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Abstract
The creative city thesis states that creativity — a creative milieu — is an important precondition for innovation to flourish. Yet, the creative city is often considered a hype, something momentary. This raises the question of whether this thesis has any long-term value. This paper reflects on this question from a local policy perspective. It first presents key elements (success factors) of the creative city as emphasised in academic literature, including an assessment of the extent to which these can be applied in local policies. Next, it analyses their practical application in the two main Dutch cities, Amsterdam and Rotterdam. By assessing these cases against the background of the listed success factors, the paper concludes with some implications for local policy.
... Alongside the consumption and production milieu promotion, we include the following sub-strategies into this category: a) Creative city as a place marketing strategy -its main aim is to attract investors, tourists or new residents into a territory, improving its competitive advantage, image, position in the territory market, etc. In order to reach such a goal, place marketing tools can be used -product (place and basically everything -tangible and intangible -what is in the city ), price (price of land, houses, taxes, services, etc.), accessibility (geographical location of the city, transport in the city, traffic signs, etc.), people (public, private and voluntary/community sectors), tools of marketing communication (promotion, PR, di-rect mail, event marketing, personal communication, sales support) 23 ; b) Creative city as a strategy oriented on tourism -even though tourism has a very good effect on the development of the city's facilities, its social-economic situation, awareness and self-confidence of its residents, and organization of various events, it is not recommended to focus exclusively on this strategy. Tourists have usually different needs and requirements than the residents, which is why they should not be the only one target group 24 . ...
... In this case, it is really important to unleash the available creativity and try to focus on specific and unique forms of tourism, e.g. catastrophic tourism (not to save someone/something, only to watch a disaster and its aftermath); dark tourism (searching places related to death); pop-culture tourism (specifically visiting places that we have read about or seen in a movie); Vacilando (travelling is more important than destination itself); bizarre -experimental tourism (choosing the target destination on the basis of experimental ideas -visiting the "centres" of bureaucracy -waiting rooms, social service agencies, municipal offices, police stations, and using their equipment -copiers, leaflets, magazines, samples, etc.); over- 23 night travel (arriving to the target destination at night and examining it just then). 25 ...
... Interestingly, only 10-20% of this investment goes into event-specific installations such as stadiums while 80-90% goes into urban and countrywide infrastructure -for instance, new streets, metro stations, safety and security systems, housing and, even, new power plants. 23 All of this has generated new forms of urban governance whereby sports mega-events promote the spirit of collaboration in the various cross-sector partnerships. Increasingly, local populations rely on sports mega-events to generate oppor-tunity that improves their lives. ...
The principal goal of the paper is to identify links between the implementation of the idea of sustainable
development and solutions proposed in urban policies. The paper discusses three issues connected with activities and tools involved in practical implementation of urban policies, which, according to the author, emerge more and more clearly in the cities in Poland and in Europe. These issues focus around three thematic groups: low emission urban transport, civic participation, and shaping urban public space. For each group there are examples of actions delivered as a part of urban policy and attention is drawn to strong relationships among the three of them.
... Alongside the consumption and production milieu promotion, we include the following sub-strategies into this category: a) Creative city as a place marketing strategy -its main aim is to attract investors, tourists or new residents into a territory, improving its competitive advantage, image, position in the territory market, etc. In order to reach such a goal, place marketing tools can be used -product (place and basically everything -tangible and intangible -what is in the city ), price (price of land, houses, taxes, services, etc.), accessibility (geographical location of the city, transport in the city, traffic signs, etc.), people (public, private and voluntary/community sectors), tools of marketing communication (promotion, PR, di-rect mail, event marketing, personal communication, sales support) 23 ; b) Creative city as a strategy oriented on tourism -even though tourism has a very good effect on the development of the city's facilities, its social-economic situation, awareness and self-confidence of its residents, and organization of various events, it is not recommended to focus exclusively on this strategy. Tourists have usually different needs and requirements than the residents, which is why they should not be the only one target group 24 . ...
... In this case, it is really important to unleash the available creativity and try to focus on specific and unique forms of tourism, e.g. catastrophic tourism (not to save someone/something, only to watch a disaster and its aftermath); dark tourism (searching places related to death); pop-culture tourism (specifically visiting places that we have read about or seen in a movie); Vacilando (travelling is more important than destination itself); bizarre -experimental tourism (choosing the target destination on the basis of experimental ideas -visiting the "centres" of bureaucracy -waiting rooms, social service agencies, municipal offices, police stations, and using their equipment -copiers, leaflets, magazines, samples, etc.); over- 23 night travel (arriving to the target destination at night and examining it just then). 25 ...
... Interestingly, only 10-20% of this investment goes into event-specific installations such as stadiums while 80-90% goes into urban and countrywide infrastructure -for instance, new streets, metro stations, safety and security systems, housing and, even, new power plants. 23 All of this has generated new forms of urban governance whereby sports mega-events promote the spirit of collaboration in the various cross-sector partnerships. Increasingly, local populations rely on sports mega-events to generate oppor-tunity that improves their lives. ...
Issues discussed below concern conditions and needs to implement Integrated Territorial Investments (ITIs) in
Sub‑regional Functional Areas (SFA) within the framework of regional policy in the period 2014–2020. We
must stress that ITIs are dedicated in principle to Urban Functional Areas in Regional Centres (UFA RC) but the practice of regional development shows they also apply to the programming of SFA development. ITIs are a new tool of regional policy, and its goal is to develop a partnership model of collaboration of self‑government units, as well as to comprehensively solve city development problems and the problems of their functional areas. As a recipient of ITIs a SFA should represent common social and economic characteristics and functional links. Considerations relate to the notion and nature of SFA in theory and development policy as well as to criteria and rules of their delimitation. These aspects point to the need to work out optimum tools for defining and delineating functional areas, which constitutes the basis for ITI. Further we discuss the principles, scope and goals of the ITI implementation in SFA. The analysis demonstrated both strengths and weaknesses of ITIs implementation in SFA. Among advantages we can highlight the complexity and cohesion of the development going beyond local goals. However, it requires the ability to collaborate, respect for rules of collaboration, i.e. appropriate social capital. The weaknesses of ITI include the absence of uniform procedure at both national and regional level applied when starting collaboration and when selecting and funding development tasks approved for implementation.
... To provide context, we begin our analysis with what has come to be known as the 'creative cities thesis' -largely because this topic has attracted much recent attention, both among academics and policy-makers (Romein and Trip, 2009 review key aspects of this literature). Spurred by the decline and outsourcing of manufacturing in Western economies since the 1970s, many cities have sought alternative sources of vitality. ...
... Nurturing and attracting such persons, however, may depend on a city's broader social climate. Indeed, many authors posit a link between, on the one hand, diversity, openness and tolerance, and, on the other, innovation (Florida, 2002;Kotkin, 2001;Romein and Trip, 2009). Tolerant residents, they argue, support an environment in which alternative styles, unconventional ideas, and diversity in thought and practice can ourish. ...
... Creativity literature also stressed creative infrastructure for fostering creative environments or building creative cities (see, e.g., Bayliss, 2007;Comunian, 2011;Darchen, 2013;Evans, 2009;Hartley, Potts, & MacDonald, 2012;Markusen, 1999Markusen, , 2006McGranahan & Wojan, 2007;Sasaki, 2001;Yum, 2016). For instance, Romein and Trip (2009) suggested eight key elements of the creative city, including rest infrastructure (diversity of cafes, restaurants, and parks) and culture (foreign-born population, subcultures, and cultural heritage). Sasaki (2001) defined the creative city as a city that cultivated new trends in arts and culture and promotes innovative and creative industries. ...
There is some doubt about the effect of creative class on economic development. There is also concern that the 3Ts index (Talent, Technology, and Tolerance) does not take into account two of the most important elements of creativity into its index: creative infrastructure and culture. The present study proposed a new creativity index called 3Ci (Creative class, Creative infrastructure, and Culture) and explored how they played an important role in economic development across countries through a systematic literature review and econometric models. The present study found that creative class played a different role in economic development across articles and countries and all 35 articles in the present study suggested creative infrastructure and culture as two of the most important factors for creativity. The present study also highlighted that creative class, creative infrastructure, and culture were positively related to economic development in all US Metropolitan Statistical Areas and they should be considered when measuring the magnitude of creative cities.
... To shed light on this dilemma we may identify creative city policy approaches on the basis of a literature review (e.g. Duxbury, 2004;Romein and Trip, 2009;Smith and Warfield, 2008). In order to shed light on structural aspects, we rely here on three social sectors: civil society, business and government, and relate them to the assumed base of creative economy: local culture, creative industries and prestigious cultural institutions. ...
This article provides an overview of local governments’ opportunities to utilise creative city thinking in their local development policy. The aim is to shed light on how creative city approaches relate to structural urban asymmetry, i.e. how structural factors condition local governments’ efforts to translate creative city theories into urban development policies. For the analysis ideal types of creative city approaches are constructed to be analysed from a structural perspective. In the empirical part, three growth-oriented approaches of these ideal types – community, business and institutionally oriented creative city policies – are discussed by presenting three cases of Finnish creative communities, those of Helsinki, Tampere and Kaustinen. Analysis reveals that structural conditions affect the critical mass and resilience rather than the range of tools applied to creative city policy. Structural conditions are particularly relevant through their resonances in governance and policy outcomes and making synergetic specialisation possible.
... The majority of existing work in this vein focuses predominately on Richard Florida's creative city discourse and asserts that his work has had a major influence on the language and direction of urban policies, often reinforcing neoliberal agendas (Gibson and Klocker, 2005;Peck, 2005). Case study research conducted in North America McCann, 2007;Long, 2009;Ponzini and Rossi, 2010;Zimmerman, 2008), Europe (Bayliss 2007;Romein and Trip, 2009;Vanolo, 2008), Australia (Atkinson and Easthope, 2009;Gibson and Klocker, 2005), and Asia (Kong and O'Conner, 2009;Sasaki, 2010) is overwhelmingly critical of creative city policies for exacerbating social and economic inequalities despite the adoption of language that stresses the importance of public space and cultural diversity. This work finds that cities pursue the creative city agenda primarily as a place-marketing tool that privileges the needs and desires of particular groups, including specific segments of the creative economy workforce, typically by encouraging gentrification and displacement in central city areas. ...
While a growing body of research analyses the functional mechanisms of the cultural or creative economy, there has been little attention devoted to understanding how local governments translate this work into policy. Moreover, research in this vein focuses predominately on Richard Florida's creative class thesis rather than considering the wider body of work that may influence policy. This article seeks to develop a deeper understanding of how municipalities conceptualize and plan for the cultural economy through the lens of two cities held up as model ‘creative cities’ — Austin, Texas and Toronto, Ontario. The work pays particular attention to how the cities adopt and adapt leading theories, strategies and discourses of the cultural economy. While policy documents indicate that the cities embrace the creative city model, in practice agencies tend to adapt conventional economic development strategies for cultural economy activity and appropriate the language of the creative city for multiple purposes.
... However, not only is there a real difference between actually being intelligent and simply lauding a label (Hollands, 2008), but there is a difference between what being "intelligent" in one city means and what being "intelligent" means in another. At minimum, it seems that an "intelligent" city will have a coherent framework and a unified methodology for the design and implementation of its "intelligence" (Romein and Trip, 2009). ...
Since the 1990s, there have been many discussions in both academic and policy communities about the role ICT play in social, economic, and spatial development patterns. During the process, the concept of intelligent cities has emerged and in most cases that concept comes with a sheen of technological determinism. In broad terms, this concept articulates the relationships within and between the city and its surroundings, emphasizing the importance of organizational capacity, institutional leadership, creativity, and technology as drivers for change in a globalized and knowledge-driven economy. Bearing in mind that the changing role of government in service provision and the need for a collaborative-based approach are extensively gaining increasing recognition, on the one hand, and using the Portuguese case as an example of policy approaches in this domain, on the other hand, the article seeks both to bring critical commentary to this arena and to issue a challenge to policy makers to engage in a more appropriate set of discussions about this subject.
Implementing creative cities strategies is one of the practical solutions for todays, cities. Cities, which have societal, economical, cultural and environmental issues, are able to moderate these issues through prioritizing creative elements. The purpose of this research is evaluation of challenges and opportunities in developing a creative city in "ARAS FREE TRAD – INDUSTRIAL ZONE The collection of requirements data has been done with literature review (documental) and field work survey. The research involves collecting date through different approaches including: questionnaire, field observation and interview. SWOT technique has been also used to analyze and give guideline. Examining and analyzing different aspects of region, demonstrates that it has more strength points and opportunities. The results of this study indicate followings: standing in international transportation (six corridor) with weight of 0.32, neglecting cultural and societal with weight of 0.21 are respectively, among strength and weakness points. Possessing a strategic geographical location with weight of 0.28 and advertisement, agencies, administrative offices and limited marketing with weight of 0.28 are. Respectively, the most important opportunities and threats to the region. With augmentation of strengths and opportunities points, transition from current trend to innovative development in Aras Free Zone accelerate and will close to the criterions of world creative cities. The results show that region despite having capabilities and basic infrastructure as well as having an aggressive strategy, still have more distance with important and necessary situations from a creative city.
The presence of lusophone identity in urban creativity practices through examples of Lisbon, São Paulo and Goa
São Paulo e Lisboa. Um deles é uma das metrópoles mais populosas no mundo, a maior cidade do Brasil, outra é a capital de Portugal, estado-membro da União Europeia.
Ambos estão compartilhando uma linguagem comum, semelhanças na história e na cultura. E nos últimos anos ambos estão enfrentando problemas graves econômicos, políticos e sociais.
Ao longo das últimas décadas, em ambas as cidades várias iniciativas foram criadas com o objectivo de envolver os habitantes locais e colaborar com eles para influenciar diretamente a qualidade da vida urbana. Esta pesquisa explora como as mudanças no poder e circunstâncias políticas e econômicas influenciam tanto a cidade quanto a vida dos habitantes locais. Examino a forma como iniciativas específicas ascendentes (bottom-up) abordam diversos problemas da sociedade; avalio as melhores práticas de criatividade urbana e como os problemas atuais e soluções surgem em uma metrópole contemporânea. A pesquisa é baseada em viagens de estudo a São Paulo e Lisboa, onde foram realizadas entrevistas com representantes atuantes em organizações inovadoras de economia criativa, oferecendo rotineiramente soluções para as necessidades das pessoas nos espaços públicos urbanos.
Development strategy based on cultural, innovative and creative activities but worried about the possibilities
of being foreign bodies to the community and the city. Hence the associated goal of establishing
a creative ecosystem that seeks to create strong and direct links of local stakeholders with this strategic
investment. The other challenge was to demonstrate that, in spite of all known experiences have taken
place in major cities, this strategy could be implemented in low density urban spaces. This is the story
of the overcoming these two challenges.
This article develops a critique of the recently popularized concepts of the 'creative class' and 'creative cities'. The geographic reach and policy salience of these discourses is explained not in terms of their intrinsic merits, which can be challenged on a number of grounds, but as a function of the profoundly neoliberalized urban landscapes across which they have been traveling. For all their performative display of liberal cultural innovation, creativity strategies barely disrupt extant urban-policy orthodoxies, based on interlocal competition, place marketing, property- and market-led development, gentrification and normalized socio-spatial inequality. More than this, these increasingly prevalent strategies extend and recodify entrenched tendencies in neoliberal urban politics, seductively repackaging them in the soft-focus terms of cultural policy. This has the effect of elevating creativity to the status of a new urban imperative - defining new sites, validating new strategies, placing new subjects and establishing new stakes in the realm of competitive interurban relations.
This article seeks to re-imagine the urban economy from a cultural-economy perspective. The first part summarizes a perspective arguing that economic life is so shot through with cultural inputs and practices at all levels that ‘culture’ and ‘economy’ cannot be seen as separate entities. Focusing on the power of such influences as passion, moral values, soft knowledge, trust and cultural metaphor, the article illustrates different ways in which the economy can be imagined only as a hybrid entanglement. The second part uses the insight gained to illustrate how the urban is implicated in narrating new economic mantras as well as supporting and defining the everyday cultural-economy. The purpose of this illustration is to reveal new ways in which the urban economy might be grasped.
Rotterdam heeft de naam een metropool te zijn. Het imago van het wereldse ‘Manhattan aan de Maas’ is sterker dan ooit te voren. Hoe is dit beeld ontstaan? In haar proefschrift Dromen van een Metropool: De creatieve klasse van Rotterdam 1970-2000, onderzoekt Patricia van Ulzen de ingrijpende veranderingen van het stedelijke en culturele klimaat in Rotterdam tussen 1970 en 2000, en de rol die kunstenaars en culturele ondernemers hierin speelden. Ze laat zien dat het op de eerste plaats een nieuwe visie op Rotterdam was, die de ontwikkeling van de stad in deze periode heeft gestimuleerd.
Over de vraag wat de belangrijkste veranderingen zijn geweest in het stedelijke en culturele klimaat van Rotterdam tussen 1970 en 2000, en wanneer die hebben plaatsgevonden, lopen de meningen uiteen. Volgens Patricia van Ulzen heeft vooral het ontstaan van een nieuwe visie op Rotterdam de ontwikkeling van de stad in deze periode gestimuleerd. Was Rotterdam in 1970 nog een stad met een identiteitscrisis, die niet groot maar klein wilde zijn, en gezellig in plaats van zakelijk, rond 2000 presenteerde de stad zich als de meest grootstedelijke van alle Nederlandse steden. Kunstenaars en andere culturele experts een groep die tegenwoordig wordt aangeduid als de creatieve klasse waren de eersten die deze grootstedelijke visie ontwikkelden. Zo verrichtten zij het voorwerk voor het Nieuwe Rotterdam dat vanaf het einde van de jaren tachtig concreet vorm kreeg.
In het goed gedocumenteerde en geïllustreerde proefschrift geeft Patricia van Ulzen niet alleen een historisch overzicht van de contemporaine culturele geschiedenis van Rotterdam, maar ook een uitgebreide analyse van het beeld van de stad, zoals dat oprijst uit allerlei materiaal, waaronder tv-reclames en films. Ze toont aan hoe een groep van Rotterdamse architecten, vormgevers, kunstenaars, cultuurspecialisten, en horeca- en culturele ondernemers zich vanaf de jaren zeventig verzetten om van Rotterdam een kleinschalige stad te maken. Daarbij grepen zij terug op de grootstedelijke aspiraties van Rotterdam in de negentiende eeuw, het interbellum en de wederopbouwperiode.
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