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DOI: 10.1177/1461444816644567
nms.sagepub.com
Gold, power, protest: Digital
and social media and protests
against large-scale mining
projects in Colombia
Doug Specht
University of Westminster, UK
Mirjam AF Ros-Tonen
University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Abstract
Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened
for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements
object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing
countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy
papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social
media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can
help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new
media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the
constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social
movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do
not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both
internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital
and social media use.
Keywords
Civic engagement, Colombia, digital media, Facebook, keyboard activism, mining
protests, online activism, political mobilisation, social media, social movements
Corresponding author:
Doug Specht, Communication and Media Research Institute, University of Westminster, Watford Road,
Northwick Park, London HA1 3TP, UK.
Email: d.specht@westminster.ac.uk
644567NMS0010.1177/1461444816644567new media & societySpecht and Ros-Tonen
research-article2016
Article
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2 new media & society
Introduction
Digital media use developed significantly the past decade, providing mobilising and
opportunity structures that allow social movement organisations (SMOs) to emerge or
renovate and spread their narratives through social media (Juris, 2005; McAdam et al.,
1996 cited in Garrett, 2006). Colombia is one of those countries where Internet and
mobile technologies expanded tremendously (Ministerio de Tecnologías de la
Información y las Comunicaciones [MinTIC], 2014). The question of how digital and
social media affect activism and SMOs in Colombia is therefore opportune. This study
assesses this impact on SMOs engaging in mining protests. Digital and social media1
transform political activism and SMOs notably in terms of action repertoire, spatial
scope of action, international exposure and potential social influence (Anduiza et al.,
2012; Gil de Zúñiga, 2009; Van Laer and Van Aelst, 2010). However, most literature on
SMOs and digital media tends to focus on developed countries (e.g. Bennett et al., 2008;
Garrett, 2006) and the Islamic world (e.g. Juris, 2005; Robertson, 2015). Studies on how
digital media affect political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce (e.g.
Ali, 2011; Harlow, 2012; Rojas and Puig-i-Abril, 2009; Valenzuela, 2013).
Focusing on protests against the gold mining company La Colosa in Tolima
Department, this article aims to contribute to this field by addressing the questions of (1)
whether and how Colombian SMOs use digital media in protesting against adverse
effects of the mining industry in Colombia, (2) whether these technologies create the
critical mass to fight the mining company and (3) whether they enhance horizontal lead-
ership and knowledge structures. After presenting the contextual background and meth-
odology employed, we address these questions in the ‘Results’ section. We then discuss
the potential of digital and social media in mining protests. The conclusion answers the
research questions and discusses the implications.
Background
Growing resistance against the mining industry
Colombia is home to 12 of the world’s largest gold deposits (those over 1 million oz).
In the past decade, high demand and prices, improved security and public policies gave
a boost to the industry, with the departments of Antioquia and Chocó being the lead
producers (Sarmiento et al., 2013). The Santos government’s policy of opening doors to
foreign mining companies has paved the way for foreign exploitation. Despite a mere
2% contribution to Colombia’s gross domestic product (GDP), mining helped to stimu-
late an average 4.8% GDP growth rate between 2010 and 2013, making Colombia the
fifth largest economy in Latin America (World Bank, 2015). Through a business-
friendly and security-oriented policy, the government hopes to attract foreign invest-
ment, stimulate export and the inflow of foreign exchange and stabilise the national
economy (Aguilera, 2012; Vélez-Torres, 2014). Conversely, expanding gold mining
brings competing land and water claims, pollution with cyanide and heavy metals, envi-
ronmental degradation, displacement of communities, increasing militarisation and
policing, violations of indigenous and human rights, and loss of livelihood opportuni-
ties for farmers, small-scale miners and workers in the tourism industry.2 Mining
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 3
expansion since the mid-2000s has therefore led to increased protests and the rise of
environmental SMOs across the country. Of the 99 environmental conflicts in Colombia
registered in the Environmental Justice Atlas (ejatlas.org), 36 revolve around gold with
varying intensity levels (Figure 1).
Among the high-level conflicts is the Angostura mining project in the Páramo de Santurbán
in eastern Colombia, involving more than 40 SMOs (Özkaynak and Rodríguez-Labajos,
Figure 1. Gold mining-related conflicts reported by Ejolt Atlas 2012–2015, Conflict Data, June
2015 (http://ejatlas.org/, accessed June 2015).
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4 new media & society
2012). AngloGold Ashanti (AGA), the company involved in the conflict addressed in this
article, is also involved in several other mining conflicts classed as medium-to-high level, for
example, those associated with the Gramalote mining project and mining in the municipality
of Jericó (Antioquia) and the Serranía de San Lucas conflict (southern Bolivar).
These protests occur against a background of violent conflict due to guerrilla war and
drug trafficking, brutal oppression, structural poverty, natural resource conflicts and
almost constant US military interventions (Sarmiento et al., 2013). Demonstrating a sta-
tistically significant increase in homicides and massacres in municipalities with gold
production, Idrobo et al. (2014) believe that gold is ‘the new engine in the Colombian
conflict’ (p. 4).
Protests achieved minor successes, such as the suspension of policies that promote
large-scale mining in the Quindío Department, re-assessment of World Bank funding for
the Angostura mining project in the Páramo of Santurbán and delays of explorations due
to successful court cases or disputed Environmental Impact Assessments (ejatlas.org;
Özkaynak and Rodríguez-Labajos, 2012).
Uptake of mobile and digital technologies and social media use in
Colombia
Colombia has 25 million Internet users (52% of the population), 63.8% of whom accessed
Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and other social networking sites in 2014 (Departamento
Administrativo Nacional de Estadística [DANE], 2015; International Telecommunication
Union [ITU], 2014a, 2014b; MinTIC, 2014). The proportion of individuals using the
Internet in Colombia is higher than neighbouring Andean countries, and in terms of
Internet connectivity, Colombia occupies a middle position between developed and
developing countries (Table 1).
Mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants increased from 97.7 in 2010 to 108.3
in 2013 (MinTIC, 2014), and mobile Internet subscriptions per 100 inhabitants in 2014
(42.2%) had grown 16% compared to 2010 (MinTIC, 2014). Hence, there is sufficient
infrastructure in Colombia for digital media to play a role in SMO protests. The introduc-
tion of Facebook’s ‘internet.org’ project in Colombia in January 2015 is likely to see this
usage increase dramatically (MinTIC, 2015).
Case study area: Cajamarca region, Tolima Department
Cajamarca (18,000 inhabitants) is situated in the Tolima Department along the highway
from Bogotá to the rest of western Colombia. The town caters to this passing trade, but
most inhabitants are employed in farming. Unemployment runs at 12.4% with many
people living subsistence lifestyles on small land plots (DANE, 2014). Wired Internet
and telephone access is limited and physical connections do not reach many of the outly-
ing parts of the town. Ibagué (650,000 inhabitants), the department capital, conversely
has accessible Internet connections to most homes.
Tolima sits upon a large gold deposit. With estimated resources of 26.9 Moz (million
ounces) and an average head grade (metal content of ore) of 0.81 g/t, annual production
of 70 tonnes over 25 years is anticipated (AGA, 2012). In 2003, this deposit was sold as
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 5
the Colosa mining concession to the South African AGA company – the world’s third
largest gold producer, active in Colombia since 2000 (AGA, 2012). The 600-km2 conces-
sion lies 14 km from Cajamarca and 6 km from the main highway in the Coello basin
(AGA, 2011). When operational, La Colosa will add significantly to AGA’s portfolio
within Colombia (AGA, 2011).
Despite AGA’s ‘commitment to environmental stewardship’ (AGA, 2008), concerns
about adverse impacts of La Colosa revolve around the potential destruction of the
páramo, a rare tropical mountain habitat,3 and the consequences for drinking water pro-
vision in Cajamarca and rice production downstream4 due to the huge quantities of water
needed for the mining activities and water pollution due to waste and waste rock disposal
containing heavy metals and poisons such as arsenic and mercury (Özkaynak and
Rodríguez-Labajos, 2012). Several interviewees (see section ‘Methodology’) also
expressed fears that Cajamarca will be ‘consumed’ by the mining complex and that the
social fabric would be negatively affected by diverging opinions on the mine among
family and friends. Several SMOs within and outside the region protest the extractive
industry (Table 2).
Hypotheses
Reducing communication costs, facilitating communication between geographically dis-
persed persons and aiding the formation of collective identities, Internet and digital
media allow a space for voice and political mobilisation (Bennett, 2003: 143). This arti-
cle discusses four factors that determine the political effectiveness of digital and social
media use by SMOs: socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the risks of key-
board activism and ‘clicktivism’, and the internal politics of knowledge.
Table 1. Internet and mobile phone use in Colombia in comparative perspective (2013).
Country/
region
Mobile cellular
subscriptions/
100 inhabitantsa
% of
individuals
using the
Internet
Mobile-
broadband
penetration
rateb
ICT
Development
Index (IDI)b
IDI rank
in the
Americasb
Global
IDI
rankb
World 40c
Developed
countries
78c
Developing
countries
32c
Bolivia 97.7 39.5b14 3.78 25 107
Colombia 104.1 51.7b25 4.95 14 77
Ecuador 111.5 40.4b27 5.46 19 55
Peru 98.1 39.2b3 4.00 24 105
Venezuela 101.6 54.9b4 4.81 16 80
Sources: aWorld Bank (2015), bITU (2014a) and cITU (2014b).
ITU: International Telecommunication Union; ICT: information and communications technology; IDI: ICT
development index.
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6 new media & society
Socioeconomic constraints
The persisting digital divide (Harlow, 2012; Van Laer and Van Aelst, 2010) and differ-
ent cultural contexts (Harlow and Harp, 2012; Valenzuela, 2013) may affect digital and
social media use and effectiveness among SMOs in developing countries differently.
Despite increased connectivity, Colombia still suffers from a digital divide. Mobile
Internet use is not affordable for all: the cost of handset-based mobile-broadband ser-
vices is 1% of disposable income for the richest 20% and more than 20% of disposable
income for the poorest 20% of the population (ITU, 2014a: 147–148). While all regions
have network coverage, at least in department capitals (MinTIC, 2014), there is still a
significant urban-rural divide (ITU, 2014a). Literacy, language barriers and cultural
relevance have also been mentioned as constraints to the use of information and com-
munications technologies (ICTs) in developing countries (Ali, 2011). Hence, our first
hypothesis:
H1. Socioeconomic constrains affect the use and political effectiveness of digital and
social media by SMOs in a developing country like Colombia.
Table 2. Overview of SMOs protesting La Colosa.
SMO Location Scope and characteristics
1. Semillas de Agua Bogotá/
Ibagué
Established in 1992 to protect water. Strong
international network. Leading pioneer in
resisting La Colosa
2. WWF Colombia Cali Broad scope of actions related to freshwater,
forests, climate change, oceans. Provides advice
and training to SMOs protesting the mining
industry
3. Comité Ambiental y
Campesino Cajamarca
Bogotá/
Ibagué/
Cajamarca
Local branch of national NGO (Network for
Environmental Justice in Colombia). Eco-
socialist focus on climate change and mining
4. Fundación Vida Libre Cajamarca Environmental NGO
5. Asociación de Productores
Agroecológicos del Cañón
del Rio Anaime (APACRA)
Cajamarca Small SMO promoting agro-ecological farming
through workshops and a small shop
6. Colectivo SocioAmbiental
Juvenil Cajamarcuno
(Colectivo Cosajuca)
Ibagué Environmental student organisation
(Universidad de Tolima)
7. Conciencia Campesina Ibagué Local branch of a wider global Campesino
movement. Established in Ibagué in 2009
8. Latin American Institute
for an Alternative Society
and Alternative Law (ILSA)
Bogotá American organisation providing legal support
to communities and SMOs in the region
SMO: social movement organisation; WWF: World Widfe Fund For Nature; NGO: non-governmental
organisation; ILSA: Instituto Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos.
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 7
Fear of oppression
Colombia has a rich history of oppression by the military, paramilitary and guerrilla (e.g.
Palacios, 2006). Ziccardi (2013: 126) assumes that digital resistance is more likely to
occur in states with little respect for human rights. However, the very same technologies
that have been hailed as tools to free the world are also being used to control and oppress
opposition to governments worldwide (Joseph, 2012; Van Laer and Van Aelst, 2010).
Although Colombia is not particularly known for legal or technical restrictions to Internet
use, self-censure may occur if Internet users feel the normalising effects and disciplining
power of Internet control and surveillance (Mehta and Darier, 1998). The ‘invisible hand’
of mining companies may be felt considering that 89% of human right violations and
78% of attacks against union members occur in regions with extractive industries
(Contraloría General de la República, 2013). The lines between gold mining companies,
politics and paramilitary forces can be thin (Rochlin, 2015).
This results in our second hypothesis:
H2. Fear of oppression by government and companies limits the engagement of SMO
members in digital and social media.
Keyboard activism
Social media may lull people into thinking that they are creating change without making
any real stands. This bears the risk of ‘slacker activism’ or briefly ‘slacktivism’ or
‘clicktivism’ – a ‘token display of support for a social cause’ without willingness to
‘devote significant effort’ to effect change (Kristofferson et al., 2014: 1149). It involves
low-cost, low-effort actions such as signing online petitions, sharing content and push-
ing social buttons such as ‘liking’ something on Facebook (Halupka, 2014). Controversy
exists on whether slacktivism is a legitimate form of protest or whether it negatively
affects more meaningful activism on the ground (Kristofferson et al., 2014). The risk of
‘keyboard activism’ is that it may not impress those targeted in protests (Van Laer and
Van Aelst, 2010).
We therefore hypothesise the following:
H3. Social and digital media use by SMOs does not necessarily translate into greater
power.
The internal politics of knowledge
Knowledge is value-laden and constructed from interests (Hordijk and Baud, 2006: 672);
ideas can never be seen as innocent but ‘either reinforce or challenge existing social and
economic arrangements’ (Bryant, 1998: 87). These Foucauldian notions of ‘knowledge
as power’ challenge the much-lauded ability of digital and social media to break down
hierarchical structures, create horizontal power and increase political participation
through an almost socialist management of knowledge (Castells, 2012; Juris, 2005).
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8 new media & society
There is even ‘the risk of furthering inequality if the population of social media users is
skewed towards the technologically savvy and those with high human, social, and eco-
nomic capital’ (Valenzuela, 2013: 17). Political ecology has examined the ‘politics of
knowledge’ (Bryant, 1998; Leach and Scoones, 2007; Peet and Watts, 2004) as strategies
to construct and politically use multiple knowledges to frame problems and solutions in
one’s interests – by those in power to justify exclusion of particular groups from access
to resources or by those engaged in social action to contest established knowledge and
power relations.
Much less attention has been paid to the internal politics of knowledge within SMOs,
which is much more related to the adage ‘knowledge is power’ and provides authority to
knowledge holders to negotiate with other parties, advocate their cause and pursue their
interests. Seeking to maintain this privileged position makes them unwilling to share
their knowledge (Jacobs et al., 2015), which may be reinforced by a lack of trust and soli-
darity (Kavada, 2005). This may confirm and strengthen the digital divide between those
who have the means and skills to use Internet and those who have not (Van Laer and Van
Aelst, 2010), with the risk of creating a ‘democratic divide’ (Norris, 2001).
Our fourth hypothesis is therefore as follows:
H4. Internal ‘politics of knowledge’ prevent digital and social media to produce hori-
zontal leadership structures within SMOs.
Methodology
Mixed methods were employed, including surveys, interviews and participant observa-
tion. Purposive sampling was used to identify respondents from SMOs, snowballing
from Universidad del Valle, Cali, where links with SMOs were already formed. This
technique was required due to prevailing suspicion and mistrust within SMOs, which
made it impossible to gain access without an introduction.
The survey among SMO members (n = 98) was primarily meant to ascertain the levels
of mobile phone, smartphone and Internet connectivity. At this stage, questions about
protest and collective action were asked in broad and open terms, with no specific link to
the mining industry. An online version enabled people to take the survey remotely
(n = 23) and mitigate some of the security limitations. Some persons (n = 10) undertook
the survey digitally in the presence of the principal researcher, which gave additional
insights into the use of computer technologies.
The survey provided data to test H1–H3. For H1, questions were asked about personal
characteristics, including education, occupation and digital media possession. For H2,
questions included whether respondents refrained from publishing information on the
Internet out of fear of companies or government. Data for H3 were collected through
questions about the frequency and purpose of Internet, social media and smartphone use.
Semi-structured interviews were held with people (n = 24) heading SMOs protesting
the mining industry. These helped ascertain the nature and actions of SMOs and gave
insight into how these organisations see the role of digital and social media in their pro-
test. More in-depth questions about Internet use and information sharing provided data
to assess H4.
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 9
Participant observation helped making estimates and assumptions about peoples’
readiness to use their phones in public spaces and to share collective devices. Secondary
material such as flyers, maps, books, pamphlets, photographs and notations was also col-
lected and reviewed.
Survey data were processed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS);
qualitative data from semi-structured interviews were transcribed and coded for further
analysis.
Results
Among SMOs in Tolima, digital technologies are primarily used to share information
quickly across difficult to reach locations. This occurs mainly through email lists, and
while used to some extent to facilitate planning of actions, it still falls second to face-to-
face meetings. Little or no information is shared via social media with a view to increas-
ing mobilisation. In order to understand why this is the case, the four hypotheses are
explored below.
The use of digital media
None of the SMOs owned collective digital devices, and personal devices were used to
access the Internet; hence, ownership of a personal device becomes salient. Almost half
of respondents within the sample of SMO activists have a smartphone (Table 3), slightly
below the national average, but enough for them to facilitate digital and civic
engagement.
A total of 42 SMO affiliates (43%) connected to the Internet at least once per day
using a laptop or PC and about the same amount (40) used a smartphone for daily or
more frequent Internet access. Only 15 would use an Internet café daily to access the
Internet; those using Internet cafés generally accessed the Internet less frequently. In all,
24 affiliates used an Internet café less than once per fortnight or had never used one at
all, and 51 regularly used a friend’s device to connect to the Internet. There were no sur-
veyed SMO affiliates who had never accessed the Internet.
The majority (70) of survey respondents accessed social media at least once per week,
with the majority of daily social media activity taking place in Cajamarca. Age appar-
ently does not affect social media use; the 50+ age group accounted for 16% of users and
the 26–30 age group for 24%. However, those aged between 26 and 30 years are using
Table 3. Smartphone ownership by town (n=98).
Location No Yes
Cajamarca 17 21
Ibagué 23 18
Other Coello Basin 11 8
Total 51 47
Source: Survey 2013.
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10 new media & society
social media most often (>3/day). Gender makes no significant difference in social media
use within the sample group.
The results suggest that there is potential for SMOs to build campaigns through social
media, as there is sufficient usage among members who also reported regular contact
with protest-related information online. The use of such information sources appears to
transcend gender and age and is generally popular, although has yet to reach its full
potential. While there is not 100% penetration of smartphone use, the levels of engage-
ment with mobile Internet technologies is sufficiently high as to enable quick and far-
reaching dissemination of information. Social media are used extensively, in a personal
capacity, and the potential to utilise this resource to spread protest-related information is
apparent, particularly through Facebook. Mobile technologies seem to have already
begun to cheapen the costs of potential mobilisation and connectivity.
The centralised use of digital media by SMOs themselves in the Tolima region is,
however, limited, both in scope and reach. Three SMOs have no collective engagement
with social media at all (Table 4). Semillas de Agua did establish a Facebook page in
May 2013, but with only 4 posts and 12 followers it can be discounted as a tool in the
fight against La Colosa.5 The use of social media by World Wide Fund For Nature
(WWF) Colombia is also curtailed. Despite strong online presence with blogs,
Facebook pages and a Twitter feed, the information posted is limited by the rules out-
lined by WWF International, implying that they cannot openly support the SMOs in
Cajamarca (see Note 4).
Two organisations that engage collectively with social media do so extensively.
Colectiva Cosajuca’s fan base is limited to students within Colombia, but it has a vast
social network and uses social media to spread information about rights and protests, and
to mobilise students to undertake solidarity protests and strikes. A Colectiva Cosajuca
affiliate argues that this is the way in which to contact the student body: ‘We can reach
lots of people really quickly, and without much money too’.6 Conciencia Campesina,
which brings together peasant movements across the country and globe, and which
works on a small scale within Cajamarca, is the other notable exception. With a Facebook
following of 21,991 people,7 it has an extensive presence online and is very effective in
using social media to highlight its causes. Conciencia Campesina’s affiliates work
directly in posting to social media and felt that it effectively reaches out to a wider audi-
ence, informing them of their work and struggle.8 The Conciencia Campesina Facebook
page attracts a large international following. However, it mainly deals with agrarian
issues. La Colosa features regularly on their news feed, but is not a direct focus.
Interviewees mentioned several obstacles to engaging collectively in the digital envi-
ronment. The first relates to the work needed to keep the information accurate and up-to-
date. ‘Who would be in charge of deciding what is published?’,9 asked an Instituto
Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos (ILSA) affiliate. A
Semillas de Agua affiliate expressed similar concerns: ‘we have to publish the right
information, and from the right sources, or else people will stop listening to us; we would
lose our credibility’ (see Note 3). This is of particular significance given the reliance on
the use of individually owned devices.
Second, SMOs rely on personal devices rather than those owned by the SMO, but not
all individuals can afford a smartphone or other device to engage effectively with digital
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 11
media. Moreover, the time required to first learn how to effectively use social media and
then to employ someone to manage it is not deemed cost-effective.10 ILSA still publishes
everything on paper because
Table 4. Social and digital media strategies and use among SMOs.
SMO Social and digital media
strategy
Media used Scope of use
1. Semillas de
Agua
No active use of social
media; email lists for
interaction with other
SMOs
Email list,
Facebook page
Email: for internal
communicationsa; Facebook
page: 64 likes/4 posts total
2. WWF
Colombia
Active use of social
media but restrictive
policy regarding taking
positions
Email list,
Facebook page,
Twitter feeds,
blog
Email list frequency: 4/month;
Facebook page: 14,160 Likes/32
posts/month; Twitter: 14.1K
followers, 218 tweets/month;
blog posts: 5/month
3. Comité
Ambiental
Cajamarca
No active use of social
media; email lists for
interaction with other
SMOs
Email list Internal communications
4. Fundación
Vida Libre
No active use of social
media; email lists for
interaction with other
SMOs
Email list Internal communications
5. APACRA No active use of social
media; email lists for
interaction with other
SMOs
Email list Internal communications
6. Colectivo
Cosajuca
Active use of social
media, primarily
nationally
Email list,
Twitter,
Facebook page,
Internal Email list
Email: for campaigns; Facebook
page: x Likes (not in public
domain)/11 posts/month;
Twitter: 78 followers, 0.9
tweets/month
7. Conciencia
Campesina
Very active use of social
media, nationally and
internationally
Twitter,
Facebook page,
Email list
Email: for internal
communications; Facebook
page: 36,478 Likes/15 posts/
month; Twitter: 886 followers,
175 tweets/month; blog inactive
since 2012
8. ILSA No active use of social
media; email lists for
interaction with other
SMOs
Email list Internal communications
SMO: social movement organisation; WWF: World Wide Fund For Nature; APACRA: Asociación de
Productores Agroecológicos del Cañón del Rio Anaime; ILSA: Instituto Latinoamericano para una Sociedad
y un Derecho Alternativos.
aInternal in the sense of targeting those subscribed to the email list.
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12 new media & society
We know how to do that cost effectively, it is the way we have learnt to do it. Our publications
are available online, but we don’t have the time or money to pay someone to build a social
media strategy. (See Note 9)
Similarly, Semillas de Agua, Asociación de Productores Agroecológicos del Cañón del
Rio Anaime (APACRA) and Comité Ambiental Cajamarca stated that ‘We need training
to use social media effectively, but don’t have the money or time to engage with it at
present’ (see Note 10). Conciencia Campesina has been able to effectively manage this
system financially by providing administrative access to their Facebook page to multiple
persons. Each of these geographically dispersed administrators can add or remove infor-
mation from the public page, via personal devices, without the consent of other adminis-
trators. This system allows Conciencia Campesina to mitigate the costs of managing
their knowledge dissemination.
Third, 54% of respondents appeared to be concerned about companies and govern-
ment having access to data, particularly those sent via Internet cafés. This translated into
a little over half of respondents reconsidering the publication of information due to
rumours that AGA monitors all activity.
Fourth, education level plays a role, primarily in who has access to the technology.
Results show a positive correlation between having a higher level of education and own-
ing digital media. This could be due to the likelihood of having a better-paid job and
more income for those with higher qualifications. For people with a lower socioeco-
nomic background, a phone was far from their list of priorities: ‘What would I need that
for? I see everyone when I pass through town each day. It’s just not practical to have on
the farm; I don’t need a phone, that’s for people who live in the city’.11 Educational
attainment also affects the likelihood of engaging with social media. Those with a higher
education are more likely to implement social media such as Facebook in their daily life
(Spearman’s rank for ‘education versus social media use’ correlation coefficient = −.44).
A further Spearman’s Correlation test on the survey data showed that those with univer-
sity education were marginally more likely to be engaged in online protest activities, and
while the correlation level is relatively low (‘education versus engagement in online
protest engagement’ correlation coefficient = .122), those who had failed to complete
secondary school were significantly under-represented in online protest groups (n = 3).
Despite limited use of social media, all SMOs in the region use digital media to aid
internal and inter-SMO communications. Email has been a great boon, enabling SMOs
to overcome topographic constraints and accelerate the rate of information exchange
internally and with partner organisations. Furthermore, email enables them to maintain
relations with international non-governmental organisations (NGOs), such as ILSA and
WWF. Both NGOs make time for regular meetings in Ibagué or Cajamarca, which would
be difficult to arrange without email contact. Semillas de Agua, Comité Ambiental, ILSA
and WWF also used email to facilitate conversations with organisations outside
Colombia. ‘We are able to share a great deal of resources and experience [via email]’,
stated a Semillas de Agua affiliate (see Note 3).
Finally, three organisations maintain email distribution lists to send mass email com-
munications to supporters around the globe. Having joined each of these mailing lists it
became apparent that only WWF uses this tool regularly. Comité Ambiental uses its list
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 13
only to report urgent actions and events, such as the assassination of the peasant activist
César García.12 Email and the speed of electronic communication is clearly a great tool
for SMOs in the region and used extensively. Social media, however, play little or no role
in the fight against La Colosa and AGA.
Digital technologies and horizontal leadership
Unequal access to electronic devices among individuals and SMOs has implications for
the control of information and the power dynamics within organisations. The previous
section suggested that those with higher income and education levels are most likely to
possess the required technology to access the Internet and to engage with social and digi-
tal media using these devices. This may pose some difficult barriers in creating decen-
tralised organisations and breaking standard knowledge hierarchies within and around
SMOs.
Although SMO staff are apparently keen to use social media in their work, the con-
tinuation of old power systems, in which persons with more human and financial capital
control flows of information and knowledge, affect uptake. Key players, generally from
a socioeconomically more affluent background, still fulfil a brokerage role within the
digital environment. Key staff of Semillas de Agua, Conciencia Campesina and ILSA, all
male, are presently in the position of controlling the flow of information about environ-
mental and socioeconomic impacts of mining, which can be used to counter the argu-
ments put forward by the mining company. Each has a university degree, and all continue
to forge relationships with universities and research institutes. When discussing the role
of social media, each raised concerns over who would control the knowledge and output,
and it seemed clear that none of them were keen to relinquish the hold over the knowl-
edge they presently have. A Semillas de Agua member suggested that ‘you shouldn’t just
let anyone post, there should be just one or two people from each organisation’ (see Note
3). An affiliate of another SMO, considered a key member of the resistance by multiple
organisations, does not hold a high education level, and is often marginalised by the other
members of the organisation, with many of his suggestions being ignored due to the
‘emotional rather than factual’ manner in which they were presented. He is excluded
from a knowledge production position, and although he does take a lead in knowledge
dissemination, this is often met with concern by other members. This person’s ability to
work in this position is derived solely from his high level of social capital; having previ-
ously worked as a missionary in the region, he knows many families. While other SMO
members acknowledge the value of his networks, there is a reluctance to place more
power over knowledge in his hands. Only a minority of SMO members fulfil a brokerage
role, and they tend to concentrate most of the action in the network around themselves,
both as content producers and as targets for the messages sent by others. This was clearly
seen in the offline spaces of focus groups carried out: all information was channelled
through key actors, and talk of using social media regularly referred back to these actors
as being those who should control how it is used.
This jostling for control over information also translated into a lack of collaboration
between SMOs. Despite many meetings between groups, online and offline strategies
comprised separate and often competing actions.
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14 new media & society
Discussion
The use of digital media in mining protests
Digital media use in Tolima does not appear to have reached the critical mass which
would enable it to play a significant role in the protests against La Colosa. All organisa-
tions in the region use digital media to their advantage and to some extent, but most of
this revolves around using personal devices for quick email correspondence across the
region’s difficult terrain and with organisations in other regions and countries facing
similar issues. This is hugely important in enabling information exchange in a quick and
far-reaching way, and in protecting this data from laptop thefts and hard drive destruction
often faced by members of the protest sector. Social media play, however, a very small
role in campaigning in the region. Four main reasons explain this, each of which is
explored below through a discussion of the hypotheses.
The effectiveness of digital and social media use among SMOs
We hypothesised that low socioeconomic standing (H1), fear of oppression (H2), the
nature of keyboard activism (H3) and internal politics of knowledge (H4) limit the effec-
tiveness of digital and social media use by SMOs.
Socioeconomic constraints (H1). The cost of the technologies appears to be holding back the
use of digital media. Despite Colombia’s determination to provide 100% Internet access
across the nation, the costs for accessing this infrastructure are still prohibitively high.
Only Conciencia Campesina succeeded in mitigating the costs of managing knowledge
dissemination by decentralising information management over multiple administrators.
This provides an example of a more horizontally structured knowledge management sys-
tem that proved to be cost-effective. This, however, generally leads to concerns over con-
sistency of story and accuracy of information.
It also became clear that persons actively engaging in SMOs required a reasonable
level of both financial and human capital to engage with digital media, and even more so
to engage with protest actions via digital outlets. These factors appear to restrict the use
of digital and social media by both SMOs and their affiliates more than initially assumed.
Fear of oppression (H2). Also the fear that deficient information management may lead
to a loss of legitimacy or repercussions affected how SMOs used the Internet. Despite
many incidences of human rights abuses over the last 50 years, we found no evidence
that this spurred digital actions by SMOs as suggested by Ziccardi (2013). To the con-
trary, limiting digital engagement and withholding information from the Internet out of
fear that deficient information management may lead to loss of legitimacy or repercus-
sions confirm our hypothesis that fear of oppression by government and companies
limits SMO members’ engagement in digital and social media. Respondents were aware
that there is little room for anonymity on the Internet. The information held about those
posting information on sites like Facebook means that by engaging in online political
activities SMO staff may open themselves up to persecution, not only from govern-
ments and security forces but also from companies and individuals. These concerns
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 15
made the majority of respondents to be sparing with what they share online, suggesting
that a lot of information and knowledge is unlikely to be spread via social media for fear
of reprisals. This suggests that more recent reassessments of the role of digital media in
the Arab Spring (e.g. Robertson, 2015) are perhaps more accurate than Ziccardi’s (2013)
expectation that ‘a smart use of technology can help the expansion and manifestation of
human rights’ (p. 126).13
Keyboard activism (H3). Despite all respondents in the research already being members of
SMOs, the findings support our third hypothesis about limited effectiveness of keyboard
activism. Slacktivism often refers to the disconnect between motivation and mobilisation
(Kristofferson et al., 2014), and while respondents were already mobilised, there is a
sense that social media will not be able to further increase participation among the gen-
eral populace. If used, it must be to amplify traditional forms of protests rather than to
merely move them online (Valenzuela, 2013). The quick dissemination of knowledge
through digital media supports positive notions of slacktivism, enhances political engage-
ment of SMO members in the region and ensures that the momentum of the organisation
is kept in flow. Using little more than email distribution lists to share information does,
however, mean only ‘preaching to the converted’. While slacktivism was not recorded in
itself, the fear that keyboard activism moves protest away from the streets and does not
reach those targeted in the protests means that social media are barely used to increase
levels of political engagement. Furthermore, SMOs in Tolima may be subject to their
own introvert form of clicktivism. Constantly sharing information quickly via email
among themselves has led to the development of a positive feedback loop, in which there
is a sense of doing much work and producing a large amount of positive results, which
in reality are rarely translated into increased participation or direct action. Further
research is needed to unravel the effects of such digital and social media use on public
mobilisation and political effectiveness.
The internal politics of knowledge (H4). In Tolima, the ideal of breaking down hierarchical
structures and creating horizontal power failed to manifest itself. Although SMOs in the
region consider creating a collective counter narrative to the government and mining
company discourse as hugely important, strong hierarchical structures are perpetuated,
reinforcing scientific knowledge and a male-educated dominance within SMOs. While a
lack of finances and skills are oft-mentioned hindrances to including more social media
within the work of SMOs, it appears that the underlying concern about knowledge own-
ership and management is a greater barrier to opening up to wider participation in knowl-
edge production and sharing. Repeated concerns were heard as to who might control and
hold the knowledge spread through social media and how the information and knowl-
edge can be kept accurate. While this may partly be driven by concerns about a demobi-
lising effect or violent repercussions (see H2), the fear of losing power and status as the
head of an SMO might be reducing the desire to engage in more horizontal organisa-
tional structures. Knowledge production and management among SMOs in Tolima are
therefore heavily controlled by those with higher socioeconomic backgrounds – a situa-
tion compounded by the lack of collective devices. This corroborates our final hypothe-
sis that the internal ‘politics of knowledge’ impede digital and social media to produce
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16 new media & society
horizontal leadership structures within SMOs. Showing traits of a reinforcing mecha-
nism for outmoded power models, it is unlikely that increased use of digital and social
media in Tolima will break down existing hierarchies. To the contrary, these hierarchies
first need to be broken before greater levels of participation through digital and social
media can be achieved.
Conclusion
We examined whether and how Colombian SMOs use digital media in protesting
adverse social and environmental effects of the mining industry. While limited use of
social media by SMOs in Tolima makes it difficult to assess their level of impact on the
fight against La Colosa, clear connections between the available digital infrastructure
and the use of digital media to create, disseminate and view knowledge and the mobi-
lisation within SMOs were observed. In Tolima, digital media, almost exclusively
email, have enhanced the connectivity between SMOs. In a country with long and dif-
ficult journeys due to vast distances between towns and the mountainous terrain, the
power of digital media to disseminate information, goals and events should not be
underestimated. While this use of email has had important implications for sharing
knowledge about the impacts of mining companies and protests, it has not led to a
breakdown of hierarchies and, in the majority of opinions, needs to be coupled with
more direct action.
The fight against AGA in Tolima will not be easily won. Fear of oppression and the
constraints of keyboard activism still limit the effectiveness of digital action in the fight
against the mining industry. It is, however, unlikely that SMOs will reach a critical mass,
or draw enough international attention to their struggle to militate against the juggernaut
of AGA, without the aid of social media and wider public participation. Using all digital
means available to them, including the Internet and social media, may help SMOs in
reaching critical mass through the creation of epistemic communities that anybody with
an Internet connection can access while retaining the SMOs as the main nodes within
protest networks engaging in outreach activities.
Attention to internal communication is also needed. Evidence regarding the final
research question suggests that the internal politics of knowledge limit horizontal
leadership. More research is needed for a better understanding of the mechanisms
that control the diffusion of protest information. Particular attention is needed for the
power structures within which digital sources are used and owned. The much cham-
pioned ability of social media to create horizontal power structures and reach much-
needed critical mass cannot develop organically where the power over knowledge
and its dissemination continues to lay in the same, generally male, middle-class,
hands.
Acknowledgements
The first author acknowledges the STUNT fieldwork scholarship received from the University of
Amsterdam when he was an MSc student in International Development Studies. Thanks are also
due to Jorge Rubiano for his guidance in the field and to three anonymous referees for useful com-
ments that helped improve earlier versions of this article.
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Specht and Ros-Tonen 17
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this
article.
Notes
1. This article defines digital media as all fixed and mobile devices that can access the Internet
(Anduiza et al., 2012). Social media (e.g. Facebook and Twitter) are understood as the infra-
structure and tools used to produce and disseminate digital information.
2. Based on an analysis of gold mining conflicts in the Environmental Justice Atlas (2014) avail-
able at ejatlas.org (accessed May 2015).
3. Interview with Semillas de Agua staff, Ibagué, Colombia, 8 September 2013.
4. Interview with World Wide Fund For Nature (WWF) Colombia staff, Cali, Colombia, 10 July
2013.
5. Information from Semillas de Agua’s Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/semillasde.
agua.5
6. Interview with Colectiva Cosajuca staff, Cajamarca, Colombia, 4 August 2013.
7. Information from Conciencia Campesina’s Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/
concienciacampesina?fref=ts (accessed 27 December 2013).
8. Interviews with Conciencia Campesina staff, Cajamarca, Colombia, 3 August 2013.
9. Interview with Instituto Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos
(ILSA) staff, Bogotá, Colombia, 26 August 2013.
10. Focus group Semillas de Agua, Ibagué, Colombia, 8 August 2013.
11. Interview with a farmer/Semillas de Vida affiliate, Ibagué, Colombia, 6 September 2013.
12. Peasant environmental leader from Cajamarca who protested the Colosa mine and was assas-
sinated on 2 November 2013.
13. As noted by an anonymous referee, further research would be needed to substantiate this fear
based on judicial reports, human rights accusations or formal investigations.
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Author biographies
Doug Specht is a Research Associate at the Communication and Media Research Institute where
he is researching the codification of knowledge through digital and cartographic artefacts. Specht
earned his MSc in International Development Studies at the University of Amsterdam, The
Netherlands.
Mirjam AF Ros-Tonen is Associate Professor at the Department of Geography, Planning and
International Development Studies of the University of Amsterdam. Her research interests include
themes at the environment/development interface, particularly natural resource conflicts, forest
and landscape governance, forest-based livelihoods and urban–rural linkages.
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