The paper is focused on the short pronominal forms that have status of so called stálá enklitika
(‘permanent enclitics’ or enclitica tantum) in Modern Czech: mi ‘me’, ti ‘to you’, si ‘to myself / to
yourself etc.’, sě (> se) ‘myself / yourself etc.’, tě ‘you’, ho ‘him’, mu ‘to him’. The analysis is
based on the material gained from the selected books of the oldest complete Czech Bible
translation from the half of the 14th century. The first part of the study deals with the frequency
of the analyzed forms, especially with the lack of the forms si, ti and the low frequency of the
short forms ho, mu (developed from the disyllabic forms jeho > jho > ho, jemu > jmu > mu). The
next part is focused on the word order properties of the analyzed pronominal forms that are
dependent on a finite verb. The article interprets them in the light of the main competing positions
of Czech enclitics during the development of the language: 1. the postinitial position, i.e.
when an enclitic is located after first word / phrase; 2. the contact (verb-adjacent) position, i.e.
when an enclitic is located immediately before (preverbal position) or after (postverbal position)
its syntactically or morphologically superordinate item. In the last part of the article, the question
of the change of the previously orthotonic forms sě, tě into the permanent enclitic forms is
In this part of the paper, the distribution of clause positions of the reflexive pronoun sě is analyzed statistically. Specifically, the impact of both stylistic factors and the length of the element in the initial position are investigated. The authors also discuss the possible influence of the word order of the Latin pretext (the Vulgate) on the Old Czech translation. 1. Annotation of the examples It is clear from Part I of this paper that in order to describe the word order positions of (en)clitics, it is necessary to use a classification which combines two perspectives:
The paper deals with the word order of reflexive sě, which is an item on the boundary between a pronominal form and a discrete morpheme. In the first part of the study, we investigate the (en)clitic status of sě in eight books of the oldest complete Czech Bible translation. The analysis focuses only on sě that is dependent on a finite verb: it identifies all possible word order positions of sě in a clause and interprets them in the light of the main competing positions of Czech (en)clitics during the development of the language: 1. the postinitial position, i.e. when an (en)clitic is located after first word/phrase; 2. the contact (verb-adjacent) position, i.e. when an (en)clitic is located immediately before (preverbal position) or after (postverbal position) its syntactically or morphologically superordinate item. 178 PAVEL KOSEK, OLGA NAVRÁTILOVÁ, RADEK ČECH, JÁN MAČUTEK
The aim of the paper is to analyze word-order positions of preterite auxiliary forms (AuxP) in the Old Czech prosaic texts from the 14th and 15th centuries, e. g. in Pasionál (‘Passional’), in Život Krista Pána (‘Life of Christ the Lord’), in Životy sv. Otců (‘Life of Holy Fathers’/ ‘Vitae Patrum’) and in Tkadleček (‘The Weaver’/ A Czech version of Ackermann aus Böhmen). The aim of the paper is to detect all possible word-order positions of these auxiliary forms in analyzed texts. The analysis demonstrates that the AuxP maintains some properties of an orthothonic word in several rare cases. However, the overwhelming majority of examples give evidence that the Old Czech AuxP was an enclitic. According to the explored data it seems that the post-initial (2P) word-ordering of the Czech enclitic became established in Old Czech as a prototypical word-order pattern of Czech enclitic forms and that verb-adjacent (VA) word-ordering had a quality relating to style.
Reflexive passives and impersonals are present in all modern Slavonic languages, but vary in their synchronic properties.
The present paper analyses the diachronic developments that lead to this variation in Czech, Polish, and Russian and includes
some background on Old Church Slavonic. It is shown how the former three languages reached their differing positions in a
typological hierarchy of passive constructions, by stepwise reanalysis. The diachronic comparative approach furthermore demonstrates
the interdependence/independence of some of the empirical features of reflexive passives and impersonals in Slavonic.
Страдательный залог и неопределенно-личные формы могут выражаться возвратными глаголами во всех современных славянских языках,
хотя распространение и эмпирические детали этого феномена различаются. Данная статья анализирует диахроническое развитие,
приведшее к таким вариациям в чешском, польском и русском языках, на фоне нескольких разъясняющих замечаний о церковнославянском.
Рассматривается, как первые три языка достигли своих разных позиций на типологически обоснованной шкале возвратно-пассивных
конструкций путем постепенного переанализа. Сравнительно-диахронический подход позволяет далее доказать взаимную зависимость
или независимость некоторых свойств возвратных пассивов и имперсоналов в славянских языках.