can arise when child welfare services
emphasize parenting in their interactions with families facing complex living and health
challenges. Based on interviews with parents, children, and caseworkers involved in the same
case, this article shows how parenting norms can impose strong forms of control, even when
well-intentioned. Stigmatization occurred through categorizations and derogatory portrayals of
the parents and was deeply intertwined with political decisions on economic redistribution. The
perspectives of both parents and children were often marginalized, with child welfare services
potentially placing constraints on the family members’ agency. However, there were also
opportunities to challenge this stigma: the child welfare worker exhibited some reflexivity
about their moral judgments of the parents' lifestyle, and the parents resisted the stigmatization
they experienced.
While the first three articles address the formative influence of norms in the child welfare
context from various perspectives, Article 4 primarily examines parents’ capacity to act
differently. This article explores the phenomenon of everyday resistance both empirically and
theoretically. The parents in the sample resisted interventions (or lack thereof) and challenged
being positioned as uninformed or uninvolved in interactions with child welfare services. They
also resisted certain parenting norms, such as expectations around dress, the psychologization
and professionalization of parenting, and norms around cooking. However, resistance does not
necessarily imply that parents are dissatisfied with child welfare services as a whole or that
they entirely reject prevailing parenting norms. Rather, I argue that resistance should be
recognized as a natural, valuable dynamic within child welfare services, representing an
expression of agency that deserves serious consideration.
Viewed as a whole, the role of child welfare services in society may be understood as part of a
broader historical process aimed at civilizing parents. The dissertation can be read as a
contribution to alternative knowledge perspectives, with the civilizing perspective not aiming
to address the legitimacy of child welfare interventions. The dissertation illustrates that while
parenting norms unfold differently across interactions between parents and child welfare
services, parents generally seem to embrace the predominant ideals of good parenting.
Furthermore, by treating resistance as a distinct ontological phenomenon, the dissertation offers
alternative perspectives beyond the traditional focus on power dynamics, which has long been
a central theme in critical child welfare research. In doing so, I hope to foster greater integration
of resistance studies within social work and to “open up” resistance as a recognized
phenomenon in the field.
... These case studies also tell a deeper story about the strategies used by successive Conservative governments to embed market thinking, transform the public sector, and control individuals and whole populations. This is what Rose and Miller (1992) termed 'political power beyond the state', and what Gramsci sought to capture in his concept of cultural hegemony. What unites the projects of austerity, SIBs and reforming student finance is a rationality based on the disciplinary norms and techniques of the market. ...
For Erica Bornstein and Aradhana Sharma writing about contemporary India, ‘technomoral politics’ refer to the way individuals and organisations translate moral projects into technical and implementable policies or laws, or justify technocratic acts as ‘moral imperatives’. In Britain, by contrast, technomoral governance takes different forms. Rather than the (hyper-)moralisation of political programmes, policies and laws are typically advanced through less emotive, more bureaucratic language of management and administration, and seemingly neutral discourses of economics, efficiency, ‘common sense’, ‘value for money’ and ‘responsibility to taxpayers’. This article examines these processes in the context of the UK. Drawing on case studies of three post-2010 Conservative government flagship policy initiatives (austerity, social impact bonds and student loans), I explore how these programmes were advanced and the rationalities that underpinned them. These initiatives, I conclude, herald a new phase in the development of technomoral governance, one based on technomoral logics of financialisation and the private capture of public assets.
Résumé
D'après Erica Bornstein et Aradhana Sharma ‘la politique techno-morale’ en Inde contemporain décrit la manière dont des individus et des organisations traduisent les projets moraux en lois ou en politiques techniques, qui peuvent être mise en place, ou qui justifient des actes technocratiques comme ‘des impératives morales’. Au Royaume-Uni, par contraste, la gouvernance techno-morale assument des formes différentes. La (hyper-)moralisation de programmes politiques est absente, tandis que les politiques et lois sont typiquement promues dans un parler moins émotionnel et plus bureaucratique du management et de l'administration. Les discours apparemment neutres évoquent les économies, l'efficacité, le ‘bon sens’, ‘la rentabilité’, et ‘la responsabilité vis-à-vis des contribuables’. Cet article examine ces processus au Royaume-Uni. Nous nous appuyons sur trois cas d’étude concernant les principales initiatives en politique menées par le gouvernement conservateur après 2010 (austérité, obligations d'impact social, et crédits d’étudiants). Nous explorons comment ces programmes ont été avancé et les rationalités qui les ont soutenues. En guise de conclusion nous considérons que ces initiatives annonce une nouvelle phase dans le développement de la gouvernance techno-morale ; celle-ci est fondée sur la logique techno-morale de la financialisation et sur le réquisitionnement privé de biens publics.
... Political governance has always been about fusing morality and moral decision-making with knowledge production and expertise (Rose and Miller 1992). Yet, recent technological advances have intensified the role of technocratic judgement and scientific and digital expertise in moral decision-making processes, with dramatic implications for government projects. ...
This special issue examines the concept of ‘technomoral governance’, a framework that describes the intertwining of moral imperatives with technocratic and technological solutions in contemporary political governance. Building on Erica Bornstein and Aradhana Sharma's (2016) notion of ‘technomoral politics’, which looked at how moral projects become intertwined with legal-technical interventions, we explore how political tactics increasingly rely on technical and technologically driven innovations to address fundamental societal challenges. Confronted with issues that range from climate change to rampant urban inequalities and humanitarian crises, actors across China, India, Ghana, Denmark, the UK and Mexico come to invoke the language of technomoral interventions to justify political decision-making. These approaches, executed under the guise of neutrality, mask existing inequalities while also offering opportunities for unexpected forms of resistance. We argue that the convergence of moral and technological strategies represents a significant development in contemporary governance, producing murky, contradictory and often highly unequal effects.
Résumé
Ce dossier examine le concept de gouvernance techno-morale, un cadre pour décrire les connexions entre des impératives morales et des solutions technocratiques et technologiques dans la gouvernance politique contemporaine. Nous nous appuyons sur la notion de ‘la politique techno-morale’, qui a été élaborée par Erica Bornstein and Aradhana Sharma en 2016 pour étudier comment les projets morals deviennent entrelacés avec des interventions légal-techniques. Nous explorons comment les tactiques politiques dépendent de plus en plus sur les innovations techniques, propulsées par des technologies, afin de répondre aux défis fondamentaux de notre société. Face aux problématiques comme le changement climatique, les inégalités croissantes dans des territoires urbains, et les crises humanitaires, des acteurs en Chine, Inde, Ghana, Danemark, Royaume-Uni, et Mexique commencent à parler des interventions techno-morales afin de justifier les processus décisionnels en politique. Ces approches, qui sont mise en pratique sous une voile de neutralité, masquent des inégalités existantes. En parallèle, elles permettent des occasions pour des formes imprévues de résistance. Nous proposons que la convergence des stratégies morales et techniques représente un développement important dans la gouvernance contemporaine, qui produit des effets insoupçonnés, contradictoires, et souvent inégales.
... Thus, when we speak of contemporary political rationalities and powers of expertise (cf. Rose and Miller 1992), a specific form of technical expertise, namely digital expertise (Sharon 2021), has come to other forms expertise and works to convert different kinds of knowledge and expertise into digital data systems. These data systems offer a new form of statistics, standardisation and administrative ordering (cf. ...
Two intertwined trends have hit cities all over the world: an increasing drive towards experimentation with citizens as participants that is turning cities into ‘living labs’ or ‘test-beds’, and the use of streams of digital data from people and devices for the algorithmic management of urban life following the ‘smart city’ model. In the visions of smart city designers and developers of data systems, public participation is configured as a matter of motivation and trust and how citizens can be persuaded to contribute their data through processes such as gamification. In this context, technomoral politics become a matter of engaging citizens in allegedly neutral data systems that are supposed to govern social and political processes. Yet, based on ethnographic work with citizens and officials who manage everyday life with floodings in Vejle, Denmark, this article demonstrates that the visions for technomoral participation tied to a smart city project can be challenged by alternative ways of participating through everyday acts of mutual investment and care, including also alternative uses of and experimentation with data.
Résumé
Deux tendances interdépendantes ont impacté des villes à travers le monde : une campagne croissante pour des projets participatifs et expérimentaux qui permettent les citoyens de transformer des villes en ‘laboratoires vivantes’ ou ‘lits d'essai’, et l'utilisation de données générées pendant le streaming numérique pour la gestion de la vie urbaine fondée sur le modèle de la ville connectée. Pour les designers de la ville connectée et les développeurs de systèmes de données, la participation publique est configurée comme une question de motivation et de confiance. Elle montre comment les citoyens pourraient être persuadés à contribuer leurs données au travers des processus comme la prolifération des jeux. Dans ce contexte, la politique techno-morale devient une façon d'engager des citoyens dans les soi-disant systèmes de données neutres qui doivent gouverner des processus sociaux et politiques. Cet article s'appuie sur la recherche ethnographique avec les citoyens et les fonctionnaires qui gèrent des situations d'inondation à Vejle au Danemark. Nous montrons que les visions pour une participation techno-morale liée à un projet de ville connectée se sont heurtées contre les manières alternatives de participer au travers des actes journaliers d'investissement mutuelle et de soutien, qui utilisent elles-mêmes des stratégies alternatives pour expérimenter avec des données numériques.
... The individual-both the ReCo and the patient-are supposed to act in the best interest of society, according to their choices. Rose and Miller (2010) emphasize that governmentality becomes an expression of all the procedures that embody ways of thinking regarding governing society and its population from a distance that has developed in recent centuries. Knowledge of the composition of the population, of economics, of psychology, etc., provides a kind of "intellectual machinery" (Rose & Miller, 2010, p. 280) for the state, and in this way, society can be analyzed, and knowledge made rationally understandable. ...
The study examines a new professional function, the rehabilitation coordinator, in Sweden's healthcare system. The rehabilitation coordinator acts as an inter-organizational facilitator in the return-to-work process. Using a Foucauldian perspective, the rehabilitation coordinator as a subject could be considered both as an objectified function shaped by governmental regulation and as a process by which the individual chooses how to perform the role. The rehabilitation coordinator must navigate between legislative regulations and adhere to their own professional ethics, resulting in varying forms of subjectivity. Metaphors used by rehabilitation coordinators provide insights into how individuals perceive their ethical responsibilities and how they approach interactions with patients and healthcare professionals. The paper underscores the ambiguity of the role and sheds light on how diverse considerations inherent in professional roles but also within the subject molds professional subjectivity in the Swedish healthcare system.
... The individual-both the ReCo and the patient-are supposed to act in the best interest of society, according to their choices. Rose and Miller (2010) emphasize that governmentality becomes an expression of all the procedures that embody ways of thinking regarding governing society and its population from a distance that has developed in recent centuries. Knowledge of the composition of the population, of economics, of psychology, etc., provides a kind of "intellectual machinery" (Rose & Miller, 2010, p. 280) for the state, and in this way, society can be analyzed, and knowledge made rationally understandable. ...
... One thing is to be a researcher of, say, bees; but if one is a researcher of education, which is a political subject matter… and whoever says otherwise doesn't know she is being functional Thus, by challenging the scientific authority behind the testing regime, campaigners sought to transcend the simplistic anti-neoliberal narrative, raising public awareness of the pervasiveness of auditing and data-driven governance (Rose and Miller, 2010) in advanced market societies: ...
O que impulsiona a implementação e a reversão de classificações escolares de alto risco baseadas em testes? Adaptando a teoria dos campos de ação estratégica ao caso chileno e mobilizando o conceito de doxa de Bourdieu, vejo a reforma de mercado na educação como o resultado de relações competitivas, cooperativas e conflitantes entre atores titulares e desafiadores. Enquanto os primeiros dominam o campo e, portanto, exercem poder de definição sobre como o campo deve ser organizado e reformado, os últimos competem por formas alternativas de estruturar o campo. Essa lógica de campo configura uma dinâmica contingente na qual o campo é transformado à medida que quadros desafiadores ganham moeda ideacional. Com base nessa estrutura conceitual, evidencio como ideias concorrentes sobre a educação baseada no mercado moldaram a construção técnica e o uso público de classificações de qualidade escolar. Implicações para uma sociologia da reforma seguem.
... Sobre el colectivo Indocentia, véase (Indocentia, 2016). 2 El neoliberalismo entendido como modo de gubernamentalidad hace referencia a una transformación de la subjetividad, mediante procedimientos prácticos o tecnologías, entendidas como agenciamientos múltiples y heterogéneos de discursos y prácticas, que pretenden conformar, normalizar, guiar, instrumentalizar, modelar las ambiciones, aspiraciones, pensamientos y acciones de los sujetos, para lograr los fines que se consideran deseables. La perspectiva foucaultiana de la gubernamentalidad, ha sido desarrollada por (Barry, Osborne, & Rose, 1996;Dean, 1999;Rose, 1996;Rose & Miller, 1992). racializante capitalista que se basan en procedimientos formalizados y sobrecodificadores y bloquean la producción de sentidos singulares y la interpretación situada de los afectos. ...
La reapropiación de la universidad por discursos y prácticas de carácter neoliberal se ha convertido en objeto de exhaustiva reflexión teórica dentro de la academia. Sin embargo, la incorporación de este nuevo campo de estudio -Critical University Studies- coexiste, paradójicamente, con la aceptación cotidiana de unas reglas de juego gerenciales que ocultan su carácter contingente y político. En este artículo, queremos habitar esa paradoja y volver inteligible la consolidación del realismo capitalista (Fisher, 2016) como horizonte de sentido, a través del análisis de tres procesos que producen formas de insensibilidad (Rolnik, 2019): los efectos subjetivos de distancia e indiferencia que genera la naturalización de la tecnología evaluadora; la autocomplacencia provocada por las dinámicas de reapropiación de discursos críticos a través de su inclusión despolitizada, tomando como referente las políticas de igualdad en el ámbito universitario y la cancelación del futuro como horizonte emancipador que produce el corrosivo imaginario laboral que se ofrece al estudiantado centrado en el emprendimiento y la empleabilidad.
... Building on this literature, Lösch, Heil, and Schneider (2017) argue that visions are 'means and practices which enable and create responsibility' as specific actors are expected to 'do something' in response to a collective problem. The concept of responsibilization draws heavily from Foucauldian analysis (i.e. Rose 1990;2000;Rose and Miller 1992) inquiring into processes of making specific actors responsible through, for example, the governance of others and self-governance. Visions then function as the 'glue' that brings together specific actors in responsible (or irresponsible) processes of innovation. ...
COVID-19 crisis reaffirmed the power of a few companies to scale up production for mRNA vaccines, which created injustice as a few nations in the developed world benefited first from available vaccines, while LMICs waited at the back of the queue. Initiatives such as the South Africa mRNA tech transfer hub sought to address these concerns. The article engages in an analysis of the different visions that underpin the current vaccine innovation system and the South Africa tech transfer hub. I argue that the dominant vision of global scalability by pharmaceutical companies which are ‘too big to fail’ limits the transformative potential of the hub and I propose ways in which responsible governance coordination can address some of the failings of the system.
... These techniques define the neoliberal subject as rational and calculative. Through the power of numerical inscriptions (Rose & Miller, 1992) subjects effectively become an 'entrepreneur of the self'. What counts as good farming is constructed and communicated through a range of government and statistical architectures that make visible farmers' cultural capital to inspire behavioural change. ...
Using Berlant's concept of cruel optimism, this paper explores how animal disease eradication can represent an unimaginable fantasy, the pursuit of which is an obstacle to farmers' emotional and financial prosperity. The paper shows how atmospheres of optimism surrounding disease eradication are constructed and linked to policy mobilities. These apparent trans-national circulations of neoliberal logics of 'ownership' provide policy legitimacy at times of crisis, but also disguise the emotional experiences of neoliberal policy lives and serve political interests by marginalising alternatives to the allure of eradication. The paper bases these arguments within an analysis of the development of animal disease policy in England since 1997, and recent interviews and workshops exploring future policy options for disease control with farmers and other stakeholders. Following the development of bovine Tuberculosis policy, the paper shows how the transnational mobility of neoliberal policies promoting farmer ownership were used to legitimise farmer-owned culling companies to control infected wildlife. In describing how these policies unravelled through emotional burnout and disillusion amongst farmers, the paper describes the difficulties of detachment from a relation of cruel optimism, either marked by tragedy and trauma, or an incompleteness defined as 'attached detachment'. In conclusion, the paper calls for further attention to other rural and agricultural fantasies to shed further light on the inequities of neoliberal life and need for just transitions.
... A Foucauldian forest policy analysis is thus also geared towards unmasking the subversive forces of discursive power, the exclusion of specific groups, and oppressive forest governance (Winkel, 2012). It also gears us towards understanding political power as a way of governing through complex bodies of knowledge (Rose and Miller, 2010). However, we aim to dive deeper into forests and discursive ways of knowing forests, what commodification of forests can do, as well as critically address silence or discursive omissions as forms of power. ...
In this Chapter, we identify and explore the major criticisms of International Forest1 Governance
(IFG). We also present alternatives to current IFG approaches. Our critiques span from technical
issues embedded within the accepted IFG framework, to broader challenges of the entire IFG. In
response to these critiques, a spectrum of solutions and alternative governance approaches has
emerged, ranging from technical fixes and incremental changes to radical transformations. In
contrast to the past debate over legally binding versus non-binding aspects of IFG, the current
emphasis is on governance beyond government. Despite critiques highlighting the ineffectiveness
of these new modes of governance, the scientific call for participation and integration of non-governmental
actors is mainstreamed. The review identifies a shift towards ‘critical critiques’ that
delve into fundamental governance weaknesses, advocating for radical changes to address power
asymmetries and envisioning alternative governance settings. The discussion here also underscores
the changing nature of critiques, moving from an environmental output focus on deforestation
to a broader societal critique, emphasizing input and throughput legitimacy over output.
The importance of addressing the critiques and evaluating whether solutions align with these
issues is highlighted, particularly in the context of measuring and monitoring within IFG rules.
Technical innovations are presented as both potential solutions and sources of new challenges.
Two potential ways forward are proposed. One suggests building on existing approaches, treating
them as learning experiences adaptable to diverse national and local contexts to avoid the
cyclic adoption and abandonment of new processes. The other, responding to critical critiques,
advocates for a radically new IFG framework, rooted in understanding the perceived problems at
the local level and addressing them through deliberative and collaborative means, steering away
from hegemonic discourses such as emissions-focused approaches
... Problem definition has been impactful for CCS implementation [122]. Problems are social constructions, and are a way to change reality and how different issues are perceived [123,124]. Social scientific research on CCS has often defined any challenges to CCS deployment as the core challenge (e.g., social acceptance needs to be investigated because it can and has caused challenges to CCS deployment). This has guided the research approaches and how issues such as the role of the public are perceived. ...
Carbon capture and storage technologies have become a prominent discussion point within the broader portfolio of mitigation options to limit climate warming to well below 2 Celsius. Most carbon capture and storage research has focused on technical and economic aspects. However, there is a growing recognition of the systemic nature of sustainability transitions and the importance of diverse societal considerations. Despite this emerging focus, the research field is constrained by persistent assumptions. This critical scoping review of social scientific research on carbon capture and storage analysed 108 research articles. Using a combination of manual and artificial intelligence coding, the analysis focused on identifying social variables. The review identified three key themes: acceptance, engagement and participation, and governance and policy. Social scientific research on carbon capture and storage has been dominated by an acceptance-awareness paradigm and a tendency to view the public solely as actors impacted by the transition. Normative questions have received limited attention, though new interest is emerging. These paradigms and identified research gaps suggest that the field has adopted a transition perspective rather than a transformation perspective. By discussing the differences between these perspectives, this review provides a novel understanding of the research field, which can support socially sustainable development as carbon capture and storage momentum grows. Additionally , the review explores the advantages and challenges of employing artificial intelligence tools in qualitative social sciences. Abbreviations AI Artificial intelligence CCS Carbon capture and storage CO2.
... Governmentality refers to the rationality and practices adopted to control and manage populations and their actions as part of a power "ensemble" also consisting of sovereignty and discipline (Foucault et al. 2009). Neoliberalism as a type of governmentality from a Foucauldian perspective is a network of political power (Rose and Miller 1992). This consists of political programs, actors, and institutions as well as techniques, practices, and ideas. ...
Despite hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees, Malaysia does not legally recognize them. Instead, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) conducts the refugee status determination process, and Malaysia expects them to take care of refugees, although community-based and nongovernmental organizations do most of this work. The Malaysian government, concerned by the increasing number of foreigners registered by the UNHCR, introduced the Tracking Refugee Information System scheme to form a national database for “security reasons.” Contracted to a private company, this yearly registration scheme with high fees provides no rights to cardholders. This article highlights the role of the Malaysian government, the UNHCR, community organizations, and a private company to make sense of the variable refugee registration regimes that increasingly use technological tools to collect refugee biodata to police refugees without increasing refugee protection.
... Responsibilisation, the process through which responsibilities are allocated to, and embodied by, individuals, has long been coupled with concepts of governance which explore how persons are governed 'at a distance' (Rose and Miller 1992) by a range of state and non-state actors (Rose 1996;Rose 1999;Rose 2001). Food, diet and body weight are key sites where adults and children experience pressures to become responsible, self-disciplining, risk-managing citizens (Guthman and Dupuis 2006;Heyes 2006;LeBesco 2011;Pike and Leahy 2012;Rail 2012;Rich and Evans 2015). ...
Children’s sugar consumption has been marked out as an important area of public health policymaking in the UK, due to connections between sugar consumption, obesity, type 2 diabetes and dental decay. Yet unlike other regulated substances (alcohol, tobacco, e-cigarettes), ‘moderate’ or ‘responsible’ sugar consumption, rather than abstinence, is the desired policy outcome. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Edinburgh in 2018–19 in two demographically mixed Scottish state primary schools, I examine how school staff navigate this space of lenience written into state health policy—whereby some sugar can be consumed, sometimes. The public health dangers of sugar consumption, coupled with its relational pleasures (through associations with kinship, nurture and celebration) help illuminate how schools—as responsible agents—attempt to care for and govern children. It is sugar’s ambiguity, I argue, that enables it to become a crucial tool for children’s socialisation. Where and how sugar can be consumed responsibly, and which pleasures are deemed permissible or excessive, vary contextually: they are shaped through social class, and depend on the school policy being enacted. Beyond being an object to regulate, children’s pleasures in sugar are central to affective, social and class-informed practices of creating morally responsible persons.
The main purpose of the book chapter is twofold: it aims to analyze if and how sustainability has been integrated into the enterprise risk management (ERM), and how the 2021 energy crisis and green transition impacted the ERM of an energy trading company located in Denmark. The empirical investigation is based on a single case study. The primary data sources are interviews, meeting attendance, and analysis of annual reports, sustainability reports, and information retrieved from the company’s website. The case is peculiar because the company belongs to an international group where sustainability has become fundamental in the strategic development and business model. Findings underline that although the company mainly manages financial risks, they all embed ESG issues therein. Thus, sustainability risk management (SRM) has become an integral part of the ERM, being flexible and agile. The company has also changed its focus from making profit to managing risks. The study contributes to the literature on SRM, by focusing on a company belonging to sector and a country particularly sensitive to ESG issues and green transition. The analysis also has practical implications for other companies and risk managers willing to adapt their existing organizational structures and processes to emerging needs.
The study addresses the way in which visual and discourse metaphors embody subversion in contemporary forms of documentary photography which investigate and illustrate the issue of surveillance. Surveillance art is part of a new configuration of the vigilance phenomena entailed by massive digitalization, in which the classic roles of the observer and the observed have been replaced by complex participatory dynamics. Combining social and cognitive semiotic approaches from a theoretical point of view, the analysis dwells on a corpus formed of imagery by Hasan Elahi, Tomas van Houtryve, Mishka Henner. The purpose is to detect and discuss a typology of visual metaphors, as well as metaphorizations of situations in curatorial and other discursive practices which accompany the photographic projects. Grammar of Visual Design by Kress and van Leeuwen will serve as the main theoretical starting point in defining and explaining a series of internal structures and visual mechanisms which produce a diverse array of subversive effects. The study further aims to discuss metaphors related to discourse practices, since all the art projects belonging to the aesthetics of surveillance are accompanied by an ample series of textual instances. There is also the hybrid manifestation, in which we can speak of interplay between images and texts. The aim is to create counter narrative effects, a phenomenon which can be considered a form of artistic hacktivism. Finally, we will argue that the resemantization of images and the perceptive implications related to this process are part of a deep social and psychological phenomenon. They represent a powerful indicator of the radical changes in the way in which we define the private and public sphere through the digital lens.
본 논문은 코로나 19를 관리하고 있는 한국의 방역 모델을 푸코의 생명정치 개념으로 분석한다. 대부분의 국가들이 전면적 봉쇄나 국경 폐쇄와 같은 공간적인 강제 조치를 통해 코로나 19에 대응한 데 반해, 한국은 어떠한 형태의 광범위한 공간적 폐쇄 조치 없이 현 상황을 관리하고 있다. 이 논문은 이러한 예외적인 방역 모델을 강압적인 명령 보다는 ‘순환의 문제’에 집중하는 안전장치의 작동을 기본 전략으로 하고, 국지적으로 규율적 격리와 치료의 방식을 덧붙인 생명정치적 ‘정치-역학’ 모델로 해석한다. 또한 본 논문은 이러한 모델의 작동에 중요한 역할을 했던 기술들이 공통적으로 이러한 메커니즘하에서 작동했다고 본다. 이와 같은 이해는 이 ‘정치-역학’ 모델의 개별적인 부분에 집중하는 해석과 달리 대규모 전염병 관리에 대한 보다 포괄적이고도 실천적인 이해를 제공한다.
This paper analyses South Korea's response to COVID-19 in the concept of Foucauldian biopolitics. South Korea's model is managing this pandemic situation without any extensive spatial restrictions, such as lockdown and blocking borders, whereas most countries rely on them. This paper understands this model as a biopolitical 'politico-epidemiological' model which takes the apparatuses of security, focusing on the 'problem of circulation', as a global and primary strategy, rather than oppressive orders, and locally utilizes disciplinary exercises. Also, this paper argues that various technologies which are regarded as instrumental in this model, such as geospatial technology, computational technology, and medical technology, are jointly exercised under this mechanism. This approach provides a more comprehensive and practical understanding of the 'politico-epidemiological' model that is actually exercised in the pandemic situation, rather than just focusing on the individual parts of the model.
Angesichts der steigenden Komplexität der Gesellschaft nimmt die Bedeutung von Governance als Politikmodus zu. Problemlösungskapazitäten werden via Kooperation und Partnerschaft vom Staat an das Publikum, Bürgerschaft und Organisationen aller Art, ausgelagert. Partizipation wird so zum Mittel der Governance – insbesondere auf lokaler Ebene. Damit ist die umstrittene Hoffnung verbunden, dass die erzielten Lösungen effizienter sind und auf besser verankerte Legitimität verweisen können. Partizipation führt nicht zu besseren Lösungen, ohne Entscheidungsprozesse durch weiter zunehmende Komplexität zu beschweren. Die Anforderungen der Partizipation stellt die öffentliche Verwaltung von neuen Herausforderungen hinsichtlich ihrer Flexibilität im Umgang mit den dabei vorgebrachten vielfältigen, oft widersprüchlichen Anliegen einer partizipativen, aktiven Bürgerschaft. Wie können öffentliche Verwaltungen ihre Organisationsstrukturen auf diese Herausforderungen einstellen? Im Beitrag werden bestehende empirische Studien und theoretische Ansätze in kritischer Auseinandersetzung mit neo-institutionalistischen Einbettungs- und Agency-Ansätzen sowie neueren organisationssoziologischen Ansätzen zur Beantwortung der Frage nach den strukturellen Bedingungen der Möglichkeit öffentlicher Governance-Verwaltung diskutiert.
Conflicts used to be accepted in the public sector. In fact, the state as a legal form was founded on a recognition that latent conflicts exist between societal and individual interests. Since around 2000, however, the public sector has declared war on all structures-whether legal, organizational, or professional. In this article, I see play as a symptom of this broader tendency to negate negativity in contemporary public governance regimes. In making this argument, the paper draws on Niklas Luhmann's distinction between structures and social immune mechanisms. Immune mechanisms, which serve to dissolve expectational certainty, protect communication when its continuation is threatened by structures developed by the communication itself. Through examples I show how the public sector recruits play as a communicative form that functions as a new type of social immune mechanism. But play as an immune mechanism is tricky, as it says 'no' both to structures and to negativity. Consequently, play attacks not only bureaucratic structures but also the structural possibilities of having conflicts, including ones entailing citizen resistance to the state.
To advance the debates around temporary migration in the Pacific, a governmentality framework contributes to understanding social and historical relations produced by migration management at regional, country, and individual scales. The Recognised Seasonal Employer's (RSE) scheme, the Pacific epitome of regulated migration, temporarily recruits participants from labour-rich countries to work in New Zealand's horticulture and viticulture sectors. Driven by agricultural labour shortfalls, it was conceived and promoted as a development intervention for Pacific countries, and is regularly claimed to provide a 'triple win' for employers and industry, Pacific countries via remittances, and participants' communities. Missing from these claims is an understanding of how seasonal migration fits into new migration management regimes, and the instruments deployed to enable this omission. To appreciate how workers' subjectivities are transformed to favour labour mobility, the spotlight is on the scheme's articulation as a development instrument, its operationalisation, and the mundane day-to-day situations it entails.
Neste artigo, analisamos postagens do Instagram da Bela Gil sobre alimentação saudável e comentários publicados pelos usuários. Partimos de uma observação sistemática do perfil entre janeiro de 2015 e julho de 2016 que nos permitiu identificar posições de sujeito da/à alimentação saudável presentes no processo de aconselhamento ali existente e nas formas de reconhecimento engendradas. Concluímos que as declarações produzidas por Bela Gil concebem a saúde, sobretudo, como responsabilidade individual e que sua autoridade é reconhecida mais pela identificação com sua experiência e convicção pessoal do que com os conhecimentos científicos eventualmente mobilizados.
The article aims to position itself within the contemporary theoretical debate on the crisis of the historical primacy of neoliberalism. Many commentators have seen in the public spending programs implemented to address the pandemic crisis a confirmation of the trend that emerged during the 2008 crisis, namely the end of the dogma of reducing public spending and forbidding any form of State intervention aimed at redistribution. These events are interpreted as the beginning of a new phase of post-neoliberalism. But is it so? Are we facing the definitive crisis and historical overcoming of neoliberalism, or are we instead facing a new variegation of it which – as has happened in other historical moments – allows this paradigm to survive and reproduce?
“Moverse con objetos” no solo hace referencia a un término, sino también a una forma de pensar la experiencia de la movilidad desde una perspectiva híbrida, relacional y ensamblada. Si bien se observa que “moverse con objetos” está siendo cada vez más relevante dentro de las investigaciones actuales, la movilidad humana todavía domina el campo. David Bissell (2009) explica que los objetos –bolsos, maletas, bolsones y otras “prótesis” ocupadas habitual -mente para moverse– no han sido considerados de la forma que debiesen por los estudios de la movilidad...
Den här texten avser att problematisera den pågående reformeringen av lärarutbildningen i Sverige genom en kritisk läsning och analys av regeringens direktiv till utredaren, där avsikten att höja lärarutbildningens kvalitet och läraryrkets status formuleras. Utifrån Millers och Roses begrepp problematisering undersöks hur problem med den nuvarande lärarutbildningen konstrueras och vilka lösningar och förändringar som därefter framställs som naturliga och nödvändiga. Analysen visar att direktivet inte framställer nuvarande lärarutbildningar som bristfälliga. I stället kopplas problem med kvalitet i lärarutbildningarna samman med brister hos studenterna, bristfälligt samarbete mellan lärosätena samt samhällsförändringar i stort. I diskussionen belyses hur den politiska strävan att förändra lärarutbildningens vetenskapliga grund kan ses som ett steg mot avprofessionalisering av läraryrket. Vidare lyfts risken att höjda antagningskrav och införandet av lämplighetsprov kan leda till att vissa studentgrupper exkluderas, samt vilka konsekvenser en sådan förändring kan medföra.
This paper explores the geographies of migrant schooling in Athens following the 2015–2016 crisis, which left thousands of migrants stranded in the country. Drawing on a multi‐sited ethnography of everyday bordering (2017–2018), I examine the school as an ordinary bureaucratic institution and as a physical space in relation to the border. I discuss the processes that rendered the schooling of racialised children a problem to be managed and solved. These migrant schooling timescapes, I argue, were marked by contradictory state logics, and temporalities, and were shaped by context‐specific colonial and racialisation discourses. These tensions shaped the encounters between families on the move and the state throughout the academic year. The paper argues that the school became an everyday space of bordering, controlling membership and reproducing the families’ marginalisation. In this way, it contributes to the literature that highlights the role of ordinary institutions and temporal forms of governance conditioning migrant lives.
Owing to the colonial heritage of its administrative structure, Hong Kong follows the dual arts administration structure common in English-speaking countries, namely, a culture and arts department run by officials under the command of the government and an arts council operating on the arm’s-length principle. However, the case of the HKADC is exceptional: about one half of its members are elected from among Hong Kong’s registered artists. Throughout its history, the HKADC has behaved more like a bureaucratically governed body. In English-speaking countries, culture and arts departments generally oversee museums, opera houses, cultural centers, and arts flagship companies, and thus receive a larger financial allocation and are held more politically accountable than arts councils, which primarily finance novice/experimental arts companies and community arts projects, receive less funding, and are held less accountable.
A new understanding of the nature of advanced industrial economies is derived from this extensive investigation of the ways in which the boundaries of the political have changed in Europe since the 1960s.
According to what I will call the "appearance-is-reality doctrine of mind," conscious mental states are identical to how they subjectively appear or present themselves to us in our experience of them. The doctrine has had a number of supporters but to date has not received from its proponents the comprehensive and systematic treatment that might be expected. In this paper I outline the key features of the appearance-is-reality doctrine along with the case for thinking that doctrine to be true. I also defend the doctrine from some objections. Finally, I spell out the important metaphysical and epistemological implications of the appearance-is-reality doctrine of mind.
Classical questions of state theory are confronted with the historical record in this wide-ranging discussion of theoretical issues. States examined include Sumer, Imperial China, the states of classical Islam, city-states, the varied states of capitalist society, and the Soviet state. Chapters are abstracted separately in Geo Abstracts D and International Development Abstracts. -R. House
western societies;ignorance;power;pleasure;prohibition
The Rise of Professional Society lays out a stimulating and controversial framework for the study of British society, challenging accepted paradigms based on class analysis. Perkins argues that the non-capitalist "professional class" represents a new principle of social organization based on trained expertise and meritocracy, a "forgotten middle class" conveniently overlooked by classical social theorists.
List of Figures - List of Tables - Acknowledgements - PART 1 INTRODUCTION - Introduction: How to Study the Force of Science M.Callon, J.Law and A.Rip - PART 2 THE POWER OF TEXTS IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY - The Sociology of an Actor-Network: The Case of the Electric Vehicle M.Callon - Laboratories and Texts J.Law - Writing Science: Fact and Fiction: The Analysis of the Process of Reality Construction through the Application of Socio-Semiotic Methods to Scientific Texts B.Latour and F.Bastide - The Heterogeneity of Texts J.Law - Mobilising Resources through Texts A.Rip - PART 3 MAPPING SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY - Qualitative Scientometrics M.Callon, A.Rip and J.Law - Aquaculture: A Field by Bureaucratic Fiat S.Bauin - State Intervention in Academic and Industrial Research: The Case of Macromolecular Chemistry in France W.Turner and M.Callon - Pinpointing Industrial Invention: An Exploration of Quantitative Methods for the Analysis of Patents M.Callon - Technical Issues and Developments in Methodology J-P.Courtial - Future Developments M.Callon, J-P.Courtial and W.Turner - PART 4 CONCLUSIONS - Putting Texts in their Place M.Callon, J.Law and A.Rip - Glossary - Bibliography - Index
This paper addresses the processes of reconciling hierarchies and American ideals and suggests ways in which the socially functional and radical traditions of corporate history could be extended to include such concerns. It focuses on the concepts through which hierarchies and managerial authority were rendered thinkable as positive components within American society and traces the formation of the notion of a dispassionate, professional managerial authority exercised through corporate hierarchies out of the ideals of American political culture. The reconciliation of hierarchy with American political culture is analyzed across the period 1900–1940 in three sections: the Progressive years, the 1920s, and the 1930s. This focus on a period that was decisive for both the modern corporation and the administrative literature associated with it provides considerable scope for extending critical studies of the corporation and management.
The analyses reported by Granato, Inglehart, and Leblang (1996; hereafter GIL) are a major improvement over the studies that we examined in our paper. Especially notable is their explicit evaluation of the cultural explanation against a major rival, as represented by endogenous growth models of scholars like Barro (1991), Levine and Renelt (1992), and Helliwell (1994). These models regress economic growth rates over a given period on a set of initial economic, human capital, and other variables. It is in the context of such models that GIL report a significant, independent effect of culture on growth.
GIL's attention to the robustness of their estimates contrasts sharply with the studies evaluated in Jackman and Miller (1996). Their analysis departs from recent treatments in another way. In contrast to Inglehart (1990), for example, who examines the seven different components of culture that we discuss, GIL restrict their attention to just two: postmaterialism and achievement motivation. They find that only achievement motivation affects growth, which serves as the basis for their conclusion about the importance of culture. In this sense, their work stands as a key amendment to recent studies with their emphasis on norms of trust, satisfaction, participation, and the like and signals a return to earlier work, exemplified most notably by McClelland's studies of need for achievement (1961; 1963; McClelland and Winter 1969). Given the exclusion of the former norms from GIL's analysis, along with their reported nonresults for postmaterialism, we take it that they regard achievement motivation as the only "cultural" value affecting economic growth. This narrows the field a good deal.
While there is thus much to recommend their paper over previous work, GIL's conclusion is ultimately unconvincing, on both theoretical and empirical grounds. We address these areas in turn.
This paper addresses the processes of reconciling hierarchies and American ideals and suggests ways in which the socially functional and radical traditions of corporate history could be extended to include such concerns. It focuses on the concepts through which hierarchies and managerial authority were rendered thinkable as positive components within American society and traces the formation of the notion of a dispassionate, professional managerial authority exercised through corporate hierarchies out of the ideals of American political culture. The reconciliation of hierarchy with American political culture is analyzed across the period 1900-1940 in three sections: the Progressive years, the 1920s, and the 1930s. This focus on a period that was decisive for both the modern corporation and the administrative literature associated with it provides considerable scope for extending critical studies of the corporation and management.
This paper proposes some new ways of analysing the exercise of political power in advanced liberal democratic societies. These are developed from Michel Foucault's conception of ‘governmentality’ and addresses political power in terms of ‘political rationalities’ and ‘technologies of government’. It draws attention to the diversity of regulatory mechanisms which seek to give effect to government, and to the particular importance of indirect mechanisms that link the conduct of individuals and organizations to political objectives through ‘action at a distance’. The paper argues for the importance of an analysis of language in understanding the constitution of the objects of politics, not simply in terms of meaning or rhetoric, but as ‘intellectual technologies’ that render aspects of existence amenable to inscription and calculation. It suggests that governmentality has a characteristically ‘programmatic’ form, and that it is inextricably bound to the invention and evaluation of technologies that seek to give it effect. It draws attention to the complex processes of negotiation and persuasion involved in the assemblage of loose and mobile networks that can bring persons, organizations and objectives into alignment. The argument is exemplified through considering various aspects of the regulation of economic life: attempts at national economic planning in post-war France and England; the role ascribed to changing accounting practices in the UK in the 1960s; techniques of managing the internal world of the workplace that have come to lay special emphasis upon the psychological features of the producing subjects. The paper contends that ‘governmentality’ has come to depend in crucial respects upon the intellectual technologies, practical activities and social authority associated with expertise. It argues that the self-regulating capacities of subjects, shaped and normalized through expertise, are key resources for governing in a liberal-democratic way.
