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Fermented Maize Beverages
in the Americas: A Diagnostic
for the Conservation of Biocultural Heritage
Gonzalo D. A
´lvarez-Ríos, Alejandro Casas, Esperanza Arne
´s,
Mariana Vallejo, and Luis Herna
´ndez-Sandoval
Contents
Introduction .... . . . .. .............................................................................. 3
The Path of Diversification ................................................................... 3
Solid and Liquid Food ........................................................................ 4
Fermentable Maize ............................................................................ 5
Diversity of Fermented Maize Beverages . .. .. ................................................... 7
Atoles Agrios .................................................................................. 7
Pozol ........................................................................................... 13
Saka’........................................................................................... 13
Tesgüinos: Batari, Nawa’, and Tulbai ........................................................ 14
G. D. Álvarez-Ríos (✉)
Posgrado en Ciencias Biológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), Morelia,
Michoacán, Mexico
Instituto de Investigaciones en Ecosistemas y Sustentabilidad, UNAM, Morelia, Michoacán,
Mexico
e-mail: galvarez@cieco.unam.mx
A. Casas
Instituto de Investigaciones en Ecosistemas y Sustentabilidad, UNAM, Morelia, Michoacán,
Mexico
e-mail: acasas@cieco.unam.mx
E. Arnés
Secretaría de Ciencia, Humanidades, Tecnología e Innovación (SECIHTI), Centro de
Investigaciones en Geografía Ambiental, UNAM, Morelia, Michoacán, Mexico
e-mail: earnes@ciga.unam.mx
M. Vallejo
Jardín Botánico, Instituto de Biología, UNAM, Ciudad de México, Mexico
e-mail: mariana.vallejo@ib.unam.mx
L. Hernández-Sandoval
Facultad de Ciencias Naturales, Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro (UAQ), Juriquilla, Querétaro,
Mexico
e-mail: luishs@uaq.mx
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2025
A. Casas et al. (eds.), Biodiversity Management and Domestication in the Neotropics,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-64203-6_66-1
1
Tejuino ......................................................................................... 15
Patcili .... ...................................................................................... 16
Sendithö ....................................................................................... 16
Chicha de Jora ................................................................................. 17
Chicha Moqueada . .. . ......................................................................... 18
Chicha de Siete Semillas . . . . .................................................................. 18
Carato de Acupe .............................................................................. 19
Chicha (Non-germinated) . . . . .. . .............................................................. 19
Fermented Maize Beverages with Manioc: Calugi, Cauim, and Caxiri ..................... 19
Champús ....................................................................................... 21
Recipes for Fermentation: Patterns of Processes and Consumption ............................. 21
Maize Diversity and Uses in FMB ... . .. . .. ...................................................... 25
Biocultural Conservation Strategies .............................................................. 27
Conclusions .... . . . ................................................................................ 30
References ........................................................................................ 31
Abstract
The Americas have a long history of managing fermentation to produce food and
beverages. Because maize is such a widespread and culturally important food
resource, it has historically been a basic substrate for fermentation by the cultures
that inhabit these areas. Fermented maize beverages (FMB) are components of
food systems, are present in ritual celebrations, their sale contributes to family
livelihoods, and are part of the biocultural heritage of the communities. This
research seeks to diagnose the current conditions of production, transformation,
and consumption of FMB in the Americas.
Eighteen FMB have been identified, which were categorized into three groups:
non-alcoholic acidic beverages, alcoholic beverages from maize fermentation,
and alcoholic beverages with added sugars. It was possible to identify 73 maize
races used in the production of these beverages.
For the biocultural conservation of the FMB, the strategies should consider the
following: the creation of fair and accessible commercialization spaces, the
strengthening of the productive and organizational capacities of the producers,
and a documentation that allows the reconnection of the beverages with the
people and their territories. It is necessary to give priority to the integral conser-
vation of FMB because they are strategic resources for the food sovereignty of
rural and urban communities in the Americas.
Keywords
Traditional beverages · Agrobiodiversity · Ethnic foods · Food environments ·
Community conservation
2G.D.A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Introduction
The Path of Diversification
The origin of maize (Zea mays subsp. mays L.) dates back to ~9000 years before
present (BP) in the Balsas River basin (between the states of Michoacán and
Guerrero, Mexico) [1]. Human groups inhabiting this region managed and consumed
a wild grass, teosinte (Z. mays subsp. parviglumis Iltis & Doebley); the intensive use
and management of this teosinte led to its domestication, resulting in maize [2].
Through human dispersal, it spread from the Balsas region to other parts of the
continent, such as the tropical lowlands of Central America (~7800 BP), to South
America (~6900 BP), and to the Mexican highlands, where it hybridized with
another teosinte (Z. mays subsp. mexicana (Schrad.) Iltis) (~6200–4000 BP), and
North America (~4000 BP) [3,4]. In each of these regions, maize took the root, and
humans selected and diversified its traits. With the constant human migrations, the
resulting maize landraces were exchanged between regions, enriching the diversity
of each place where this crop was adopted and grown [4,5].
Maize has achieved great diversification and adaptation to multiple environmen-
tal conditions, from 0 to 3800 m above sea level, different temperatures, precipita-
tion, latitudinal differences, photosynthetically active radiation, soils, and
ecosystems [6]. This diversity has been key to the food systems of the cultural
groups of the Americas, both indigenous and mestizo, as each maize variety was
created in specific environments, with specific adaptations for its development in
each location [7]. This recognition is crucial for strategies that seek food sovereignty
for communities.
Efforts to classify this diversity have been underway since the 1940s and are
based on morphological, physiological, and genetic traits [7]. To understand the
complex diversity of maize, attempts have been made to systematize it through
descriptive and classificatory units known as races.
The category of race in maize has been defined as a set of populations with
characteristics in common that distinguish them as a group and differentiate them
from others, with the ability to transmit these characteristics to subsequent genera-
tions. Maize races are associated with a particular geographic, climatic, and cultural
distribution and share a common evolutionary history [7].
It is also important to note that each classification unit recognized as “race”is a
collection of genetic diversity expressed in various morphological traits [8]. For
example, each race typically includes a wide range of local or traditional varieties,
which producers identify through characteristics such as grain color or texture [8].
It is currently estimated that there are approximately 300 maize races in the
Americas [9,10]. Among the countries with the highest number of races are Mexico
with 64, Peru with 55, and Bolivia with 45; however, each country in the Americas
has a relevant diversity of this crop [11–13].
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…3
Solid and Liquid Food
The great diversity of maize satisfies specific dietary needs and purposes. In Mexico
there are 600 dishes based on maize, a number that would increase significantly if
foods from other nations of the Americas were included in the count [8]. Each maize
race has characteristics associated with specific food uses and forms of preparation:
roasted, boiled, dehydrated, toasted, popped, sprouted, or fermented. Some races and
varieties are used to make doughs and flours for their texture and malleability, others
are consumed boiled because they have soft kernels, and some others are heated to
be consumed as popcorn, while there are those used to make beverages [8].
It has been proposed that the use of teosinte and maize as a beverage preceded
their consumption as grains, with the chewed stalks being used as a source of water
and carbohydrates, a resource that would be more attractive than the small teosinte
kernels. It is possible that this use influenced the rapid spread of its cultivation [14].
Archeological excavations in caves of the Tehuacan Valley and Tamaulipas
(Mexico) have allowed the recovery of plant remains consumed by the ancient
inhabitants of these areas, including chewed maize stalks [15,16]. For the Tehuacan
Valley, a greater proportion of chewed maize remains than unchewed pieces were
found during the archeological phases dated between 7000 and 5500 years BP, and
in the later phases (3500 BP onward), most maize fragments were unchewed [15].
From this perspective, it has been proposed that the relative importance of
chewed maize consumption declined over time, possibly as maize cobs increased
in size and the grain became a more important food [14]. It has even been proposed
that one of the first fermented maize beverages may have been derived from the
consumption of the stalks: the juice from the maize stalks was collected, stored, and
fermented in a manner very similar to patcili, a Tarahumara beverage currently
prepared in northwestern Mexico [17].
In terms of material evidence for the production of fermented maize beverages,
ceramic vessels with a capacity of 70 l have been found in residential complexes at
the Guachimontones archeological site in western Mexico, dated between 1100 and
600 BP [18]. Through archeometric analysis of starches, proteins, and fats, it was
determined that these vessels were used to store fermented maize beverages, due to a
high content of maize carbohydrates that enriched the porosity of the pots. The starch
remains showed swelling due to their exposure to heat in an aqueous medium.
Starches from Ipomoea batatas (L.) Lam. (sweet potato) and Dioscorea sp. (yam)
were also found in the analysis. The pots studied showed traces of frequent use; they
had abrasion and loss of thickness in their walls [18].
This type of material has been found in other archeological sites, such as Sajara-
patac (in Huanuco, Peru) of Chavín affiliation with remains dated 2500 years BP
[19] or, in the Inca site, Pucará del Volcán (Jujuy, Argentina) from 400 BP [20]. This
demonstrates the role of fermented maize beverages in the diet of the people,
providing information not only on the places and methods of preparing the beverage
but also on how it was consumed, its role in daily life, the establishment of social
relations, celebrations, and rituals, allowing a historical reconstruction of the bever-
age up to the present day [21,22].
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´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Fermentable Maize
Although there are several categorizations for maize beverages, perhaps the most
commonly used in the gastronomic, commercial, and everyday contexts is the
classification of hot and cold beverages, referring to the final form in which the
beverage is consumed. For the purposes of this work, however, the classification that
concerns us is that of fermented beverages, that is, beverages in which the fermen-
tation of maize is used in their preparation.
The fermentation process is relevant because it is a strategy for storing and
transforming resources, which is crucial for food safety and increasing its nutritional
quality. In general, the human use of fermentation and the management of the
microorganisms responsible for this process are the strategies associated with food
since pre-agricultural times; there is evidence of stone mortars with fermented barley
and wheat from ~13,000 years ago in the Raqefet cave, Palestine [23]. However, it is
conceivable that the use of this process may be much older, as spontaneous fermen-
tation of substrates is recurrent and the recognition of the potential to collect, store,
and dispose of food over long periods of time may have occurred very early in the
human evolutionary history [24].
In addition to extending the shelf life and quantity of food, fermentation has
allowed for the extraction of nutrients and new compounds from the process; the
creation of foods with flavors, aromas, and textures not found in unfermented
substrates; and the development of multiple cultural expressions [25,26]. Successful
fermentation requires specialized practices and knowledge in the preparation of the
material to be fermented and the management of the microbial communities, to
ultimately obtain products with the expected flavors, aromas, and textures [27,28].
The Americas have a long history of fermentation management for food and
beverage production. Examples include the fermentation of sap and baked stems of
Agave L. to produce pulque and mescal, fruits such as pineapple (Ananas comosus
(L.) Merr.) and plum (Spondias purpurea L.) to produce tepaches, pulps such as that
of cacao (Theobroma cacao L.), tubers such as potato (Solanum tuberosum L.),
mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum Ruiz & Pav.), and oca (Oxalis tuberosa Molina) to
produce tocosh and mazamorras [17,29,30]. Because maize is such a widespread
and culturally important food resource, it has historically been a basic substrate for
fermentation by the cultures that inhabit these areas. In Mexico, of the 16 fermented
beverages reported by Ojeda-Linares et al. [30], 8 use maize as the basic substrate.
Meanwhile, for South America, the count by Jimenez et al. [29] shows that of
12 fermented beverages, 5 are made with maize.
Despite their historical continuity and importance in the diet of the population, the
preparation and consumption of fermented maize beverages (FMB) have declined
due to a variety of sociocultural and environmental factors. A general diagnosis of
the situation warns that the main vectors of this loss are migration, the aging and low
generational turnover of the peasantry, the abandonment of traditional agricultural
activities, and their replacement by intensive production models based on mono-
cultures and chemical inputs, resulting in the loss of local crop varieties, including
maize [30,31]. In addition, there has been a systematic campaign to discredit
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…5
traditional foods and beverages as “unhealthy foods of poor and savage people,”
coupled with the promotion of “modern and hygienic”industrialized foods
[32,33]. This has led populations to substitute the FMB consumption with other
products of poor nutritional quality (sugar-sweetened beverages and beers), with
serious public health consequences [34,35].
Given the nutritional and cultural importance of FMB, the identification of the
maize types, knowledge, and specific techniques required for their preparation are
strategic tasks for the conservation of the biocultural diversity associated with these
beverages, thus contributing to the food sovereignty of communities in the
Americas. In this scenario, the general question guiding this research is as follows:
what is the current status of FMB in different regions of the Americas? In particular,
(1) what types of FMB exist?, (2) what diversity of maize is used for fermented
beverages?, (3) what are the elaboration practices and characteristics of these
beverages in the different regions?, (4) what are the sale and consumption contexts
where these beverages are inserted?, and (5) what are the main challenges for their
conservation?
To explore these questions, we collected documents through the scientificsearch
engines, namely, Scopus, Google Scholar, Latindex, and Redalyc, using the keywords
“fermented maize beverage,”“chicha,”and “tesgüino.”The names of other related
beverages, such as “pozol,”“champu,”and “cauim,”emerged from this literature and
were entered in the search engines. A total of 93 documents (scientific articles, books,
dissertations, recipe books, and technical reports) were used to construct this review.
Fig. 1 Proposed distribution of fermented maize beverages in North and Central America. (Based
on the records consulted for this research)
6G.D.A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
The information contained was coded according to the following categories: maize
varieties and races, elaboration processes, beverage characteristics, production, and
consumption areas. The information was analyzed on the basis of these subsets.
Diversity of Fermented Maize Beverages
Eighteen fermented maize beverages have been identified in the Americas (Figs. 1
and 2). Eight of them are recorded in Mexico, six in the Andean region crossing
South America, three in the Brazilian Amazon, three in Central America, and one in
the southwestern USA. It was possible to identify 73 maize races (71 native and
2 commercial hybrids) used in the production of nine of these beverages (Table 1);
for the others, no information was available at this level of classification of maize
variation. A description of each of these beverages is presented below, focusing on
their spatial distribution, the maize races and varieties used, the production process,
and the consumption context.
Atoles Agrios
Atole is a widely consumed beverage in Mexico and Central America; derived from
the Nahuatl word atolli, this beverage is made from ground maize cooked in water.
There is an enormous variety of atoles, starting with the race and local variety of maize
used to prepare them; in Mexico 40 maize races are reported to produce atoles [11].
Fig. 2 Proposed distribution of fermented maize beverages in Central and South America. (Based
on the records consulted for this research)
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…7
Table 1 Maize races used for the preparation of fermented beverages in the Americas
Beverage Region Maize race
Type of
grain Grain color References
Atole
agrio
Center
Mexico
Arrocillo Dent,
flint-like
White, yellow,
orange, red,
blue, black
[11]
Ratón Dent White, yellow [11]
Center and
Southeast
México
Chalqueño Dent White [11]
Cónico Dent,
flint-like
White, yellow,
red, blue, black
[11]
Elotes cónicos Dent,
floury-like
Blue, black,
purple, red
[7,11]
Tuxpeño Dent White, yellow,
orange, red,
blue
[11]
Southeast
Mexico
Bolita Dent White, yellow,
blue, purple
[11]
Celaya Dent White [11]
Chiquito Dent White, blue [11]
Comiteco Dent White, yellow,
purple, black
[11]
Conejo Dent,
flint-like
White, yellow [11]
Elotes
occidentales
Floury Blue, purple [11]
Mushito Dent White, yellow,
blue
[11]
Nal-tel Flint-like,
dent-like
Yellow, orange,
red
[11]
Olotillo Dent White, yellow,
orange, red,
blue
[11]
Olotón Flint-like White, yellow [11]
Serrano Flint-like White, yellow [11]
Tabloncillo Dent White [11]
Tehua Flint-like White, yellow [11]
Tepecintle Dent White, yellow,
red, blue, black
[11]
Vandeño Dent White [11]
Zapalote chico Dent White [11]
Zapalote
grande
Dent White, yellow,
orange
[11]
Pozol Southeast
Mexico
Bolita Dent White [11]
Comiteco Dent White, yellow,
black
[11]
Cubano
amarillo
Flint Yellow [11]
Dzit bacal Dent White, yellow [7,11]
(continued)
8G.D.A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Table 1 (continued)
Beverage Region Maize race
Type of
grain Grain color References
Nal-tel Flint-like,
dent-like
White, yellow,
red
[7,11]
Nal-tel de
altura
Flint-like,
dent-like
White, yellow,
purple
[11]
Olotillo Dent White, yellow [7,11]
Olotón Flint-like White, yellow [7,11]
Tehua Dent Yellow [11]
Tepecintle Dent Yellow [7,11]
Tuxpeño Dent White, yellow,
orange, red,
blue
[7,11]
Vandeño Dent White [11]
Zapalote chico Dent White [7,11]
Zapalote
grande
Dent White [11]
Tejuino West Mexico Yellow hybrid Flint-like Yellow [64]
White hybrid Dent White Pers. comm.
Batari Northwest
Mexico
Apachito Flint-like White, yellow [54]
Azul Floury-
like
Blue [7,11,54]
Cónico
norteño
Dent,
floury-like
White, yellow [11]
Cristalino de
Chihuahua
Flint White, yellow [7,11,51]
Gordo Floury White [7,11]
Pepitilla Flint White [11]
Nawa’West Mexico Blando Floury,
dent-like
White, yellow [11]
Bofo Floury White, purple [11]
Elotes
occidentales
Floury Purple [11]
Reventador Flint White, yellow [7]
Tabloncillo Dent Yellow, orange [11]
Sendithö Center
Mexico
Elotes cónicos Dent,
floury-like
Red, blue [68,69]
Chicha de
jora
Amazonía Entrelaçado Floury Yellow, orange,
red
[86]
Ecuador Canguil Flint White [77,103]
Chulpi Sweet Yellow [77,103]
Morochón
(Morocho
ecuatoriano)
Flint-like White, yellow [79,85]
Racimo de uva Floury-
like
Black, purple [85]
Zhima Floury White [77,85]
(continued)
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…9
Table 1 (continued)
Beverage Region Maize race
Type of
grain Grain color References
North coast of
Peru
Alazan Floury,
sweet
Orange, red [76,78,80]
Amarillo
Huancabamba
Dent,
floury
Yellow [76]
Colorado Dent,
floury
Orange, red [76]
Mochero Floury White [80]
Yellow hybrid Flint-like Yellow [78]
South coast of
Peru
Morado Floury Purple, black [76]
Andean
region of Peru
Chulpi Sweet Yellow [76]
Cuzco gigante Floury White [76]
Cuzco gigante
amarillo
Flint-like Yellow [76,80]
Cuzco morado Floury Purple [80]
Huayra cuzco Floury Brown [76,80]
Kculli Floury Purple [76,80]
Morocho Flint-like White, yellow [104]
Sacsa Floury Variegated, red [76,80]
Bolivia Ayzuma Floury Red [12,82]
Blanco mojo Floury White [12,82]
Chuspillo Sweet Yellow [12,82]
Colorado
boliviano
Dent,
floury-like
Red, purple [12,82]
Concebideño Floury-
like
Yellow, purple,
variegated
[12,82]
Cordillera Dent-like Yellow, white [12,82]
Hualtaco Floury Yellow, white [12,82,83]
Huillcaparu Floury-
like
Red, purple,
variegated
[12,82]
Karapampa Flint-like Yellow, orange [12,82]
Kellu Floury-
like
Yellow [12,82]
Kellu
huillcaparu
Floury-
like
Yellow, purple,
variegated
[12,82]
Kulli Floury Black, purple,
red
[12,82,83]
Morochillo Flint-like Yellow [12,82,83]
Morocho
8 hileras
Flint-like Yellow, red [12,82,83]
Morocho
grande
Flint Yellow [12,82,83]
Perla amarillo Flint Yellow [12,82,83]
(continued)
10 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Depending on the recipe, a wide range of ingredients can be added, such as seeds,
fruits, or aromatic spices, which are usually ground and added during cooking to
obtain a homogeneous and thick drink that is consumed hot.
Within the variety of this beverage, there are fermented atoles, colloquially called
atoles agrios (sour), and 23 races of maize have been identified for their production
(see Table 1). To produce them, the maize is subjected to a fermentation process at
some stage of their preparation, which produces lactic acid that gives them their
characteristic taste. Atoles agrios have a wide cultural distribution among Nahua,
Cuicatec, Hñähñü, Maya, Mazatec, P’urhépecha, Totonac, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Wixárika,
and mestizo communities and are consumed daily and in festive contexts [30,36,
37]. Three types of preparation have been identified:
1. The maize grains are soaked in water for 1–5 days, where they begin to ferment.
Then the grains are taken out of the water and ground, and the dough obtained can
be left to rest for several hours to continue fermenting; this time of the process
depends on the taste of the people who prepare it. Then the dough is dissolved in
water; at this stage it can also be left for another period of rest to continue
fermenting. It is then boiled, and other ingredients such as cinnamon, sesame,
chili, or sugar may be added until the desired consistency and flavor are achieved,
and it is consumed hot. This general form of preparation is common in the atoles
agrios of southeastern Mexico in the states of Chiapas, Tabasco, and Oaxaca
Table 1 (continued)
Beverage Region Maize race
Type of
grain Grain color References
Perla primitivo Flint White [12,82,83]
Uchuquilla Floury-
like
White, orange [12,82]
Chicha
moqueada
Cochabamba,
Bolivia
Chuspillo Sweet Yellow [82,87]
Hualtaco Floury Yellow, white [82,87]
Huillcaparu Floury-
like
Red, purple,
variegated
[82,87]
Kulli Floury Black, purple,
red
[82,87,88]
Uchuquilla Floury-
like
White, orange [82,87]
Chicha de
siete
semillas
Otavalo,
Ecuador
Canguil Flint White [77,84,103]
Chulpi Sweet Yellow [77,84,103]
Morochón
(Morocho
ecuatoriano)
Flint-like White, yellow [77,84,103]
Racimo de uva Floury-
like
Black [77,84,103]
Ayacucho,
Peru
Morado Floury Purple [90]
Morocho Flint-like White, yellow [91]
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…11
[36,38,39]. In Nayarit, the Wixárika prepare a ceremonial atole in this form,
tsinari, adding “huitlacoche”(Ustilago maydis (DC.) Corda) during
cooking [40].
2. The unshelled maize, still on the cob, is soaked in water for 1 or 2 days to sour it;
then it is extracted, shelled, and ground. The resulting mass is put in a pot with
water, together with the cobs from which the grain was obtained. All this is boiled
for several hours, then removed from the fire, and left to cool. The next day, it is
sieved in a pot to remove the cobs and remains of the dough. More water is added
and boiled again, with the addition of aromatic spices or sugar. It is boiled until
the desired consistency is obtained. This procedure is used by the Hñähñü of
Tlaxcala for ixtëi (ixi: sour, tëi: atole) of black corn (Elotes cónicos race, Fig. 3a)
[41] and by the P’urhépecha of Michoacán [37].
3. Maize is nixtamalized, a process in which the grains are boiled with lime to soften
them and remove the pericarp, which is the outer covering of the grain. This
process imparts a special flavor and texture and increases the nutritional value of
Fig. 3 (a) Black maize (Elotes cónicos race) for the preparation of ixtëi (sour atole), Ixtenco,
Tlaxcala, Mexico. (b) Fermented maize dough with cacao for pozol, Lacanjá Chansayab, Chiapas,
Mexico. (c) Vendor of tejuino in the streets of Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico. (d) Sendithö,
Tlaxcaltepec, Querétaro, Mexico. (e) Chicha de jora prepared for the village festival of Quiñota,
Cusco, Peru. (f) Sale of bottled chicha de jora, streets of Lima, Peru
12 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
maize, by increasing the bioavailability of minerals, niacin, and protein quality
[42]. It is then ground, and the dough is dissolved in water and brought to a boil,
and various ingredients are added. When the atole is ready, it is cooled, covered in
the pot with a blanket, and left to rest for 1–3 days, during which time the atole is
fermented. This method is common among the Nahua and Totonaca communities
in central-eastern Mexico, such as in Cuetzalan, Puebla, where they make axokotl
(xoco, sour; atl, water; or atolli, atole) [43,44].
Pozol
From the Nahuatl term pozolli (foam), it is a beverage consumed among the mestizo
and indigenous communities (Chol, Chontal, Lacandón, Mam, Maya, Tojolabal,
Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Zapotec, and Zoque) of southeastern Mexico and Guatemala. It is
commonly produced both for personal consumption and for commercialization in
various fixed and itinerant sales stands in Tabasco, Oaxaca, Veracruz, Chiapas,
Campeche, Quintana Roo, and Yucatán [30,36,45,46]. There are 14 races of
maize registered for its production [10].
It is made from nixtamalized maize, and after grinding, the dough is stored
wrapped in banana leaves and in plastic bags or covered with a cloth (Fig. 3b).
Depending on the degree of fermentation desired, the dough is left to rest for a
number of days, with more days implying a more acidic flavor [45]. A portion of the
dough is taken and dissolved in water at room or cold temperature. The dough is
dissolved as much as possible, although the final consistency is not completely
homogeneous, as there are always floating pieces that give the drink structure.
Usually a sweetener is added, mainly sugar or honey, although roasted cacao,
sweet potato, coconut, cinnamon, or vanilla can also be added by incorporating
these ingredients into the dough before dissolving [47].
Saka’
From the Mayan words sak (white) and ha (water), this beverage is a variant of pozol
with exclusive ritual use among the Peninsular Maya. It is made with nixtamalized
dough that is left to ferment and diluted with water from a spring, and honey from
stingless bees is added [48]. This drink is prepared and consumed in agricultural
ceremonies, such as rain petitions, at the beginning of the sowing of the cornfield, to
ask for protection of the crop and good harvests. In these ceremonies, saka’is
offered to the earth or placed on altars in the fields [49].
Clearly, pozol and saka’are very similar and could be understood as the same
beverage, but we consider them different because of the context of consumption they
represent. Probably a derivation of each other, pozol is present among different
cultural groups, mestizo and indigenous and urban and rural, while saka’maintains a
ritual connotation linked to indigenous groups.
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…13
Tesgu
¨inos: Batari, Nawa’, and Tulbai
This group of beverages is prepared by soaking maize seeds and keeping them in the
dark until they germinate, a process that can take from 3 to 7 days. As the maize
germinates, the starches in the seed are converted to sugars, which are available for
fermentation and conversion to lactic acid and alcohol. Once germinated, the seeds
are ground, dissolved in water, and boiled for several hours, until the mixture is
considered ready. It is then removed from the fire and strained into clay pots where it
is left to ferment for 24–72 h [17,50]. These clay pots play a key role in the
production of the beverage, as they are the only containers used for this purpose.
The strains of microorganisms that carry out the fermentation process adhere to the
inner walls of these pots, which acts as an inoculum and facilitates the next
fermentation to obtain a product with the desired characteristics, reaching 3.7% of
alcohol [51].
We refer to tesgüinos in the plural because the process varies according to the type
of maize used, the time of soaking, cooking, fermentation, and the addition of other
ingredients [17]. In Mexico, the most common name for this type of beverage is
tesgüino, which is derived from the Nahuatl word teyuinti,“that which intoxicates”
[17,52]. However, this etymology is not conclusive; different historical sources refer
to it as tejuino,texuino,tiswin,tizin,teuino,tevino,andtesvino; and probably the
word tesgüino is the result of the deformation and Castilianization of an indigenous
word, perhaps derived from a language other than Nahuatl or even related to the
Spanish word vino (wine) [17,53]. Although the term tesgüino is used to refer to
fermented beverages made from germinated maize, the different cultural groups that
prepare and consume them have names in their languages to refer to these beverages.
Batari
The Tarahumara or Rarámuri people, who live in the mountains of the state of
Chihuahua (Mexico), call their FMB batari and use the maize races Apachito, Azul,
Cónico Norteño, Cristalino de Chihuahua, Gordo, and Pepitilla for its preparation
[7,11,51,54 ].
Another peculiarity is the use of other plant species in the preparation of batari,
such as basiáwi (Bromus sp.), a native grass that grows around milpas, which is
added as a catalyst during the fermentation, accelerating it due to the yeasts associ-
ated with this plant [54]. Or, if the fermentation does not proceed as desired, they add
inóko leaves (Garrya ovata Benth.) [54], the alkaloids of this plant eliminate
unwanted microorganisms that alter the beverage. Then, the root of ronínowa (Stevia
serrata Cav.) is added, which favors the microorganisms that allow a correct
fermentation [54]. The addition of plants such as Datura discolor Bernh. or
Pachycereus pecten-aboriginum (Engelm. ex S. Watson) Britton & Rose has been
reported to enhance the hallucinogenic effects [55].
Batari is fundamental to the Tarahumara communal life, and it is through the
tesgüinadas, feasts in which batari is shared among community members, that social
relationships are consolidated and strengthened. During these celebrations, offerings
14 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
and religious prayers are made; music, song, and dance are performed; and food and
beverage are shared [54,56].
Nawa’
The Wixárika people of the states of Nayarit and Jalisco call their beverage nawa’.
They use the maize races Blando, Bofo, Elotes occidentales, Reventador, and
Tabloncillo [7,11]. However, the yellow varieties are preferred for nawa’due to
the sweetness and, therefore, the alcoholic potential of this maize [17]. It should be
noted that these beverages have a ceremonial connotation and are made only in the
context of community celebrations, so the social component of the beverage is
central. It is not a drink prepared for sale or consumption by an individual but is
always prepared in the context of community consumption [17,57,58].
It is also reported that the indigenous groups of northwestern Mexico such as the
O’dam, Tubar, Ópata, Cahíta, Pima, Yaqui, and Cora groups, prepared this FMB,
although little information is available on the specifics of the preparation methods
and the maize races used [17,59].
Tulbai
In the southwestern USA, the Mescalero, Chiricahua, and San Carlos Apache make
the fermented beverage tulbai (from the Apache vocable, tu (water) and libai (gray))
or tiswin (probably derived from tesgüino)[53,60,61]. The brewing process is
similar to that described above. The maize, prepared only by the women of the
community, is soaked and germinated until the root is between one and one and a
half inches long; then it is ground, boiled, strained, and left to ferment for at least
12 h. The fermentation is done in pots exclusively for this purpose. It is reported that
these groups sometimes add ground wheat, fermented agave juice, mesquite flour
(Neltuma glandulosa (Torr.) Britton & Rose), sahuaro syrup (Carnegiea gigantea
(Engelm.) Britton & Rose), oak root (Quercus grisea Liebm.), or flowers
(Taraxacum officinale F. H. Wigg. and Humulus neomexicanus (A. Nelson &
Cockerell) Rydb.), to impart specificflavors or to make the beverage stronger [53].
In ethnographic works, indigenous testimonies have been found that assure that
the Apache groups did not know about the tulbai in the distant past and that its use
penetrated among them from the south when they learned the preparation of this
beverage from the natives of northern Mexico [53,60].
Tejuino
It is commonly assumed that tejuino and tesgüino are the same beverage, due to their
linguistic roots discussed above. However, they are distinct beverages, and although
tejuino is a term derived from tesgüino, the cultural hybridization and the desacral-
ization of the beverage have resulted in important differences in its preparation and
consumption [17].
Teju i n o is currently a beverage consumed daily among the rural and urban mestizo
populations of western Mexico, especially in the states of Nayarit, Jalisco, and Colima,
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…15
where it is common to find tejuineros in their fixed or mobile standsin the streets of the
city from the early hours of the day [62,63]. The incorporation of this drink into the
urban mestizo diet has led to a simplification of its preparation; instead of leaving the
maize to germinate, it is made from nixtamalized yellow [64] or white corn dough
(tejuino producer, pers. comm. March 17, 2024), which is diluted in water with
piloncillo (lumps of brown sugar) and left to ferment for 2–3 days, then cooked, and
left to cool [65]. When producers want to accelerate the fermentation, they add tejuino
made days before; this old tejuino acts as an inoculum [65].
In this preparation, as in the atoles agrios and pozol, there is mainly lactic
fermentation, resulting in a slightly acidic drink that is consumed as a refreshing
beverage [66]. In addition, ice, grain salt, lime juice, and even lime ice cream are
added at the time of service (Fig. 3c).
Patcili
According to the hypothesis of Smalley and Blake [14], this may be the oldest
fermented maize beverage, since the consumption of teosintes and maize stalk juices
was common, and these juices could be stored, fermented, and consumed. Bruman
[17] recovered records from the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries of
the preparation of fermented juice of maize stalks in northern, central, and western
Mexico. Among the most complete mentions, Bennett and Zingg [67] describe
patcili, a beverage made by the Tarahumara people of northwestern Mexico. To
make this beverage, the leaves are removed, and the stalks are crushed by hand in a
large stone or wooden pot. The bagasse is removed, strained to extract the juice, and
mixed with another portion of water. It is boiled for a few hours and then left to cool
and ferment, resting it for up to 5 days before consumption. Optionally, sprouted and
ground maize may be added to speed fermentation [67].
Apparently, with the development of other more prized fermented beverages,
such as batari, this type of ferment fell into disuse and was considered a substitute
beverage used when the more prized substrates were unavailable, such as when
maize grains were secured as food [17].
Senditho
¨
This beverage is found in the Hñahñü and Mazahua communities of the Mexican
states of México, Querétaro, and Michoacán. Its name comes from the Hñahñü
words sei (pulque), de (seed), and thö (maize), and a literal translation would be
“pulque made from maize seeds.”The Mazahua called it sendejho and from the
Spanish transformation “sendecho”[17].
It is made from the red or blue maize (Elotes cónicos race) [68,69], although Hñahñü
communities prefer reddish maize for the color it gives to the beverage. The seeds are
soaked and left to germinate in a sack or clay pot lined on the inside with “tepozán”
(Buddleja cordata Kunth) or pine (Pinus spp.) leaves [70,71]. Once germinated, the
seeds are ground and brought to a boil, and while the mixture is boiling, dried chilies,
16 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
such as “guajillo”or “pasilla”(Capsicum annuum var. annuum L.), are added, to give a
reddish-orange color and a slightly spicy flavor (Fig. 3d). After cooking, the beverage is
strained and left to ferment in clay pots for 1–8 days, sometimes with a small amount of
pulque (fermented agave sap) added to speed up fermentation [71,72].
Chicha de Jora
Throughout the Andean region, chicha de jora is one of the most important fermented
beverages [20]. Since pre-Hispanic times, communities in Venezuela, Colombia,
Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile,and even in CentralAmerica have consumed
chicha de jora, which has played a prominent role in daily life, the establishment of
social relations, celebrations, and rituals, giving the beverage historical continuity to
the present [20,21,73,74]. The word chicha has a diffuse origin; it has been proposed
that it derives from Antillean languages and that its use was spread by the Spaniards
who arrived inthe islands and moved to the continent, as happened with wordssuch as
maíz,maguey,guayaba,andmamey, among others [75]. In different contexts of the
continent, the word chicha is used to designate a wide range of beverages, some
fermented and others simply refreshing, made from seeds or fruits. However, the
beverage fermented from germinated corn is specifically called chicha de jora,
because the germinated maize is called jora. In the indigenous cultures of South
America, the beverage is called aqha in Quechua or kusa in Aymara [22].
The general method of preparing chicha de jora is to allow the maize to germinate
for 5–21 days, depending on the temperature. Nicholson [76] suggests that when
making chicha, the mixing of different types of maize should be avoided to prevent
having different joras. Since jora is the main input, it becomes the selection criterion
for the races of maize used in chicha. The quality and quantity of jora can be judged
by the speed and uniformity of maize germination, traits developed through farmer
selection. Thus, the external appearance of the grain is useful in distinguishing maize
types with different germination rates [76].
After germination, the grain is dried for 2–5 days for a more efficient and uniform
grinding [76,77]. The resulting flour, called huiñapu, is dissolved in water and
boiled. This is a slow-cooking process that can take up to 24 h and even several
rounds of boiling in the following days, so water is constantly added and mixed in
the pot. The beverage is then strained, left to cool, and fermented for 24–72 h,
depending on the desired alcohol content, reaching up to 6% alcohol [20,78,
79]. Nicholson [72] reported production rates of 1.3 l of chicha per kilogram of
maize on the Peruvian coast, although Hayashida [78] reported higher rates of up to
41 l/kg among producers in Lambayeque, Peru.
A total of 37 races of maize used for chicha de jora have been identified (Table 1),
with the Alazan race being the most valued for chicha on the northern coast of Peru,
while the Morado being preferred on the southern coast, and a wide variety being
used in the Peruvian highlands: Chulpi, Cuzco gigante, Cuzco gigante amarillo,
Cuzco morado, Huayra cuzco, Kculli, Morocho, and Sacsa [76,80]. Another coun-
try with a high presence of chicha de jora is Bolivia, where 18 races are used, among
which the Chuspillo race is the most valued for chicha de jora for its flavor and
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…17
alcoholic content, due to its sweet endosperm [12,81–83]. In Ecuador, the use of
Chulpi, Canguil, Racimo de uva, Morochón, and Zhima is reported [77,84,85]. In
the Amazon region of Brazil, the race Entrelaçado is used [86]. However the use of
yellow hybrid maize for chicha de jora is also reported [78].
Within the production process of chicha de jora, there are multiple variations due
to its spatial and cultural expansion, the maize varieties used, the different prepara-
tion techniques, the addition of other ingredients, and the consumption contexts,
ranging from festive in rural communities to urban street food (Fig. 3e–f).
Chicha Moqueada
It is believed that the adjective moqueada comes from muku, a Quechua word for
chewed corn and the resulting flour [75]. In this beverage, the germination of the
grain is replaced by the process of boiling or grinding it and then salivating and
returning it to a container, a process performed only by women [87]. Through this
practice, the enzymes in the saliva break down the starches in the maize into simpler
and more easily fermentable sugars [20]. This mixture, the muku, is dried in the sun
to produce flour and is even stored and marketed for the production of this
chicha [87].
The muku, whether fresh or in flour, is dissolved in water, boiled, and continued
with the chicha de jora process described above [78]. There is evidence from
communities, such as Piura (Peru), Sucre, or Cochabamba (Bolivia), where this
form of preparation is still used but less frequently [20,78,84,87,88], probably
influenced by the government sanitation campaigns of the twentieth century [89]. In
the Cochabamba region, Quechua communities used the Chuspillo, Kulli,
Uchuquilla, Hualtaco, and Huillcalparu races for this beverage [87].
Chicha de Siete Semillas
Also called chicha de yamor, it is prepared by Kichwa and mestizo communities in
Otavalo, Ecuador, and by mestizos in Ayacucho, Peru [84,90]. This beverage is
prepared for agricultural celebrations, especially during the harvest season between
July and October [84]. To prepare it, people mix several ingredients (hence the name
“siete semillas,”meaning seven seeds), including different types and races of
germinated and non-germinated maize, Canguil, Chulpi, Morochon, and Racimo
de uva in Ecuador [77,84] and Morado and Morocho in Peru [90,91]. In addition,
ground wheat, barley, quinoa, kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L.), fava beans,
chickpeas, and peas are included to the mixture. The mixture is boiled, and aromatic
herbs such as “cedron”(Aloysia citrodora Paláu), anise, or chamomile are added
during the cooking process. It is then filtered and left to ferment [90].
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´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Carato de Acupe
This is a type of chicha consumed in Venezuela, and the maize grains are soaked,
covered, and left to germinate for 3–5 days. It is then ground and dissolved in water,
adding spices such as cinnamon, cloves, or pepper (Pimenta dioica (L.) Merr.). All the
ingredients are cooked together until it has a thick consistency. It is removed from the
heat, strained, and left to ferment for 24–72 h in an open-mouth container covered with
acloth[92]. As with tesguino-tejuino, there are simplified ways to make carato de
acupe, grinding the corn without germination and using sugar for fermentation.
Chicha (Non-germinated)
In Colombia, the current preparation of chicha without involving seed germination is
reported. The recipe consists of the very finely grinding of the dry corn kernels,
which is colloquially called porva. The porva is mixed with water and lumps of
brown sugar to form a kind of dough that is left to ferment for 3–30 days
[89,93]. The dough is then formed into small buns or tamales and placed in a pot
of water, with a bottom made of straw, wooden sticks, or other materials that acts as a
base and prevents the buns from sticking to the bottom. The buns are cooked for
12 h, replacing the water that evaporates. Once cooked, the dough is removed from
the pot, cooled, and then kneaded in another container, kneading vigorously. This
second dough is dissolved in water, strained, and placed in a wooden container, and
more brown sugar is added and covered with a cloth or a lid without sealing it
completely. It is left to ferment for 3–5 days, during which the drink bubbles, and to
consume it, it is mixed in the pot and served. If it is desired to continue fermenting,
more sugar is added and mixed from the bottom with a ladle, again waiting 3–5 days
before consumption [89,93].
In Colombia, yellow maize is reported to be the most commonly used for this
chicha, although white maize is also used, in which case ground yellow arracacha
(Arracacia xanthorrhiza Bancr.) is added to give it its characteristic color [89]. The
recipe compiled by Sánchez and Sánchez [93] states that 15 kg of piloncillo and 5 kg
of porva are needed to make 80 l of this chicha.
Fermented Maize Beverages with Manioc: Calugi, Cauim, and Caxiri
In the cultures that inhabit the Amazon region, manioc or cassava (Manihot
esculenta Crantz) is one of the main staples of the diet and is used in various
preparations, among which fermented beverages play an important role, especially
in the context of community and religious celebrations [94]. In these beverages,
although cassava is the base, maize is a complementary ingredient that gives the
beverages relevant nutritional and culinary attributes. These beverages include
calugi,cauim, and caxiri, which are described below.
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…19
Calugi
It is a low-alcohol beverage with a consistency similar to porridge or mazamorra,
consumed as a daily food, by both adults and children. It is made from a mixture of
manioc, maize, rice, and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas). It is prepared by the Javaé
culture, located in the state of Tocantins, Brazil [94].
The process begins with peeling, rinsing, and grating the manioc to obtain a
dough that is squeezed by hand to remove as much water as possible. Meanwhile, the
maize kernels are soaked in water for at least 30 min and ground in wooden mortars.
The resulting mass is mixed with water and filtered to remove the husks and the
largest remnants of the grain and then mixed with the manioc. If rice is used, it is
added raw to the mixture. The whole mixture is then dissolved in plenty of water and
boiled for 2 h, stirring constantly to prevent it from sticking or burning. It is removed
from the heat and left to cool [95].
Meanwhile, the sweet potato is boiled, peeled, chewed, taken out, and stored in a
separate container. This activity is performed exclusively by women of the commu-
nity. This chewed sweet potato will be the inoculum that will start the fermentation
of the mixture. The enzymes in the saliva act as fermentation catalysts, by breaking
down the starches in the tubers and grains into fermentable sugars [96]. Once the
mixture has cooled, it is poured into open containers, the chewed sweet potato
inoculum is added and mixed so that it is incorporated into the entire beverage,
and it is left to ferment for 24–48 h at room temperature (30 °C) [95].
Cauim
This is consumed by the Tapirapé, Areweté, and Yudjá cultures that inhabit the areas
between the states of Mato Grosso and Pará, Brazil. The main ingredient is manioc,
accompanied by a cereal, usually maize or rice, to which peanuts, cottonseed,
banana, and squash may be added [96,97].
There are two variants of cauim, depending on the context of consumption. The
daily, common, and slightly fermented cauim is yakupal, which is consumed by all
members of the community and prepared in small quantities. While dubia is the most
fermented and intoxicating variant, it is prepared in the context of the cauinagens,
community celebrations in which large quantities of dubia are consumed [93,94]. Large
jars of up to 1500 l are prepared, and the women of the community are responsible for
the entire preparation process, from harvesting the manioc to processing the ingredients
and even making the containers in which the beverage is consumed [98,99].
To prepare it, the manioc is soaked in water for 4 days to soften the skin and
eliminate any toxic compounds that may be present in the tuber. It is then peeled and
dried in the sun, and the dried pieces are ground into flour. If other ingredients such
as maize, rice, or peanuts are added, they are soaked in water and then ground. Once
the ingredients are ground, they are mixed and cooked for 2 h until they have a
homogeneous and viscous consistency; then they are removed from the fire and left
to cool. Once cooled, the chewed sweet potato is added to start the fermentation
process, which usually takes 24–48 h before the drink is considered ready [100].
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´lvarez-Ríos et al.
Caxiri
In the region between Mato Grosso and Pará, Brazil, the Yudjá consume this ferment
only during celebrations, religious rites, or preceding collective work such as felling
trees, planting, or harvesting crops [94].
Caxiri does not involve chewing the substrate. To make this drink, manioc is cut
into small pieces, soaked in water for 2 days, and then removed, peeled, and pressed
by hand to mash and remove moisture. The resulting mass is sieved to remove
unwanted parts and grated to make flour, which is toasted on a hot plate or comal
until it is evenly toasted (about 2 hours). This flour is diluted with water [101]. Mean-
while, the maize kernels are ground dry, then mixed with water, and strained to
remove the husk and pieces that were not completely ground. It is mixed with
manioc and cooked for an hour until it has the consistency of porridge. The sweet
potatoes are grated, and all the ingredients are mixed. The mixture is well homog-
enized and fermented in open containers at room temperature for 24–120 h
depending on the desired alcohol content, which can reach 92 g/L [96,101].
Champu
´s
This beverage consists of a mixture of corn, although champús are also made with
wheat or rice, mixed with fruit usually pineapple or “lulo”(Solanum quitoense
Lam.), sugar, and spices such as cloves, cinnamon, or orange leaves. It is consumed
in rural and urban areas of Colombia and Ecuador [102]. To make it, the maize
kernels are boiled for several hours until they disintegrate and have the consistency
of porridge and then removed from the fire. Spices and fruit pulp are added. It is left
to ferment for 24–48 hours, sometimes refrigerated because it is consumed as a
refreshing drink [93,102].
Recipes for Fermentation: Patterns of Processes
and Consumption
Within the variety of FMB presented, we can find patterns in the elaboration
processes that allow us to associate them with the final characteristics of the beverage
and with its consumption contexts. In terms of the brewing processes and the main
fermentation product, three groups of beverages can be identified:
1. Beverages with an acid or sour taste, without alcohol or in minimal quantities.
Lactic acid is the main fermentation product due to the way maize is prepared
(Fig. 4). Because ripe maize kernels contain low levels of free sugars, and there is
no process in these beverages to increase them, amylolytic lactic acid bacteria
(ALAB) are essential in these beverages [105]. In environments with low levels
of fermentable sugars, ALAB can hydrolyze the maize starch to use it as an
energy source and begin to release sugars for other groups of bacteria
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…21
[105]. ALAB from the genera Streptococcus and Enterococcus have been
reported in pozol and tejuino [66,106].
Because of their taste and characteristics, they are consumed in daily food
contexts and by all age groups, often prepared and sold in public places: atoles
agrios,pozol, and tejuino. Within this group is the saka’, which is not an
everyday beverage but a ritual one; as we will discuss later, ritual FMB usually
contain alcohol, but in this case, it is an offering drink due to the high quality of
the ingredients it contains and its meanings [49].
2. Alcoholic beverages, in which most of the fermentable sugars are derived from
maize (Fig. 5). The fermentation of these beverages is due to the metabolism of
different groups of microorganisms, namely, lactic acid bacteria (Lactobacillus
spp., Leuconostoc spp., Weissella spp.), acetic acid bacteria (Acetobacter spp.),
and yeasts (such as Saccharomyces cerevisiae (Desm.) Meyen ex E.C. Hansen),
which produce organic acids, alcohol, and various volatile compounds, such as
esters, that impart fruity and floral flavors and aromas, and reduce astringency
[66,90,104,107]. The availability of sugars is due to the manner in which maize
is prepared, germination, chewing, and, in the case of patcili, the use of stalk
juice, which provides an ideal substrate for alcoholic fermentation.
Fig. 4 Diagram of the production process of fermented maize beverages with mainly sour taste and
without alcohol. Gray parallelograms are ingredients, white boxes are actions, orange boxes
indicate fermentation time, dotted borders are optional ingredients or actions, and the final ovals
are beverages
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´lvarez-Ríos et al.
This group includes ritual beverages consumed during ceremonies and com-
munity celebrations, such as batari,nawa’,patcili,sendithö,chicha de siete
semillas,orchicha de jora. These beverages play a central role in communicating
with the forces of nature or sacred entities and enhance conviviality, celebration,
and community work [17,54,84].
3. Alcoholic beverages, but the sugars do not come mainly from maize but from the
addition of other ingredients, without which the amount of alcohol produced would
not be possible (Fig. 6). These are the cases of calugi,cauim,andcaxiri, to which
sweet potatoes is added, fruit in champús,andinchicha, which, because the maize
kernels do not germinate, requires the addition of large quantities of brown sugar to
obtain alcohol. Fermentation involves a wide variety of bacteria from the genera
Lactobacillus,Bacillus,Streptococcus,Weissella,andEnterobacter and yeasts
such as Pichia spp., Candida spp., and Saccharomyces cerevisiae [95,101].
In the case of manioc-based beverages, they are prepared and consumed
collectively, their elaboration process is complex, and they are not linked to a
marketing network [98]. The other beverages (chicha non-germinated and
champús) have been integrated into mestizo and urban consumption contexts,
where they are sold and the laborious preparation process is replaced by the
addition of sugar from other sources [89].
Fig. 5 Diagram of the production process of fermented maize beverages with alcohol. Gray
parallelograms are ingredients, white boxes are actions, orange boxes indicate fermentation time,
dotted borders are optional ingredients or actions, and the final ovals are beverages. The color
variation in the connecting lines helps follow the routes taken by beverages with common
processes; the color continues up to the outline of the final beverage oval, where such a distinction
is not necessary; and the connecting lines remain black
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…23
Each of these recipes and steps in the preparation of beverages causes physical
and chemical changes in the ingredients, creating favorable conditions for a partic-
ular group of microorganisms. This artificial selection of microorganisms through
the creation of suitable habitats for them has allowed the generation of strains
specialized in the fermentation of specific substrates: dough, wet grains, musts,
and the generation of also specific metabolic pathways for the production of alcohol,
organic acids, exopolysaccharides, and other compounds that provide nutrients,
flavors, aromas, and textures [27,105].
Moreover, the microbial community is not the same at the beginning and at the
end of fermentation; rather, throughout the production process, the conditions of the
substrate are modified and therefore the microbial community changes, with a
temporal succession of microorganisms that can be characterized according to the
type of beverage being produced and the phase of the process in which it is found
[106,107].
Fig. 6 Diagram of the production process of fermented beverages with maize and other ingredients
to produce alcohol. Gray parallelograms are ingredients, white boxes are actions, orange boxes
indicate fermentation time, dotted borders are optional ingredients or actions, and the final ovals are
beverages. The color variation in the connecting lines helps follow the routes taken by beverages
with common processes; the color continues up to the outline of the final beverage oval, where such
a distinction is not necessary; and the connecting lines remain black
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´lvarez-Ríos et al.
The FMB described are spontaneous fermentations in which the microorganisms
originate from the ingredients; from the utensils used for the production, such as pots
and spoons; or from the environmental exposure of the kitchen [78,108]. In addi-
tion, other microorganisms are introduced by the incorporation of previously
fermented material as inoculum [65,104]. This results in a complex microbial
consortium that is worth exploring for this specificity in order to understand the
microbial landscapes of the different beverages and regions.
Maize Diversity and Uses in FMB
It was possible to identify the maize races used for the production of nine FMB:
atoles agrios,pozol,tejuino,sendithö,batari,nawa’,chicha de jora,chicha
moqueada, and chicha de siete semillas (Table 1).
Although there are a large number of maize varieties used in the FMB (as we
mentioned above, each race may contain numerous local varieties), for each of them,
the characteristics of the races and local varieties used are taken into account in the
preparation of the beverages, so that substitution between maize varieties is not
trivial; there is a certain specificity between races-beverage-territories. For example,
in the atole agrio of central Mexico, the black cobs are fundamental to the recipe
because of the pigments they contain, and the moistening and boiling of the cobs
together with the grains is the key to obtaining the intense purple color of the ixtëi,
the reddish tones of the Elotes cónicos race and the Andean Alazán race, or the
amount of fermentable sugars in the yellow maize varieties for the nawa’and the
Chulpi race among the Andean chichas.
A criterion mentioned as important in the literature review, although with little
quantitative information, is the germination pattern [76]. Further research on this
attribute would be key to evaluating the qualities of maize for fermentation and as a
criterion for producers to use or other characteristics that producers consider when
deciding which maize to ferment.
It is possible to identify patterns that suggest that certain races are preferred in
certain beverages because of their characteristics. For example, beverages in which
the dough is fermented (atole agrio,pozol, and tejuino) use maize grains of medium
hardness: the dent type (22 of the 28 races registered for this group of beverages).
Dent races are easier to grind than flint races and provide better dough malleability
and texture than flour races [109]. However, flint and flour races are sometimes also
used for these beverages, depending on the maize availability of the moment.
In these contexts, there are a large number of races with characteristics suitable for
beverages, but each has its own peculiarities in terms of management. For example,
with regard to the type of grain, the hardness is important because it is related to the
water absorption during the cooking and steeping of the grain, and it means that softer
grains had larger spaces between the starch granules, favoring water absorption;
consequently, flint grains require longer soaking and cooking times than floury grains,
which translates into more labor time and fuel for boiling [78,109].
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…25
For the FMB that require germination, floury maize is most commonly used. The
most valued chicha de jora is made with sweet-type grains (Chulpi, Chuspillo or
Alazán); however 23 of the 37 races registered for this beverage were floury. In
Mexico, of the 12 races used for these types of beverage (batari,nawa’,andsendithö),
7 are of the floury type. This may be due to the amount of starch contained in the floury
grains and thus the potential fermentable sugars by germination, which is higher than
in flint maize, that has a lower proportion of starch in the endosperm [10,82].
In the case of tejuino, hybrid maize is used, and this choice is likely due to the
access to these materials [62,64]. Since it is a commercialized beverage, there is a
constant need for raw materials, and in this case, purchasing hybrid maize in the
cities is more accessible than obtaining native varieties. Therefore, the decision to
use a particular type of maize for a beverage is based on a number of variables such
as grain hardness, amount of starch, color, taste, and availability.
In the beverages that are consumed by mestizo groups and in the cities, it can be
observed that the processes are simplified, both in terms of inputs, with the substi-
tution of specific races for widely commercialized hybrid varieties, and the avoid-
ance of chewing and germination of maize, thus reducing the steps and times of
elaboration, as seen in chicha without germination or tejuino [65,84]. This is related
to the commercialization of the beverage, speeding up the processes and having
greater availability for sale.
The transformation of beverages and their adaptation to new consumption spaces
occurs in the most widely marketed beverages. Another aspect is the incorporation of
new ingredients, such as cacao, vanilla, and coconut in pozol or lime ice cream in
tejuino, changing the flavor of the drinks from sour to sweet. In addition, as a result
of cultural exchanges, people found in these traditional beverage a space for gastro-
nomic innovation, modifying processes and incorporating new ingredients, such as
cinnamon and cloves, spices that arrived during the colonial period and were
incorporated into chicha to originate carato de acupe, or in the case of chicha de
siete semillas, the addition of wheat, barley, beans, chickpeas, and peas. This
demonstrates the ability of cultures to incorporate new ingredients into their foods
[84,110].
In cases such as champús,carato de acupe,calugi,cauim, and caxiri, there was
no information on the races and characteristics of the specific maize used. This does
not mean that it is not relevant and that any maize is used, but rather that the research
conducted on the subject has not emphasized this issue, which is undoubtedly
relevant, since the conservation of local crop diversity requires the identification of
the uses and specific needs that they cover.
For this review, it remains to explore the information gaps present in the diversity
of maize used and the characteristics conferred to the beverages. Also, missing from
this review are regions of the Americas that have been underrepresented in previous
research, such as the USA and Canada, where it is highly probable that the indig-
enous cultures of these countries have included fermented maize beverages in their
diets. Another important region to study is the Amazon, due to its high biocultural
diversity, as evidenced by the 202 living languages present in its territories [111]. For
the Amazon region, although we have recorded three FMB, it is possible that
26 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
variants will be found in other peoples of this region or in neighboring regions such
as the Atlantic Forest or the Catinga. Additionaly, in the southernmost region of the
Americas, Patagonia, peoples such as the Mapuche prepared mudai, a fermented
beverage made from the pine nut of the araucaria (Araucaria araucana (Molina)
K. Koch), and an apple chicha similar to cider; however the addition of maize to
these beverages is unclear in the available records [112–114].
Biocultural Conservation Strategies
Food functions not only as a nutritional maintenance but also as an articulator of
historical memory and a scenario for the reproduction of social life, allowing
cohesion and belonging. Its power in the ideological, ritual, and daily spheres
makes the preservation of food a way of maintaining life structures at the family,
community, and regional levels [115].
Food is never simply consumed, and its consumption is always linked to a
meaning, ancient or recent [116]. In the case of FMB, we can understand its
continuity through the re-signified meanings that have been generated within the
constraints imposed over time. For example, the continuation of the knowledge of
the moqueado process was more complicated than the germination of maize. But the
fact that chicha moqueada continues to exist, as well as its simplified variants in
“modern”contexts, shows the ability of cultures to maintain and adapt old forms of
consumption in new contexts. How will the FMB continue to adapt to future
contexts?
In order to develop strategies that will allow us to keep the FMB alive, it is
essential to focus on biocultural diversity, which includes the different manifesta-
tions and forms of life in the biological and cultural spheres, which are strongly
interrelated [117]. Biocultural diversity is the source of the ways in which human
groups have understood and lived on the planet, with the diversity of languages,
rituals, knowledge, landscape design and construction, resource extraction systems,
and the recipes with which we feed ourselves [118,119]. Biocultural diversity has a
creative power that has allowed us to survive as a species to date and will provide us
with options to meet future challenges, and therefore its conservation is
crucial [119].
Due to its dynamic and adaptive nature, the conservation of biocultural diversity
cannot be understood as a fixed and based on “do not touch”conservation principle.
It must include strategies to secure in the short and long term, not only the material
resources and systems that sustain it but also the immaterial conditions that have
allowed its existence and resilience in any given space-time [120]. This is done
through collaborative, reciprocal, and respectful work between different actors,
ensuring the autonomy of the cultural groups that own the expressions of
bioculturality [120], in this case, the groups that have historically produced and
consumed FMB.
Without seeking the static preservation of these beverages, it is necessary to
understand the dynamics of culture and the consolidation of new food scenarios.
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…27
From this perspective, the commercialization of traditional beverages has become an
alternative to obtain an economic livelihood for individuals and families who know
how to prepare these beverages [121,122]. Because of their cultural value, the
commercialization of these beverages is viable at a stage where they have not yet
disappeared from the collective imaginary, where they are not yet alien. Their regular
sale in public spaces or at community events is a strategy for preserving the FMB, as
well as the associated diversity of ingredients and the cultivation and harvesting
systems required to obtain them [122,123].
This is the case of tejuino in the western Mexican cities or pozol in southeastern
Mexico, which is an important source of income for many families [46,62,64] but
also of other traditional beverages, such as colonche, a traditional fermented bever-
age of prickly pear, whose production and consumption are kept active through an
annual fair [122], or pulque, which has places for daily consumption in the cities of
Mexico [124,125].
Chicha de jora is a valuable case because it has maintained a process of
elaboration that involves a lot of time and work, considering the time of germination,
boiling, and fermentation [78]. It is maintained both in religious and festive com-
munity contexts and in contexts of daily urban consumption, where it is offered in
markets in the cities of Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru and even in cities
where there is no historical consumption, but due to migration, there is now a market
and production, as in the case of Bolivian chicha producers in Cordoba,
Argentina [126].
People give meaning to elements and processes, among which the meaning
acquired by these fermented beverages can be diverse and powerful, while some
remain linked to processes of family, ethnic, territorial rootedness, and others acquire
meanings of economic maintenance, dignified work, and construction of identities
from new contexts [116,121]. As in the case of migrants, the consumption of foods
and beverages from their places of origin allows them to make life more bearable, to
take root in a foreign land, and to begin to recognize it as their own, through the act
of cooking, eating, and socializing with people who share stories, situations, and
values [116,126].
Chicha de jora has achieved continuity and integrity in the way it has been made
since pre-Hispanic times but has been adapted to contemporary consumption con-
texts. This vitality is due in part to the maintenance of food systems by local
communities and to the work of community projects that revitalize the culture and
agrobiodiversity surrounding chicha [77]. One example is the Pukushka project in
Cuenca, Ecuador. It consists of cooks, agronomists, and peasant families, who
develop agroecological projects around chicha: workshops, village fairs, and accom-
paniment in organizing processes of the communities and their territories. At the
same time, Pukushka has a restaurant, La Chichería, where they cook and sell food
grown by families in the region, connecting with consumers by sharing the story
behind the chicha they drink and the food they consume [85].
Local food networks are key to people’s access to culturally appropriate and
economically viable food. These networks are not only markets where people buy,
sell, or exchange products but also spaces for productive knowledge sharing and
28 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
community organization [127,128]. In several regions of Mexico and Latin Amer-
ica, food networks such as local markets, distribution systems, seed banks and
exchanges, and agro-gastronomic fairs have revitalized biological and cultural
diversity around maize [129,130].
In addition, these networks function as spaces where community organiza-
tional and productive capacities are enhanced through communication between
food producers, farmers, and cooks, promoting the horizontal transmission of
knowledge, practices, recipes, and genetic resources. Dialogue among food pro-
ducers has proven to be a more effective, less costly, and more dynamic method of
knowledge transfer that helps solve productive challenges than the conventional
technical extension programs [131].
These spaces are key to making FMB visible to both the community and external
actors. The maize fairs organized annually in Mexico are important spaces for the
biocultural conservation of these beverages. In the maize fair of Ixtenco, Tlaxcala,
the ixtëi (atole agrio) has become an iconic beverage of the festival [41,130]; for the
nawa’at the maize fairs of Nayar, Nayarit, its communitarian consumption allows it
to be drunk by community members and new consumers who attend the festivity
from other regions [132]; or the maize fair of Tlaxcaltepec, Qro [128], where
sendithö has found a space of resistance, in the face of the accelerated oblivion
that the beverage is experiencing in the region, and where members of the same
community did not know it, they can now recognize in this festival a beverage that is
part of their territories.
Given the problems of food scarcity and waste, the shift to ultra-processed diets,
the resulting diseases, and the sociocultural erosion of communities [35,133,134], it
is critical to document the food systems that have nourished and sustained the
diverse cultures of the Americas. These are food systems that conserve local
agrobiodiversity, produce nutritious and culturally congruent foods that revitalize
local knowledge, and are accessible to people.
This documentation contributes to re-establishing networks of use, knowledge,
innovation, and value of food and serves as a basis for reactivating its preparation
and consumption [134]. This is the case of some traditional dishes that are now
finding spaces in culinary movements for their re-signification and revaluation [135]
or projects that find in cooking a way to reunite people with the territory they inhabit,
since food is a review of the past, an indicator of the present, and a projection of a
desirable and possible future [136].
For this documentation, not only the information contained in scientific docu-
ments is useful, but also recipe books, reports in digital and print media, and
audiovisual documentaries are essential for this purpose [36,54,85]. This docu-
mentation is not intended to be a reliable list of edible species and their forms of
preparation, but rather a living archive that can continue to nourish the bodies and
knowledge of the people and communities.
Fermented Maize Beverages in the Americas: A Diagnostic for…29
Conclusions
The documentation and analysis of the biocultural diversity of fermented maize
beverages are the bases for their conservation. The 18 fermented beverages pre-
sented and the 73 races of maize used in their production are a synthesis effort to
show the richness of the subject. Undoubtedly, these numbers will be increased by
new research and by the innovation of producers of maize and fermented beverage.
It is relevant to highlight the relationship between races-beverage-territories,
where we have beverages that, due to their territorial amplitude, use a greater number
of maize races (chicha de jora), while others have a more specific relationship
determined by their context (sendithö). Although the characteristics of the maize
are important in determining its use as a fermented beverage, there is not a specific
race-beverage relationship, but rather a culturally determined relationship that incor-
porates the characteristics of the maize, its availability, and the purpose for which the
beverage is consumed.
It is important to have reliable records of the resources used and the processes
necessary to transform them into food, because this heritage represents ancient
strategies for managing and using resources that are still in force today and necessary
for the future. These strategies are materialized in the kitchens and recipes to
elaborate beverages and foods that are congruent and appropriate to the diverse
contexts of the Americas, where FMB are essential.
For the biocultural conservation of FMB, the strategies should consider the follow-
ing: (1) The creation of fair and accessible commercialization spaces, which are projects
that allow the economic sustenance of the producers of the beverages and the necessary
ingredients; (2) the strengthening of productive and organizational capacities that allow
the communities to solve the problems they face; and (3) a documentation that allows
the reconnection of the beverages with the people and their territories, that is participa-
tory and creative and ensures the transmission of the forms of preparation and generates
the necessary spaces for consumption in each context.
Considering the benefits offered by FMB, the maize used to produce them, and
the agroecosystems where they are grown, we must prioritize their integral conser-
vation, as they are strategic resources for the food sovereignty of rural and urban
communities in the Americas, where maize is at the core of the food systems.
Acknowledgments This work was supported by the Posgrado en Ciencias Biológicas, UNAM,
and SECIHTI, which provided a graduate scholarship of the first author. The authors also thank the
Dirección General de Asuntos del Personal Académico (DGAPA-PAPIIT, UNAM) for the financial
support (research project IN224023).
Competing Interest Declaration The author(s) has no competing interests to declare that are
relevant to the content of this manuscript.
30 G. D. A
´lvarez-Ríos et al.
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