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Journal of Gender Studies
ISSN: 0958-9236 (Print) 1465-3869 (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/cjgs20
Social mobilization in wartime Ukraine: the
connection between gender identity, national
unity, and societal transformation
Olga Matveieva
To cite this article: Olga Matveieva (14 May 2025): Social mobilization in wartime Ukraine: the
connection between gender identity, national unity, and societal transformation, Journal of
Gender Studies, DOI: 10.1080/09589236.2025.2505558
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2025.2505558
Published online: 14 May 2025.
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RESEARCH ARTICLE
Social mobilization in wartime Ukraine: the connection
between gender identity, national unity, and societal
transformation
Olga Matveieva
a,b
a
Institute of Public Administration, Dnipro University of Technology, Dnipro, Ukraine;
b
Marie Jahoda Center
for International Gender Studies, Ruhr-University Bochum, Bochum, Germany
ABSTRACT
Paper discovers the gendered dimensions of social mobilization in
Ukraine at the onset of the Russian invasion, revealing how identity-
driven engagement of men, women, and LGBTQI+ reshapes
national defence, gender norms, and democratic imaginaries.
Based on 12 interviews with activists and voluntary military recruits,
alongside analysis of volunteer initiatives, the study examines how
gender and identity intersect to form distinct mobilization path-
ways that both reinforce and challenge societal norms. Findings
reveal mobilization as an identity-driven, contested process that
redenes civic agency and legitimacy of state institutions.
Approaches to mobilization dier across gender lines, as does
their public perception. Men’s involvement often reinforces hyper-
masculine ideals, while women’s participation reshapes percep-
tions of their societal roles. Despite discrimination, LGBTQI+ indivi-
duals assert their presence in national defence, challenge binary
norms, and broaden civic congurations of agency. Activists’ eorts
frame mobilization through a gender lens, fostering more inclusive
understandings of national identity. These initiatives challenge tra-
ditional homogenized narratives by centring diverse voices in shap-
ing the nation’s evolving democratic socio-political framework.
Conceptualizing mobilization as both gendered and democratic,
the study advances debates in gender studies and crisis sociology,
illustrating how gendered crisis-responsive mobilization serves as
a generative space for reconguring power, recognition, and the
sociopolitical foundations of the nation itself.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 5 March 2024
Accepted 7 May 2025
KEYWORDS
Social mobilization; gender
roles; LGBTQI+; socio-
political transformation;
Russian war; Ukraine
Sustainable Development
Goals
SDG 5: Gender equality
Introduction
Crisis-responsive social mobilisation does not merely reveal what a society is –
It makes visible what it could become if transformative eorts are institutionalised
and sustained.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has acted as a reason for mobilizing citizens in defence
(Daza, 2024; Minn.com.ua, 2023). This article focuses on the beginning of the invasion
(2022–2023), marked by a surge in self-organization and mobilization among citizens of
CONTACT Olga Matveieva Matveieva.O.Yu@nmu.one; Olga.Matveieva@ruhr-uni-bochum.de GD E1/618, Ruhr
University Bochum, Universitätsstraße 150, Bochum 44801, Germany
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES
https://doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2025.2505558
© 2025 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
all genders (Strelnyk et al., 2024). By 2024, this trend began to subside, reducing its impact
on the qualitative socio-political transformations that characterized the invasion’s initial
phase (Moallin et al., 2023).
This period revealed new intersections of gender roles and norms in the mobilization
process, as millions of Ukrainians sought to contribute to the defence of their country
through various means. On the one hand, this led to the emergence of new forms of civic
activism, such as grassroots organization, intergroup cooperation, and mass volunteering,
which brought together dierent socio-political perspectives, geographic locations, and
gender identities (Boichak & McKernan, 2022). While the stereotype that war is a ‘man’s
domain’ persisted, the events of 2022–2023 in Ukraine demonstrated active participation
by other, traditionally excluded, genders in the defence (Barth, 2021; Martsenyuk, 2023)
and humanitarian response. Women joined the Armed Forces, founded civic organiza-
tions, and initiated volunteer movements, stepping beyond the traditional image of the
‘guardian of the hearth’ and the ‘neck’ of the family, with men regarded as the ‘head’
(Surzhko-Harned & Turkina, 2017; Yaroshenko, 2020).
The LGBTQI+ community became particularly visible during this period, as many of its
members joined the Armed Forces, encountering numerous challenges, including stereo-
typing and a lack of acceptance of diversity (KIIS, 2022). The war catalysed rethinking
societal attitudes towards the community and highlighted the radicalization of political
approaches to dening the boundaries of gendered national identity (Shmatko & Rachok,
2024).
From this perspective, the article examines social (identity-driven) mobilization as
a broad category, explaining the voluntary will to join a collective liberation movement
that became mainstream during the war. The concept of mobilization discussed includes
active volunteering in support of the army, the creation and development of civil
organizations to meet the needs of combatants, and enlistment in the Armed Forces,
driven by observations of the most advanced forms of proactive citizen participation in
the aairs of a country that underwent signicant militarization during the analysed
period of 2022–2023, establishing national defence as a shared task of the nation.
The study contributes to the ongoing debate in gender studies on the renegotiation of
gender roles in crisis conditions (Shevtsova, 2024) and on the likelihood of sustaining or
rolling back (Lombardo et al., 2021) the eects of sociopolitical transformation towards
gender equality post-crisis. I acknowledge the risk of reverting from gender equality and
some of the democratic values, as this has already occurred during both World Wars.
However, I argue that the conditions of the Russian war in Ukraine have the potential to
prevent such a rollback for the following reasons:
due to Ukraine’s commitments under the European integration agreement;
owing to high digitalization and the public visibility of feminist activists’ eorts, whose
action arena has become open with actions widely discussed on social media;
thanks to the consolidation of eorts by international organizations and feminist
networks that support and promote initiatives related to SDG 5;
because of the emergence and empowerment of international networks of Ukrainian
female expert-activists, newly formed within diaspora communities during the war,
particularly in the EU and the USA, and their establishment of channels to direct
resources and opportunities from host communities to Ukraine.
2O. MATVEIEVA
Potentially, feminist activists do not simply join collective crisis-responsive mobiliza-
tion eorts, they provoke public renegotiation of the established boundaries of the
political and the social through engagement of underrepresented gender groups,
situating crisis-responsive activism as a site of structural gender innovation and
arena of gender roles renegotiation and a rethinking of the achieved level of gender
equality.
The article is based on the analysis of interviews with civic activists and individuals who
voluntarily mobilized into military service, uncovering specic contributions and barriers
faced by dierent gender groups. Interviews are supplemented by the analysis of docu-
ments, including Ukrainian mobilization law (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 1993), a service
for monitoring registration data of Ukrainian CSOs (Opendatabot, 2023a), the websites of
prominent volunteer initiatives that garnered the most public trust during this period, as
well as Facebook pages of civil society organizations (CSO) operating in this eld.
The primary ndings are presented through a comparative analysis of the mobilization
perspectives of three groups: heterosexual men, heterosexual women, and LGBTQI+
individuals, in the context of their involvement in the national mobilization processes,
forms of mobilization, inuencing factors, and socio-political consequences. The study
reveals that the collective shock of war catalysed re-evaluating norms and societal
attitudes towards previously marginalized gender identities; on the other hand, it created
an unbearable burden on the previously dominant gender group.
Background
The socio-political landscape of Ukraine has been shaped by its post-Soviet transitional
processes, marked by eorts of feminist and LGBTQI+ civil society organizations (CSOs) to
overcome entrenched norms and align with European democratic standards (Blyzniuk,
2023). Central to these transformations has been their pursuit of gender equality and
social justice, integral to meeting EU criteria and fostering a society that embodies
inclusive values (Surzhko-Harned & Turkina, 2017). However, the Russian invasion in
2022 introduced complex challenges, acting both as a disruptor and an accelerator of
these socio-political shifts. The invasion catalysed unprecedented levels of social mobili-
zation, compelling citizens of all genders to actively engage in defence eorts and
community support (Daza, 2024; Strelnyk et al., 2024).
This mass mobilization revealed how gender identity intersects with national identity
and resilience. Historically, male identity was constructed within cultural and legal frame-
works as a ‘primary defender’, reinforcing the hyper-masculine archetype (Reznikov, 2022;
Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 1993). However, the invasion also highlighted women’s
signicant contributions, transcending traditional caregiver roles to include leadership
in civic and military spheres. This shift indicates the expanding women’s agency and
challenges pre-existing societal norms, promoting a redenition of gender roles within
the context of national defence and wider socio-political participation (Barth, 2021;
Martsenyuk, 2023).
The engagement of the LGBTQI+ community further demonstrated the evolving
identity dynamics in wartime Ukraine. Despite facing societal biases and legal obstacles,
community members engaged in both military and volunteer capacities, fostering incre-
mental acceptance and visibility (KIIS, 2022). Their involvement revealed the
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 3
transformative potential of the crisis period for marginalized groups, contributing to
a broader re-examination of identity and inclusion within Ukrainian society (Shmatko &
Rachok, 2024).
This background sets the stage for exploring how identity inuences mobilization, the
norms, forms, and strategies of engagement across gender lines, and the socio-political
impacts of these eorts. By examining the intersection of traditional and evolving gender
roles during the invasion, the study demonstrates how mobilization acts both as a catalyst
for national resilience and a driver (Matveieva et al., 2024; Moallin et al., 2023) of societal
transformation towards a more equitable post-conict landscape.
The aim and the research questions
The confrontation between democratic and post-Soviet authoritarian aspirations at the
beginning of the Russian invasion provoked shifts in roles, norms, and attitudes through
social mobilization and newly established cooperation across gendered groups. Based on
this observation, the paper aims to explore how identity aected mobilization practices in
Ukraine as a reshaping force of democratic transformation towards a more equitable post-
conict society. The gendered consequences of mobilization eorts under martial law are
discussed through the following research questions:
(1) How do gender identities inuence the mobilization of heterosexual men, hetero-
sexual women, and LGBTQI+ individuals in wartime Ukraine?
(2) In what ways does the mobilization of dierent gender identities shape socio-
political dynamics?
(3) How does the intersection of traditional and evolving gender roles impact collec-
tive resilience and national identity?
Оverview of components of crisis-responsive social mobilization
Social mobilization (Deutsch, 1961; Gawerc, 2020; Rogers et al., 2018; Wald, 2013) is
a process through which people of often diverse identities come together to
achieve a shared goal. As dened by Deutsch (1961) and Feenstra and Tormey
(2023), it is a crucial mechanism driving social and political change. However, the
conditions of war designate mobilization as a means to support the state
(Navumau et al., 2025) in providing collective defence. During Russia’s invasion
of Ukraine, social mobilization plays a decisive role in ensuring collective resistance
against aggression and sustaining state functionality (Daza, 2024). Classical theories
of social mobilization developed by scholars such as Deutsch (1961), Durkheim
(2018), and Putnam (2000), while foundational, do not consider the inuence of
gender identity on this process. Later research discovers that gender identity
shapes how people mobilize and participate in social movements (Bowers &
Whitley, 2020). Deckman and McDonald (2023) argue that gender identity is
a signicant driver of political participation. Rogers et al. (2018) found that mobi-
lization eorts can be particularly eective when they focus on building connec-
tions between the leader of a coordinated initiative and a target group sharing the
same identity. Additionally, in the studies on mobilizing transgender and gender
4O. MATVEIEVA
nonconforming people, Bowers and Whitley (2020) employ the theory of opposi-
tional consciousness to explain how belonging to a stigmatized group motivates
individuals to struggle for their rights.
Haritas (2013) study demonstrates how gender identity intersects with other social
categories, such as class, age, and occupation, shaping forms of participation in collective
actions and dening the limitations of such participation. In Chua’s (2015) study, the
concept of ‘vernacular human rights mobilisation’ is examined as the process of adapting
universal human rights concepts to the local context. This is particularly relevant to the
defence of Ukraine, where notions of human rights and gender equality face attacks from
Russian propaganda and at the same time are challenged by internal pressure on the
voluntary nature of mobilization, which has become mandatory and often coercive.
The Russian war in Ukraine is characterized by strong trends of mass voluntary
defensive social mobilization, especially in 2022, and is therefore considered a war for
Ukrainian national identity and ‘war of values’ (Shevtsova, 2024), challenged by Russia.
Research on social mobilization in this context shows that the desire to protect national
identity alongside the right to express gender identity became a unifying motivator for
diverse genders, even those that did not previously intersect or unite under peaceful
circumstances.
Features of the manifestation and interaction of gender and national identity during
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine were rst examined by Shmatko and Rachok (2024) as
identities that are not mutually exclusive and can coexist without conict, provided that
the latter does not seek to disrupt the Ukrainian national project. Martsenyuk and
Shevtsova (2024) initiate a discussion on gender identity-driven mobilization, while dis-
covering a sexuality dimension which explores the transformation of the concept of
masculinities starting with Euromaidan protests 2013–2014. Mieriemova (2025) contri-
butes to this discussion on deconstructing gendered binaries in times of Russian invasion
by revealing the transformative role of spoken personal stories of female combatants in
patriarchal military institutions, which remains vital for advancing gender equality in the
country.
At the same time, it has been established that the war in Ukraine has intensied
gender-based barriers, particularly by limiting women’s access to information and tech-
nology (Matveieva, 2024).
Digital interaction platforms have become an important ‘action arena’ (Ostrom, 2009)
for civil activists of dierent gender identities (Matveieva et al., 2024), allowing the
creation of safe spaces for women and LGBTQI+ individuals to participate in civil initiatives
and organize their eorts. However, the digitalization of this action arena in wartime
(Matveieva, 2024) has exacerbated divides in access to such spaces based on gender, age,
and geography, as well as in mobilizing resources for action.
In general, the sources oer valuable theoretical tools for analysing voluntary mobili-
zation during mass disturbances. Recent studies demonstrate that social mobilization is
perceived as an increase in civic engagement (Della Porta, 2020; Rogers et al., 2018). It is
described through components such as the voluntary nature of participation (Della Porta,
2020; Kim, 2024; Haro et al., 2024; Sotevik, 2024), the orientation of involved actors
towards the common good (Della Porta, 2020; Egholm et al., 2020; Zulver & Stallone,
2025), and the autonomy of initiatives and social movements (Cody, 2016; Hellman, 2018;
Kelly-Thompson et al., 2024).
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 5
The intersection of gender and civic engagement, as shown by Grasso and Smith
(2022) and Maitra and Hänggli (2023), highlights gender inequality in participation across
traditional and non-traditional forms of activism, as well as societal attitudes towards
activism by men, women, and LGBTQI+ individuals (Table 1).
A second line of research categorizes the components of social mobilization, focusing
on its forms (García, 2023; Garcia et al., 2025; Justino, 2025; Lai, 2023; Scheyer et al., 2025;
True & Akbari, 2024; Wurst et al., 2023). From the perspective of beneciaries, mobilization
manifests as advocacy for women’s and LGBTQI+ rights, the provision of gender-sensitive
services, and the shaping of public opinion.
A third line investigates the factors inuencing mobilization, including: the presence of
a common trigger or collective challenge (Blackington, 2024); political opportunities
(Castelli Gattinara & Froio, 2024; Della Porta, 2020; Mohamed et al., 2024; Sajadi, 2023;
Sika, 2024); mobilization structures (Abdul Reda et al., 2024; Bornschier et al., 2021);
cultural frameworks (Della Porta, 2020; Routon, 2024; Wang, 2024); resources (Abdul
Reda et al., 2024; Della Porta, 2020; Edwards & Gillham, 2013; Mathieu, 2021); and
strategies (Chulitskaya & Bindman, 2023; Kelly-Thompson et al., 2024; Rudnik, 2024;
Tilly, 2017; Walker et al., 2023).
Finally, a fourth line examines the socio-political outcomes of mobilization, such as:
strengthening or transforming gender norms (Marcus & Somji, 2024; Routon, 2024;
Stewart et al., 2021); empowering heterosexual women and LGBTQI+ individuals (Morris
et al., 2023; Scheadler et al., 2023; Schmitz et al., 2022); inuencing political decisions and
legislation (Jaramillo-Sierra, 2024; Matveieva et al., 2024; Walker et al., 2023); strengthen-
ing civil society and democratic processes (Ayoub et al., 2021; Harms, 2024), and building
networks of support in non-democratic settings (Asadi Zeidabadi & Aghtaie, 2023;
Dadpour, 2024).
Consequently, the cumulative contribution to developing the issues of war-related
social mobilization and the protection and articulation of gender identity reveals a specic
research gap at their intersection. Existing studies lack exploration of how war-related
liberatory voluntary mobilization connects with gender identity and how such grassroots
mobilization aects changes in the social-political landscape of the nation striving to
achieve SDG 5.
Theoretical approach: intersectionality of gender identity and mobilization
The current approach draws on insights from social mobilization theory (Aceves, 2009;
Edwards & Kane, 2014; Thiel et al., 2023; Tilly, 2017) and theories of gender identity
(Castañeda & Pfeer, 2018; Chafetz, 2006; Wharton, 2009). Positioned at the intersection
of these theoretical frameworks, it adopts a sociopolitical perspective to examine mobi-
lization through the lens of gender identities, focusing on how these identities are
experienced and enacted throughout the voluntary mobilization process.
Social mobilization, which encompasses organized eorts aimed at engaging a wide
range of the population – people of diverse gender identities – to achieve specic goals,
such as liberation after invasion, is viewed as a form of social movement with signicant
sociopolitical impact (Matveieva, 2024). It stimulates actions that, while requiring indivi-
dual eort, yield substantial collective results when performed on a large scale (Rogers,
Castañeda & Pfeer, 2018; Edwards & Kane, 2014; Thomas & Louis, 2013). These results are
6O. MATVEIEVA
Table 1. Overview of components of crisis-responsive social mobilization.
Category Components Interpretation
1. Nature of civic
engagement in
mobilization
- Voluntary engagement: inclusive
participation of citizens of various gender
identities, driven by national and other
kinds of solidarity Della Porta (2020); Grasso
and Smith (2022); Haro et al. (2024); Kim
(2024); Maitra and Hänggli (2023); Sotevik
(2024).
Civil society becomes an active participant in
countering collective shock, allowing
representatives of all genders to engage in
various mobilization efforts. National
solidarity as well as gendered solidarity
serve as a motivator for more equal
participation in civic initiatives, with
autonomy empowering citizens to form
initiatives aimed at effective mobilization
and support without direct reliance on state
governance.
Gender identity plays the role of
a mobilization resource: mobilization is
grounded in solidarity and shared interests
that emerge based on the gender identity of
the actors engaged.
Gendered aspects of national identity
become more prominent as concepts of
‘nation’ and ‘enemy’ are shaped through the
lens of gender stereotypes.
- Orientation towards the common good:
commitment to the idea of protecting
identity, uniting around this idea to defend
and support those affected, fostering
a sense of shared responsibility Della Porta
(2020); Egholm et al. (2020); Rogers et al.
(2018); Zulver and Stallone (2025).
- Autonomy: independence of civic initiatives
from the state and usually from each other,
with self-organized mobilization processes
Cody (2016); Hellman (2018); Kelly-
Thompson et al. (2024).
2. Forms of
mobilization
- Advocacy: protection of women and LGBTQI+
rights, and policy influence to address
previously neglected issues in parallel with
solving issues of national matter García
(2023); Garcia et al. (2025); Justino (2025);
True and Akbari (2024); Wurst et al. (2023).
Forms of mobilization include advocacy for
women’s and LGBTQI+ rights, organizing
gender-sensitive services, and promoting
gender equality in public awareness
through media and campaigns. This
approach not only supports those directly
affected but also creates conditions for
long-term changes in societal perceptions
of gender roles and rights.
- Provision of missing gender-sensitive
services: healthcare, psychological support,
and social assistance addressing the urgent
needs of different age and gender groups
Abi Jumaa and Heinz (2020).
- Shaping public opinion: information
campaigns and public discussions to raise
awareness Bonilla and Tillery (2020); Lai
(2023); Scheyer et al.(2025); Wurst et al.
(2023).
3. Factors
influencing
mobilization
- Shared trigger: an exogenous shock of
invasion that prompts individual and
collective response Blackington (2024).
While the exogenous shock of invasion
becomes a collective trigger for
mobilization, the contextual sociopolitical
and cultural factors create or limit
opportunities for mobilization. For instance,
a democratic environment with open
political institutions enhances influence on
decision-making. Resources, technologies,
and communities’ cultural settings also play
a significant role, as their presence makes
mobilization more sustainable and
adaptable to diverse conditions and crises.
- Political opportunity that has opened: the
openness of the political system to influence
from civil society, the presence of
democratic institutions Castelli Gattinara
and Froio (2024); Della Porta (2020);
Mohamed et al. (2024); Sajadi (2023); Sika
(2024).
- Mobilisation structures: the presence of
formal and informal organizations that
provide a platform for collective action and
form independent and safe action arenas
Abdul Reda et al. (2024); Bornschier et al.
(2021).
- Cultural frameworks: shared values, attitudes,
norms, and stereotypical gender roles, that
influence responses to collective triggers as
well as to reflections of gender inequality
Della Porta (2020); Routon (2024); Wang
(2024).
- Resources: financial, human, material, and ICT
resources that support activity
implementation Abdul Reda et al. (2024);
Della Porta (2020); Edwards and Gillham
(2013); Mathieu, 2021).
(Continued)
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 7
signicantly determined by the context in which these actions occur. The Russian invasion
triggered a mass wave of social mobilization in Ukraine, rallying citizens in defence of the
country, humanitarian aid, and resistance to aggression (Matveieva et al., 2024), as well as
preserving challenged national identity (Mishalova et al., 2024).
In examining social mobilization, driven by these reasons, I begin the discussion by
highlighting that crisis-responsive mobilization entails the coexistence, intersection, and
collaborative action of diverse gender groups responding to a collective threat to national
identity and the very existence of the nation. But this momentum of extreme unity
following the experienced collective shock gives way to collective adaptation, which
may be accompanied by a retreat from the agreements of such coexistence.
War places extraordinary demands on society’s capacities and readiness for collective
action, even as it simultaneously depletes social potential by destruction and human loss.
At the same time, war amplies unresolved issues of structural gender inequality and
entrenched stereotypes, revealing the challenges of inclusion and exclusion faced by
individuals with diverse gender identities within these processes.
Table 1. (Continued).
Category Components Interpretation
- Strategies: varied approaches and methods
adapted to the local context for effective
action and safe cooperation Chulitskaya and
Bindman (2023); Kelly-Thompson et al.
(2024); Rudnik (2024); Tilly (2017); Walker
et al. (2023).
4. Socio-political
consequences of
civic mobilization
- Strengthening or transforming gender norms
and values: raising awareness of gender
equality, and combating implicit
stereotypes and bias Marcus and Somji
(2024); Routon (2024); Stewart et al. (2021).
Successful mass mobilization leads to long-
term societal changes. It fosters a re-
evaluation and strengthening of updated
gender norms, empowering women and
LGBTQ+ individuals to realize their rights
and participate freely in socio-political life.
Politically, this translates into legislative
alignment with SDG #5, which ensures
gender equality and bolsters civil society
and democratic values.
- Empowering heterosexual women and
LGBTQI+: involvement in decision-making
and expanded influence on the socio-
political landscape, strengthening the
position of LGBTQI+ in socio-political
discourse Morris et al. (2023); Scheadler
et al. (2023); Schmitz et al. (2022).
- Impact on political decisions and legislation:
passing laws that protect the rights of
heterosexual women and LGBTQI+
Jaramillo-Sierra (2024); Walker et al. (2023).
- Strengthening civil society and democratic
processes: development of stable
democratic institutions that support
equality and protect human rights Ayoub
et al. (2021); Harms (2024).
- Transforming the concept of normative
masculinities in public discourse
Martsenyuk and Shevtsova (2024).
- Revealing the transformative role of personal
stories of women combatants in patriarchal
military institutions are vital for advancing
women and gender equality Mieriemova
(2025).
- Building mutual support networks in non-
democratic settings Asadi Zeidabadi and
Aghtaie (2023); Dadpour (2024)
8O. MATVEIEVA
Practical examples of mobilization in Ukraine share a common feature: they involve
heterosexual men and women, and individuals of other gender identities coming
together at the grassroots level to contribute to the defence and support of the state
and nation under external attack. These collective eorts often complement the state’s
formal defence responsibilities, which frequently fall short in addressing the multifaceted
challenges of defence, liberation, and bolstering the foundations of security and freedom,
notably, including the freedom of self-identication and expression.
Given the central importance of group dynamics in dening and understanding
mobilization, this study begins by exploring how gender identities inuence the mobili-
zation of heterosexual men, women, and LGBTQI+ individuals. Using this empirical
foundation, the analysis develops pragmatic implications for how voluntary yet state-
framed mobilization across dierent gender identities shapes the sociopolitical landscape
and drives societal transformation towards gender equality.
The underlying assumption is that enhancing inclusivity during the shock of war
strengthens collective resilience in the momentum of unity to overcome collective threat.
This inclusivity prompts both society and the state to reassess entrenched and newly
radicalized gender roles, such as the portrayal of ‘hyper-masculine defenders’ and their
‘female supporters awaiting their return’. These roles (Yaroshenko, 2020), widely lever-
aged by the state as sources of gender-specic motivation for mobilization – ‘to remain/
become a true man’ – have largely excluded LGBTQI+ individuals.
This theoretical approach integrates a diverse body of scholarly research into
a structured analysis of identity-driven mass mobilization during wartime. It facilitates
a detailed investigation of how gender norms shape mobilization practices and inuence
societal transformation towards greater acceptance of diversity.
Methods
This research employs a qualitative methodology combining semi-structured interviews,
document analysis, and social media analysis to explore how gender and identity shape
social mobilization among Ukrainian civic activists in response to the Russian invasion.
Grounded in gender studies and social mobilization theories, the approach enables
a nuanced analysis of identity-driven engagement and its implications for Ukraine’s
evolving socio-political landscape.
The study incorporates a social media analysis of the #NovaPoshta hashtag, commonly
used in Facebook posts by organizations thanking Nova Poshta (national postal service)
for oering free or discounted humanitarian aid shipments. This method compensates for
the lack of ocial wartime data, allowing the identication of civil society leaders and
their genders through the digital footprints of CSOs active in Facebook.
Participant selection and sampling
The study involves twelve civic activists aged between 25 and 40 years, representing
diverse gender identities (heterosexual men, heterosexual women, and LGBTQI+).
Participants were recruited through snowball sampling within volunteer networks sup-
porting the Ukrainian Armed Forces and broader societal resilience eorts. This approach
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 9
reects the trust-based, networked nature of wartime civic activism in Ukraine, where
participants referred peers actively involved in similar initiatives.
Ocial data on the organizers of civil initiatives during the war are signicantly limited
or restricted, necessitating an alternative approach to verify whether organizations are
active and to identify their founders(s) and key actors. To this end, an analysis of the
organizations’ Facebook pages was conducted, complemented by a search for their
activities using the #NovaPoshta hashtag. With regard to its limitations, this approach
enabled verication of their activity and engagement in the volunteer movement, ensur-
ing their relevance to the study’s focus on voluntary social mobilization. This method
facilitated an approximate assessment of the gender ratio among leaders of civil organi-
zations, which would have been challenging to nd in other way when registers are not
available.
Table 2 provides a structured overview of participants, detailing their roles, geographic
locations, organization types, and specic engagements within national defence and
resistance eorts. The interview questionnaire covered topics such as reasons for mobi-
lization; experiences and motivations for voluntary mobilization; perceptions of engage-
ment practices and evaluations of observed socio-political change.
I identied key recurring themes in the respondents’ answers. The analysis of these
themes helped to identify the following trends, such as the impact of the war on gender
roles, attitudes, and identity; and the relationship between gender, will for mobilization,
and resulting democratic transformations. Themes were further grouped into subcate-
gories. For example, topics like the ‘heroic narrative’ and ‘new emotional challenges
arising in the war’ were categorized under ‘the impact of the war on men’. This thematic
organization informed the structure of the ‘Results and Analysis’ section, allowing
a separate representation of the experiences of men, women, and LGBTQ+ individuals.
Document analysis
Document analysis included Ukrainian laws (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 1993) and
materials from trusted volunteer initiatives such as the Serhiy Prytula Charity
Foundation (2023), Come Back Alive Foundation (2023), United24 Initiative (2023), and
‘Map of Help for LGBTQI+’. This analysis provided a framework to contextualize the legal
and organizational environments in which activists operate. It complemented the inter-
view data by revealing how institutional policies and public narratives intersect with
individual choices, actions, and identity dynamics. Cross-referencing participant
responses with open-source data captured a comprehensive picture of the socio-
political factors shaping wartime gendered activism. This approach enabled insights
into how activists navigate legal restrictions, societal expectations, and structural chal-
lenges in their mobilization eorts.
Analytical approach
The analytical framework is grounded in social mobilization and gender identity theories
(Deckman & McDonald, 2023; Jain & DasGupta, 2021; Rogers et al., 2018; Shmatko &
Rachok, 2024; Staeheli, 2004; Thiel et al., 2023). This framework supports an in-depth
10 O. MATVEIEVA
Table 2. Overview of interview participants.
Code
Personal
pronounce and
gender
Affiliation
and role Focus of engagement
City of
origin Date Record
Respondent
1
He/his,
Heterosexual
man
CSO, head A volunteer who runs
a civic initiative on
crowdsourcing for
military equipment
Preferred
not to
reveal
9 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
2
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
CSO, head Activist who runs a civic
initiative on
crowdsourcing and
supporting soldiers and
internally displaced
people
Kryvyi Rih 12 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
3
She/her,
Lesbian
CSO,
volunteer
A volunteer who delivers
humanitarian aid at the
front line
Kharkiv 20 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
4
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
CSO, head Activist, head of a CSO
that deals with
crowdsourcing and
supplies of technical
equipment and cars for
soldiers
Odesa 22 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
5
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
Volunteer Individual volunteer, who
has dealt with supplies
of wear to soldiers
Lviv 22 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
6
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
Ukrainian
Armed
Forces
A combatant who
voluntarily mobilised to
the Armed Forces
Mariupol 23 October 2023 Transcript
Respondent
7
He/his/they/
their,
Transgender
man
Ukrainian
Armed
Forces
Combatant who
voluntarily mobilised to
the Armed Forces
Preferred
not to
reveal
26 October 2023 Notes
Respondent
8
He/his/they/
their,
Transgender
man
Ukrainian
Armed
Forces
Combatant who
voluntarily mobilised to
the Armed Forces in
2018
Preferred
not to
reveal
30 October 2023 Notes
Respondent
9
He/his,
Heterosexual
man
Academic
Theatre
Individual volunteer, the
leading actor, and
founder of several
volunteer initiatives at
the Academic Theater
on supporting the
Armed Forces since
2014
Dnipro 6 November 2023 Transcript
Respondent
10
He/his,
Gay
CSO, head Activist and volunteer, co-
founder, and leader of
a civic inclusive
initiative for raising
funds for the Armed
Forces since 2022
Kyiv 9 November 2023 Transcript
Respondent
11
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
CSO, activist LGBTQI+ activist Kherson 5 November 2023 Transcript
Respondent
12
She/her,
Heterosexual
woman
University Scholar-activist who was
relocated to Germany
in 2022 and supports
relocated researchers
Mariupol 20 October 2023 Notes
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 11
exploration of how identity inuences participants’ actions, roles, and sense of belonging
within civic initiatives.
I identied key recurring themes in the respondents’ answers through manual
analysis. The themes were inductively derived from close readings of the transcripts
and notes. These themes, such as the impact of war on gender roles, were subse-
quently grouped into subcategories, which structured the ‘Results and Analysis’ sec-
tion, allowing a dierentiated representation of the experiences of men, women, and
LGBTQI+ individuals. Key themes guiding the analysis include: ‘gender and national
identity’, ‘mobilization practices’, and ‘socio-political transformation’. Particular atten-
tion is paid to LGBTQI+ activists, whose experiences highlight how gender identity
shapes their roles and perceptions within the liberative movement. By focusing on
themes like identity-driven mobilization and the challenges of exclusion, the analysis
reveals the specic gendered contributions and obstacles faced by female and LGBTQI
+ participants.
Ethical considerations
This study adhered to ethical norms to respect and protect the autonomy, safety, and
well-being of all participants, given the sensitive nature of the subject matter and the
participants’ close association with the ongoing war. Ethical procedures were informed
by established sociological practices for research with vulnerable and politically active
populations, as well as by the principles commonly upheld in the Journal of Gender
Studies. All participants provided informed consent based on full disclosure of the
study’s purpose, methodology, and potential impacts. The consent process under-
scored participants’ rights to withdraw or modify their contributions at any time.
Unlike many studies where participants prefer anonymity, nine interviewees from
twelve expressed a desire to remain openly identied, citing the importance of
transparency in representing their civic roles and personal experiences. This decision
was respected in alignment with ethical practices that prioritize participants’ agency
and self-representation.
Although nine participants preferred to be identied, sensitive information, such
as names and contextual identiers that could lead to safety risks, was carefully
managed and removed. Data was securely stored on an encrypted computer, with
access limited strictly to the author. Transcriptions and notes were safeguarded to
ensure condentiality, and no unnecessary identiers were retained in reporting the
ndings. Given that some of the participants are based near conict zones, originate
from Russia-occupied cities or engage in frontline volunteer or defence work, psy-
chological and physical safety as well as security were key ethical considerations. The
interview process was designed to minimize distress by adopting a exible, partici-
pant-led approach. Questions were crafted to respect emotional boundaries, allow-
ing participants to freely express discomfort or to steer the conversation away from
distressing topics if desired. Additionally, participants were informed about support
resources, should the interview discussions evoke personal or psychological strain
post-interview.
Given the politically sensitive context of this research, the study maintains
a commitment to accurately and respectfully represent the experiences and perspectives
12 O. MATVEIEVA
of activists. I am aware of the potential implications of reporting on active resistance and
have taken measures to ensure that participants’ narratives contribute constructively to
the understanding of wartime mobilization. Ethical responsibility was extended beyond
mere compliance, seeking to empower participants through their contributions while
maintaining sensitivity to their unique circumstances and the broader socio-political
context in which they operate.
Limitations
I acknowledge that the sample in this study is limited and not representative of the entire
Ukrainian population engaged in volunteering during wartime. The focus is specically on
a narrow group – Ukrainian civic activists and leaders of local initiatives – whose reec-
tions and experiences may dier from those of other societal groups. This selective scope
is intended to provide a focused understanding of the dynamics within the activists’
sector, a group highly predisposed to voluntary social mobilization in response to the
invasion.
While this targeted approach oers insights into mobilization processes, it also
limits the generalizability of ndings to broader demographic or social groups in
Ukraine. The perspectives of those outside the volunteer sector, including individuals
who are less involved in civic activities or face systemic barriers to mobilization, remain
underexplored.
A limitation is imposed by the chosen combination of research methods, particularly
the inclusion of analysing publications with the hashtag ‘Nova Poshta’ on Facebook. On
the one hand, this alternative method partially compensates for the lack of open data
from state registries. On the other hand, it cannot be considered sucient to identify
individuals connected to mobilization solely through their use of Nova Poshta services
(such as sending humanitarian aid or equipment to the military). Not all organizations or
civil society actors potentially relevant to the study were interacting on social media using
this hashtag. In particular, because the selected interviewees conducted their activities
through other means, with little or no interaction on social media (e.g. combatants).
Results and analysis: how activists mobilise and experience the war through
action?
Traditional views of masculinity inuence gender roles in conict (Forsberg & Olsson,
2021). The culture of superior force that develops during the war shapes involvement in
collective action and decision-making, necessitating a gender-focused analysis of warfare
and liberatory mobilization.
Thus, the impact of war diers for male, female, and non-binary actors who mobilize for
defence. The main reason is rooted and enshrined in law (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine,
1993), which legitimizes traditional gender roles and expectations in Ukraine, stating that
men should be on the frontlines, while women support them at the family level. In
traditional societies such as post-Soviet ones (Santoire, 2023), women are discouraged
from participating in conict-related activities. Due to discrimination, the social mobiliza-
tion of LGBTQI+ is not expected. Also, security concerns prevent their engagement in
collective mobilization activities. Fear of violence and persecution (Menzies & Nawrath,
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 13
2021) leads to decreased involvement and reluctance to engage in activities that may
reveal their gender identity.
Another reason is the unequal allocation and redistribution of resources. Resources
and services such as healthcare, shelter, and nancial support in times of war are allocated
without adequate analysis of the gendered needs of target groups. Women, men, and
LGBTQI+ individuals get varying access to them (McCulloch et al., 2023), which impacts
their ability to eectively engage in collective action.
And nally, the availability of support networks and organizations that advocate for the
rights and interests of vulnerable groups – both traditionalized and newly emerged, such
as widows of the war and LGBTQI+ combatants with their unrecognized civilian partners –
inuences their ability to take a risk of action, as these networks serve as umbrellas
oering protection, resources, and guidance.
Male perspective: ‘forced protectors’
The legitimated forced nature of the wartime mobilization of men has deeply aected the
perception of male identity, reinforcing traditional expectations and socio-political roles.
In such a period, societal ideals about masculinity position men as primary defenders,
linking their identity with a duty to protect the country and their national identity,
encapsulated in the image of a hypermasculine ‘Cossack’-”Kyborg”. This cultural charac-
teristic, on the one hand, encourages mobilization for military service and social support
measures while simultaneously narrowing the commonly accepted scope of male iden-
tity, thus shaping both the dynamics of mobilization and the evolution of the Ukrainian
socio-political environment, where brave and courageous heterosexual men are predo-
minant in society. On the other hand, military and civilian mobilization was often driven
not only by a sense of duty and a desire to protect a country and compatriots
(Respondent 1) but also by guilt, survivor’s syndrome, emotional struggles stemming
from personal loss (Respondent 9) and peer pressure.
Ukrainian law restricts men aged 18 to 60 from leaving the country during the war,
underscoring an expectation of service that frames the ‘Ukrainian man’ as a natural
protector (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 1993, 2022). This legal framework with gender-
selective military recruiting reinforces societal beliefs in a hyper-masculine archetype,
privileging physical strength and a willingness to protect as dening attributes of norma-
tive male identity. Media portrayals amplify this image (Ononiwu, 2024), signicantly
shaping a heroic public perception of combatant-volunteers in response to the state’s
critical need for mobilization into the Armed Forces. This contributes to the narrowing of
the concept of natural masculinity, leaving men who choose non-combat roles to navi-
gate signicant societal pressures and stigmas that question their identity by public
perception, value for society (Waterhouse, 2023), and law. Many men who do not enlist
feel compelled to contribute through civilian support roles, such as crowdfunding and
volunteer work, feeling a need to ‘take action’ to align with the protector role in an
acceptable or accessible way. For instance, Respondent 1 noted his establishment of
a non-prot CSO to source military equipment, describing his eort as ‘an eective way to
contribute to collective victory’. This sentiment illustrates how identity and sense of
belonging mobilizes individuals and directs their eorts into societal structures that
align and reinforce the man’s traditional protector role, which will be expectedly
14 O. MATVEIEVA
approved by society. Conversely, men who abstain from military service often encounter
societal disapproval (Waterhouse, 2023), facing internal and external conicts about their
national and gender identities (‘false Ukrainian’, ‘false man’). This pressure, noted by
respondents who hinted at it but declined to discuss it directly, stigmatizes non-
combatants and exacerbates mental health issues (Ovchar & Bolman, 2022), with anxiety,
guilt, and survivor’s syndrome as prevalent issues (King’s College London, 2024; Kurapov
et al., 2023).
The heroism narrative (Boichak & McKernan, 2022), initially inspiring in 2022, was
later tempered by the realities of physical and psychological strain among soldiers,
prompting more critical conversations about masculine identity in post-war Ukraine
since 2023. Injuries and disabilities resulting from combat, alongside the unresolved
fundamental state principles regarding, among others, the eradication of corruption
and establishing terms of service in the Armed Forces, are eroding traditional
notions of male invincibility and leading to new conversations about male vulner-
ability at war (Shevchenko, 2024). Men who suer trauma from war-related experi-
ences face stigma for showing vulnerability (Riley & May, 2024), reinforcing the
notion that masculinity is incompatible with seeking help and also guarantees
protection and acceptance from the state and society. This stigma weakens social
cohesion, as aected individuals often refuse to participate in joint initiatives within
their communities.
At the same time, engagement in war-related volunteer initiatives, and especially their
(co-)organization (Respondent 1), allows for nding and building a way for a broader
acceptance of diverse identities. Men nd the value not just in non-combat roles that
contribute to the country’s resilience and recovery, as well as greater inclusion in engage-
ment practices which previously were considered as female (such as weaving protective
nets and cooking for combatants).
The socio-political consequences of gender-selective mobilization, with the main
burden on men, reinforce the nation’s patriarchal political landscape, elevating militarized
masculinity as a dominant cultural and political force. This gendered mobilization legit-
imizes male dominance in both military and political domains, with men continuing to
occupy visible leadership roles. The enlistment of nearly a million men at the beginning of
the invasion (Reznikov, 2022) has brought traditional values back to the forefront of the
national identity narrative, while civil society organizations predominantly led by men
have gained much more visibility and inuence (Respondent 1). According to
Opendatabot (2023a), the most donations were directed to three funds led by men
(Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundation 2023, Come Back Alive Foundation 2023, and United
24 2023), which evidently gained more public trust than initiatives launched by women
and the LGBTQI+ community.
However, the war has also begun to challenge traditional male roles by provoking
male-led civic engagement in non-combat areas. The inux of male volunteers into the
civilian sector signals a potential shift in the socio-political fabric, creating a value of
diverse national identity for men which goes beyond protective roles. This dual role
fosters a model of participatory masculinity that integrates military and civilian contribu-
tions, expanding traditional ways men engage with and support their communities.
The prominence of male-led initiatives in defence and volunteerism shows that
gender identity still plays a critical role in mobilizing collective action, fostering a form
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 15
of civic nationalism that centres on defence, unity and conformity to stereotypical
ideals which serve as the cornerstone of societal resilience at war. By driving men to
engage both militarily and civically, the male societal role evolves, while traditionally
aligned with protection, becoming more inclusive of diverse forms of contribution,
showcasing an opportunity for Ukrainian society to redene masculinity and incorpo-
rate it into a more equitable socio-political framework, also safer and welcoming for
other gender identities.
Female perspective: ‘not just supporters’
The Russian invasion has signicantly impacted women’s agency (Wilson, 2024) in
Ukraine, triggering both gender and national identity-driven mobilization. Once conned
by traditional roles, Ukrainian women have become vital to national resilience, redening
established ‘proper’ female identity (Yaroshenko, 2020) to align with wartime mass
mobilization. ‘I nd myself in a sort of opposition to this situation’, shares Respondent
5. Female engagement, amid this nationwide opposition to external aggression, chal-
lenges societal norms of gendered behaviour, positioning women as important actors in
support and frontline roles, thus enhancing their visibility and inuence in society.
At the same time, war has compounded economic burdens on women, who dispro-
portionately bear responsibilities as primary caregivers and key support providers. Yet, in
response to these intensied hardships, women have mobilized at unprecedented levels
in 2022, voluntarily engaging in community resilience and defence roles that visibly
reshape their positioning in society. This mobilization marks an adaptive response, as
women redene their roles and public images through actions that extend far beyond
traditionally imposed boundaries. Their self-organized collective mobilization surfaces
entrenched structural inequities, such as lack of political opportunity, restricted access
to resources and enduring stereotypes that inhibit their autonomy (Barth, 2021; Masys,
2023).
Voluntary wartime mobilization reects an identity-driven process in which women’s
resilience sustains community morale (Respondent 3) and catalyses critical discourse on
equity and gendered expectations. Respondent 3 noted that wartime demands are
‘breaking down barriers’ that previously conned women’s roles, highlighting
a changing paradigm where female agency could be both ‘visible and inuential’.
Women’s enhanced socio-political participation signies a redened (for the period of
war) agency that extends into public decision-making, frontline support, and strategic
resilience-building roles. Through these actions, women are not merely adapting but are
proactively reshaping Ukraine’s socio-political environment, which is designed and led by
men. Their involvement paves the way for a broader, more inclusive understanding of
agency in Ukrainian society, where identity-driven mobilization sparks further transforma-
tions in gender equity and political representation. But whether this trend can take root
remains a matter of debate.
With the momentum of wartime mobilization, women are progressively asserting their
inuence in diplomacy and decision-making, domains historically dominated by men, and
female identity evolves accordingly. The deployment of female diplomats advocating for
sanctions against Russia exemplies this shift, making the strategic value of women in
international relations visible and amplifying their voices in global political discourse
16 O. MATVEIEVA
(Borchgrave, 2023). Increased visibility on the international stage positions women as
growing leaders, shaping Ukraine’s deliberation narrative and securing support, but not
yet shaping a stable political agenda.
Structural imbalances remain an obstacle, as men occupy top political roles. Female
CSO leaders describe a lack of recognition for their capabilities in civic and military
settings, with societal biases often relegating them to secondary positions, regardless of
their professional background and contributions. For example, Respondent 4 noted the
persistent assumption that male counterparts are the primary decision-makers, reecting
entrenched stereotypes that still hinder women’s access to full and equal socio-political
participation. This marginalization, while challenging, has mobilized more women to
assert their leadership and claim visibility, challenging long-standing power structures
publicly.
By confronting these obstacles, women are transforming their roles from passive
supporters to active participants in the local socio-political arenas, raising visibility
through social media. Their representation and advocacy within these spheres drive the
broader mobilization for national defence and greater gender equality, with female
activists in the diaspora playing an essential role in maintaining this momentum inter-
nationally. Constituting roughly 90% of displaced Ukrainians, these women have become
a signicant diasporic force, organizing support for Ukraine globally and forging networks
that inuence international policy. A ‘virtualisation’ of the Ukrainian state – a mass
migration of Ukrainians alongside a simultaneous increase in their virtual public activity
aimed at rebuilding ties with their homeland – due to mass migration, maintained
through digital advocacy and cross-border mobilization, contributes to extending the
impact of displaced women across borders, maintaining a dynamic connective action with
communities of their origin (Gerlach & Ryndzak, 2022).
A major component of this evolving women’s agency is also the growing presence of
women in Ukraine’s military. With over 57,000 women enlisted voluntarily, representing
22% of the Armed Forces (Levkova, 2022), women’s roles have expanded from logistical
support to active combat and leadership positions, challenging traditional normativity.
Wartime legal reforms that now permit women to serve in combat positions highlight this
shift, although cultural biases, as evidenced by the observation that, in the opinion of
men, ‘War is not a place for women’, persist (Respondents 3 and 6).
Women’s integration into military roles marks a signicant redenition of their roles
and societal perceptions, transforming the stereotypical notion of women as sole care-
givers into active defenders and leaders. This transition, supported by feminist CSOS’
advocacy, embodies a broader societal acceptance of gender equality, as women’s con-
tributions on the front lines of both military and humanitarian work reshape the concept
of national duty across predened gender lines. In the civic sector, women have taken on
critical roles in supporting communities and mobilizing resources and networks to meet
urgent community needs. By leading initiatives which provide people-to-people social
services and technical supplies for combatants, women agency publicly demonstrates
a capacity for crisis leadership, motivating others to engage.
There was a signicant increase in volunteer registration in 2022, with 2,383 registra-
tions in the Tax Oce’s Register of Volunteers (Opendatabot, 2023a) and the establish-
ment of 39,000 fundraising accounts reaching unprecedented numbers by 2023
(Opendatabot, 2023b). According to # NovaPoshta (‘New Post’), 50% of such volunteer
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 17
organizations were led by women in 2023. Through crowdfunding and the internationa-
lization of these eorts on platforms like Telegram, women have fostered vibrant support
networks that sustain the Ukrainian populace. Respondent 1 highlighted how women-led
civic initiatives are ‘shifting societal attitudes’ by promoting social cohesion, thereby
solidifying women’s voluntary eorts, oriented towards inclusive and collaborative action.
Accordingly, the voluntary mobilization among Ukrainian women in response to the
Russian invasion marks a critical evolution in the nation’s socio-political dynamics. Their
active participation in military, civic, and political spheres challenges traditional post-
Soviet gendered norms, disrupting established power hierarchies and assuming roles
previously reserved for men. This transformation aligns with broader aspirations for
democratic reform and gender equity, suggesting that women’s voluntary mobilization
is not merely a response to challenges but a catalyst for long-term structural change
(Matveieva, 2024), which is awaited by women after the war (Respondents 2 and 6)
towards a more inclusive and equitable society.
As one of the central pillars of the collective resilience of Ukraine, female-led grassroots
movements have become instrumental in dismantling historical legacies of structural
gender inequality, with its limitations of power, resources, and political opportunities for
women. Their leadership catalyses institutional reformation in this sphere, with women’s
publicly recognized success in community initiatives inspiring wider participation and
serving as a model for equal democratic engagement. Despite ongoing challenges, the
visibility of women in decision-making and advocacy roles continues to inspire others,
fostering a political environment more conducive to gender inclusivity and social justice
(Paxton et al., 2020). As Respondent 4 noted, ‘We have to show strong, diverse women’,
pointing out the importance of female leadership and celebrating women who have
broken through the ‘glass ceiling’. Such evidence shifts public perception of women’s
capabilities and provides a ‘template’ for future female leaders in the civic sector to
contribute to the state’s resilience and future socio-political transformation.
Consequently, the mobilization of Ukrainian women determines a transformative
moment in the socio-political processes, where identity-driven mobilization promotes
democratic values. The evolving role of women as leaders, advocates, and defenders
denes a role of identity in shaping both individual and collective responses to the war. As
Ukraine moves towards recovery, the ongoing re-articulation of female identity is key to
building a more resilient and inclusive society, which unmutes voices.
Although the visibility of women’s mobilization in wartime Ukraine reects a signicant
redenition of gender roles, the long-term permanence of these gains is still questioned.
Historical evidence demonstrates that in many countries after both World Wars, women’s
increased participation in public life was often reversed once peacetime resumed (Bitunjac,
2022). However, several factors in the analysed case of Ukraine may reduce the likelihood of
such regression. First, legal reforms adopted have institutionalized women’s participation in
the military, granting them access to combat roles and professional advancement. Second,
the digitalization of the action arena and contributions of civil society with the emergence
and development of inuential women-led CSOs have fostered sustainable leadership
networks that extend beyond the wartime context (Matveieva, 2024). Third, Ukraine’s EU
integration process incentivizes sustained gender equality measures in law and policy,
aligned with SDG 5. Finally, the unprecedented scale of women’s participation in civic and
military roles during the 2022–2023 period has generated societal recognition and
18 O. MATVEIEVA
normative shifts that are already shaping public discourse and expectations for post-war
reconstruction. While risks of rollback remain, these structural changes suggest that the
current trajectory is more likely to result in long-term transformation than temporary
disruption.
LGBTQI+ perspective: (temporarily) ‘accelerated societal acceptance’
Ukraine’s LGBTQI+ community has faced long-standing marginalization, heavily
inuenced by the nation’s patriarchal traditions, which privilege traditionalized
hyper-masculinity during the nationwide mobilization campaign for enlistment to
the Armed Forces. The war, however, has provided a challenging but barrier-
removing context that is shifting societal attitudes, fostering a sense of unity,
and promoting greater visibility and acceptance for LGBTQI+ individuals. As
Respondent 3 noted, ‘War removes many restrictions’. Voluntarily mobilized by
a shared sense of national duty, LGBTQI+ activists have contributed signicantly
to both defence and humanitarian eorts, directly challenging and expanding
traditional gender norms in a society still deeply rooted in the conservative tradi-
tion of social homogenization.
For decades, the LGBTQI+ community in Ukraine has contended with a social and legal
landscape that privileges heteronormative standards and imposes narrow denitions of
acceptable gender roles. The image of the ‘true warrior’ as a heterosexual hyper-
masculine man dominates public life, especially in wartime. This expectation places
LGBTQI+ individuals in a complex position, forcing them to keep a low prole and
navigate challenges of operating in environments where their identities are seen by
default as incompatible with traditional military ideals. Additionally, anti-LGBTQI+ laws
in Russian-occupied territories and those previously covered by Russian gendered disin-
formation and propaganda, constructed based on the 2013 ‘gay propaganda law’, –
further stigmatize this community, portraying their identities as ‘Western moral decay’
and intensifying the ideological divide between Russia and the pro-Western majority of
the Ukrainian population. The war, therefore, magnies these pressures, with many
LGBTQI+ individuals feeling compelled to conform to traditional roles or, conversely, to
redene them through active service (Petrenko, 2022) via depiction of personal stories.
These dynamics create signicant challenges for LGBTQI+ Ukrainians, especially those
who voluntarily enlisted in the Armed Forces. As an interview participant noted, essential
rights such as marriage, adoption, and spousal visitation remain out of reach for non-
heterosexual couples, creating a legal framework that reinforces inequality and exclusion
(Respondent 11). Despite these barriers, however, the community members’ mobilization
and their public visibility in military and humanitarian roles have proven instrumental in
gradually shifting societal attitudes to LGBTQI+ as potential defenders.
The substantial participation of LGBTQI+ individuals in the military, constituting
approximately 2–7% of the Armed Forces (Cwalina, 2024), with more than 20% actively
serving on the front lines (Petrenko, 2022), has signicantly impacted their public percep-
tion as a part of the collective resistance force. This high level of engagement directly
confronts and reshapes traditional concepts of masculinity, visibly integrating diverse
identities within Ukraine’s most respected and trusted institution – the Armed Forces. On
the one hand, their willingness to serve and defend the country mirrors a shared national
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 19
identity that transcends sexual orientation and gender, helping to erode biases within the
broader population. On the other hand, postponed attempts by peers to place them in
the frames of traditional views on gender and sex alignment can resurface.
Respondent 11 emphasized the transformative eect of LGBTQI+ military personnel
sharing ‘visible contributions and personal stories’ within the army, noting that these
stories challenge and soften public attitudes towards LGBTQI+ individuals. The army’s role
as a trusted institution has thus provided a unique and new platform for public accep-
tance, as the valour associated with military service often supersedes any preconceived
notions about sexuality or gender. This visibility helps to legitimize diverse gender
identities in the eyes of many Ukrainians and broadens the public’s understanding of
who embodies national values and pride.
Personal narratives of LGBTQI+ soldiers and volunteers reveal the resilience and
dedication of this community, often in the face of signicant personal and societal risk.
Many individuals took the war as a personal calling to serve, unied by a commitment to
Ukraine’s sovereignty. Respondent expressed this motivation, saying, ‘I won’t be super-
uous there’, before enlisting in the Armed Forces (Respondent 8), underscoring
a determination to contribute meaningfully despite the risk of discrimination. Yet, these
contributions are not without serious challenges. Respondent 7 described experiences of
harassment and attempted ‘physical gender correction’ by a male commander, high-
lighting the persistent dangers that LGBTQI+ individuals face even within supposedly
inclusive spaces. His personal story combines evidence of growing societal support
among social media readers after sharing his story with the experience of persecution,
violence, and pressure at his service, which was aimed at forcibly aligning him with the
gender-sexual expectations among his peers and commander. Thus, it sparks questions
about the depth of societal acceptance of diversity and non-binarity.
Taking such incidents into account, public surveys indicated a notable shift in public
opinion by 2022. Support for LGBTQI+ rights in Ukraine has signicantly increased, with
positive or neutral views rising from 34% in 2016 to 57.6% in 2022, and support for equal
rights growing from 33.4% to 63.7% (KIIS, 2022). This rise in acceptance, largely spurred by
the LGBTQI+ community’s visible contributions during the war, is a testament to the
growing impact of identity-driven mobilization on the socio-political landscape during
wartime.
It is worth noting that the mobilization of the LGBTQI+ community extends beyond
physical contributions, encompassing a vibrant online presence that bolsters their visibi-
lity and reinforces solidarity, which they lacked before. Social media platforms, including
LGBTQI+ support groups on Facebook and personal accounts on Instagram, serve as
critical venues for sharing stories of resilience, solidarity, and advocacy. Initiatives like the
“Map of help for LGBTQI+ (2023), developed by the Dnipro-based feminist and LGBTQI+
organization Gender Stream, showcase the community’s self-reliance and growing ability
to organize at the grassroots level around shared challenges. This map connects indivi-
duals with resources for shelter, healthcare, and legal support, addressing specic needs
often unmet by broader social services and underscoring the empowering role of digital
spaces in the development of mobilization structures.
Its virtual visibility fosters empathy, trust, and understanding, enabling LGBTQI+ acti-
vists to reach a wide audience and engage in meaningful dialogues about equality and
acceptance through the promotion of their eorts and contributions to the national
20 O. MATVEIEVA
defence. Public hate speech remains a typical form of response to their disclosures on
social media. However, the number of supportive reactions is also growing. Despite the
signicant loss of community members through emigration, conscription, or death on the
front lines, LGBTQI+ CSOs continue to advocate for rights and provide critical support.
These organizations are pivotal in shaping public empathy and advancing the broader
discourse on human rights, directly impacting the socio-political narrative surrounding
LGBTQI+ acceptance.
From the perspective of assessing the signicance of their contribution to defence and
societal support during the war, the conict has created a paradoxical environment for
LGBTQI+ activism in Ukraine. While it has catalysed greater visibility, trust, and respect, it
has also brought challenges to the surface, including the forced conscription of male
activists and the emigration of female activists, which have limited the community’s
capacity to organize domestically. Yet, this activism has gained traction internationally,
as diaspora communities in the EU continue to advocate for Ukrainian sovereignty and
LGBTQI+ rights, emphasizing solidarity and mutual support.
In this complex socio-political landscape, LGBTQI+ CSOs have emerged as critical
agents of change, playing decisive role in advancing tolerance and challenging traditional
gender norms and values. Through voluntary engagement in defence operations, sharing
personal stories, and organizing collective action for advocacy for human rights, these
organizations create a more inclusive framework for social mobilization that benets all
the nation. Their work strengthens the fabric of Ukrainian society and advances the
pursuit of equality to become an integral part of Ukraine’s deeper socio-political trans-
formation on the way to EU membership acquisition.
The mobilization of the LGBTQI+ community, driven by a redened sense of identity
and duty, marks a signicant step in challenging societal norms and advocating for
recognition of human rights. As Ukraine rebuilds at the grassroots level, the contributions
and sacrices of LGBTQI+ individuals are poised to leave a lasting legacy on the nation’s
wartime socio-political fabric and its democratic institutions.
Discussion
The ndings from this study highlight the multi-faceted impact of identity-driven mobi-
lization during the Russian invasion on Ukraine’s socio-political landscape. The early phase
of the invasion catalysed a surge in voluntary civic engagement that revealed both the
uniting potential and limitations of Ukraine’s socio-political fabric under the pressure of
extreme threat. This section discusses the implications of these observations and situates
them within broader discussions of gender, social mobilization, and democratic
transformation.
One signicant insight from the study is the resilience and adaptability demonstrated
by Ukrainian society. Men, traditionally expected to full combat and leadership roles,
largely met these expectations but also faced psychological strain and identity conicts
due to the hyper-masculine framing of national duty. This reects broader challenges
seen in wartime societies, where societal expectations reinforce restrictive gender norms,
leading to mental health concerns and the stigmatization of those who do not conform
(Clary et al., 2023). While women’s roles in the 2022–2023 sociopolitical gendered order in
Ukraine have been studied more extensively than men’s ones, this article provides insight
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 21
into the situation men face and interpretations of masculinities in Ukraine since Russia’s
full-scale invasion. It contributes to the discussion initiated by Shevtsova (2024) and
Shmatko and Rachok (2024) on the disproportionate burden placed on one gender
group (men of all genders) during wartime, which can become signicantly dispropor-
tionate to their human capacities.
Women’s involvement transcended historical boundaries, highlighting their expanded
agency in both military and civilian roles. Their leadership in civic organizations, volunteer
movements, and strategic decision-making was crucial not only in supporting immediate
defence eorts but also in advocating for more inclusive and equitable socio-political
structures. This evolution challenges the entrenched perception of women as supporters
and caregivers and underscores their potential as transformative actors in a patriarchal
society. The ndings align with global research showing that crisis periods can accelerate
shifts in gender roles (Barth, 2021; Martsenyuk, 2023), although such progress often
requires direct support through policy and systemic change to be sustainable.
The visibility of the LGBTQI+ community during the war marked an unprecedented
shift. Members of this community who joined the Armed Forces faced stereotyping and
discrimination in close-knit groups, yet their active participation fostered incremental
acceptance and visibility in a wider audience of social media. This observation aligns with
the notion that participation in collective national defence eorts contributes to reshap-
ing public perceptions and challenging societal biases, but they appear at a micro-level.
Despite some gains, deep-seated prejudices and the absence of comprehensive legal
protections for LGBTQI+ individuals persist (Menzies & Nawrath, 2021), indicating that
while their contributions to the war eort have been signicant, structural barriers remain.
I argue that it is not elites or hegemonic identities that become the source of
democracy’s renewal, but those who were pushed to the periphery yet managed to
leverage the tools of democratic co-creation and the digital opportunities of society –
women, LGBTQ+, and youth. It is their mobilization ‘from the edges’ that initiates not only
participation but also the engagement of others from the ‘edges’, and through such broad
involvement, a renegotiation of the rules of behaviour on the action arena. During
wartime, the socio-political landscape of the state is reshaped not by military machinery
but by diverse, unconventional participants of the war-response who become visible
through their ‘innovative’ involvement – e.g. female volunteers and queer ghters. This
represents a transformation not only of the traditional image of the nation but also of the
socio-technical mechanisms of inclusion and power redistribution. These fragile processes
are unstable. They emerge within a historical window of extreme societal openness to
voluntary mobilization, which, in the case of Ukraine in 2022–2023, was triggered by the
collective shock of Russia’s invasion. Nevertheless, the consolidation of processes that
revise societal perceptions of gender roles and the acceptance of diversity depends on
society’s ability to utilize the existing toolkit of digital openness and democracy to
institutionalize changes and legislatively enshrine the constructed norms and rules of
power and authority redistribution on the action arena, based on competencies rather
than gender characteristics.
While the war reshaped gender roles by pushing boundaries and fostering a broader
inclusion of diverse identities, it also brought pre-existing inequalities to the surface. The
challenges faced by all gender groups indicate that while Russia’s aggression-triggered
mobilization can spur societal progress, it also deepens certain disparities unless
22 O. MATVEIEVA
supported by targeted reforms. The role of legislation, institutionalized advocacy, and
multilevel gender mainstreaming in public policies becomes crucial, as the momentum of
openness to inclusivity and equity requires an enabling environment that addresses
systemic biases and promotes structural change.
Сonclusion
This study contributes to advancing the debate within gender studies on how extreme
crises reshape gender norms and acceptance of diverse identities by providing empiri-
cal evidence from the context of wartime Ukraine. While the literature has established
that gender identity can drive mobilization (Bowers & Whitley, 2020; Deckman &
McDonald, 2023), this research shows that aggression-responsive and identity-driven
mobilization reects and actively recongures national narratives and advancing
developments within institutional structures. Specically, the ndings add to the
conversation on how women and LGBTQI+ individuals challenge and transform rigid
gender hierarchies under conditions of existential threat (Martsenyuk & Shevtsova,
2024; Shmatko & Rachok, 2024). In contrast to historical cases where women’s wartime
agency was later reversed, this study assumes that institutional and civil society-based
mechanisms at the highly digitalized local action arena (which is subordinated to the
goal of institutional adaptation to higher-level rules, such as provisions for Ukraine’s
integration into the EU), contribute to sustaining and advancing these changes. It
becomes feasible when impulses transform into xed and secured norms. The study
also nuances gender theories by showing that national defence can act as an arena of
contested gender identities rather than a unifying space dominated by masculinist
norms. By integrating these ndings into the broader literature on social mobilization
and gender identity, this paper develops a view on the dynamic interconnection
between gender, conict, and democratic transformation.
The ability to unite for a collective response to a collective threat demonstrates the
society’s potential for resilience, adaptability, and advancing the agency. Men, women,
and LGBTQI+ individuals each contributed in distinct and meaningful ways, challenging
conventional gender norms and redening gender-nuanced national identity. While the
crisis-responsive collective eorts initiated important conversations and changes in gen-
der roles, norms, and inclusivity of mobilization structures and engagement practices, it
also highlights the necessity of immediately embedding of achieved progress into
a political agenda that is clearly articulated and widely disseminated. This requires
continuous eorts in achieving goals and analysing indicators of progress.
The ndings suggest that while war can act as a catalyst for socio-political transforma-
tion, measurable progress in achieving SDG 5, ‘Gender Equality’, and comprehensive
inclusion requires sustained and intentional multilevel eorts across social, political, and
legal spheres. Ensuring these gains are not transient but foundational will involve con-
tinued advocacy, policy reforms, and a commitment to embedding gender equity into the
national framework.
To transition from temporary wartime shifts to lasting and measurable societal trans-
formation, external support for feminist CSOs must remain steadfast. This enables sus-
tained internal pressure on system elements that are less open to reformation and
JOURNAL OF GENDER STUDIES 23
solidies the progress made during this period and contribute to building a more resilient,
democratic society that values and supports all its members.
The driving role of such gender mainstreaming lies signicantly with feminist and
LGBTQI+ CSOs, which serve as a ‘gender lens’ within a patriarchal society inclined towards
generalization and simplication of norms. The state-driven idea of social mobilization is
directed at protecting and shaping national defence policy and its foundational basis –
national identity as an object of collective safeguarding. Amid the radicalization of
political discourse on mobilization, national identity should not lose its gender diversity.
The stress of war highlights community eorts in this area, as the LGBTQI+ contribution to
the defence and the development of national identity becomes more evident to society.
This fosters greater public acceptance of their divergence from entrenched norms, con-
tributing to a deeper understanding of diversity.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
The work was supported by the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung.
Notes on contributor
Olga Matveieva is an associate professor of public administration at Dnipro University of
Technology (Ukraine) and a guest research fellow at the Marie Jahoda Center for International
Gender Studies at Ruhr University Bochum (Germany). Her research focuses on democratic trans-
formation in Eastern Europe through collaborative governance and civic engagement, with parti-
cular emphasis on the role of civic activists, civil society organisations, and their networks in the co-
production of public services. She examines how the use of technology reshapes sociopolitical
structures, enabling new forms of civic engagement and inuencing the relationship between the
state and society, particularly in contexts of conict and crisis. Her work also explores these
processes through a gender lens, investigating their impact on achieving SDG 5: “Gender Equality”.
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