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La polycrise au Sahel : observations, perspectives et actions
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The Socioeconomic Impact of Climate Change in Developing Countries in the Next Decades: A Review provides a discussion of future trends as established in the literature on the interaction between socioeconomic indicators and projected future climate change scenarios. It enhances our understanding of future predicted patterns of climate change effects in the coming decades and the need for climate-resilient interventions. There is a significant body of literature on climate impacts on GDP per capita and crop yield in developing countries. However, impacts on farmland value, water resources, and energy security have received much less attention. Across sectors, countries, and regions, the most vulnerable groups were found to be disproportionately affected, and the impact is predicted to be larger in the long term than in the medium term. There are feasible adaptation and mitigation options, but these need to be developed and designed to reflect local peculiarities or contexts. Generally, the review report indicates the need for urgent actions to be undertaken, especially in the most vulnerable countries, if we are to stand a chance of averting or minimizing the menace of climate change in the future.
Multiple global crises – including the pandemic, climate change, and Russia's war on Ukraine – have recently linked together in ways that are significant in scope, devastating in effect, but poorly understood. A growing number of scholars and policymakers characterize the situation as a ‘polycrisis’. Yet this neologism remains poorly defined. We provide the concept with a substantive definition, highlight its value-added in comparison to related concepts, and develop a theoretical framework to explain the causal mechanisms currently entangling many of the world's crises. In this framework, a global crisis arises when one or more fast-moving trigger events combine with slow-moving stresses to push a global system out of its established equilibrium and into a volatile and harmful state of disequilibrium. We then identify three causal pathways – common stresses, domino effects, and inter-systemic feedbacks – that can connect multiple global systems to produce synchronized crises. Drawing on current examples, we show that the polycrisis concept is a valuable tool for understanding ongoing crises, generating actionable insights, and opening avenues for future research.
Non-technical summary
The term ‘polycrisis’ appears with growing frequently to capture the interconnections between global crises, but the word lacks substantive content. In this article, we convert it from an empty buzzword into a conceptual framework and research program that enables us to better understand the causal linkages between contemporary crises. We draw upon the intersection of climate change, the covid-19 pandemic, and Russia's war in Ukraine to illustrate these causal interconnections and explore key features of the world's present polycrisis.
Technical summary
Multiple global crises – including the pandemic, climate change, and Russia's war on Ukraine – have recently linked together in ways that are significant in scope, devastating in effect, but poorly understood. A growing number of scholars and policymakers characterize the situation as a ‘polycrisis’. Yet this neologism remains poorly defined. We provide the concept with a substantive definition, highlight its value-added in comparison to related concepts, and develop a theoretical framework to explain the causal mechanisms currently entangling many of the world's crises. In this framework, a global crisis arises when one or more fast-moving trigger events combines with slow-moving stresses to push a global system out of its established equilibrium and into a volatile and harmful state of disequilibrium. We then identify three causal pathways – common stresses, domino effects, and inter-systemic feedbacks – that can connect multiple global systems to produce synchronized crises. Drawing on current examples, we show that the polycrisis concept is a valuable tool for understanding ongoing crises, generating actionable insights, and opening avenues for future research.
Social media summary
No longer a mere buzzword, the ‘polycrisis’ concept highlights causal interactions among crises to help navigate a tumultuous future.
Piliers de la société haïtienne, les femmes font face à un plafond de verre dans le système d’enseignement supérieur. Si de plus en plus de femmes accèdent aux études universitaires, elles demeurent peu nombreuses à occuper des postes dans l’enseignement supérieur. Par ailleurs, le peu de femmes travaillant dans les universités a du mal à s’adonner à la recherche scientifique. Quelle est la place des femmes dans la recherche scientifique institutionnelle en Haïti ? En quoi les crises successives, dont le COVID-19, affectent-elles leurs activités et leur détermination ? À partir d’entretiens anonymes, nous avons essayé de répondre à ces questions. Les résultats empiriques démontrent une motivation ainsi qu’une détermination des femmes en termes de maintien de leur activité de publications scientifiques alors même que la crise continue. Ces chercheuses se sont positionnées comme une force de propositions pouvant contribuer à enrayer les crises.
It can be daunting to describe media dynamics at the scale of a country, or even a group of bordering countries, such as those in the Sahel, given the profusion of what can be considered media productions and the complexity of the connections between them. The countries of the Sahel region are also strongly influenced by external media productions that are often locally accessible. Indeed, these external productions have an impact on the international understanding of the region’s issues. This fact in turn has a significant impact on the sources selected in the monitoring on the Sahel region. We are talking about a media ecosystem rooted in complex and fragile relationships of trust toward different epistemic sources and a relative understanding of the media world, characterized by practices of re-appropriation and information-sharing.
Media systems in the Sahel did not wait for the emergence of the Internet to become decentralized, but intrinsically featured rumours and orality. The importance of local radio stations across the region is a manifestation of this today. Understanding this complex world requires an examination of the uses of the media, the messages they convey, the sources they utilize, processes of interpreting content, and the socio-political impact of the content in question.
This paper explores the externalization process of the European Union’s (EU) borders by focusing on one of its least documented aspects: the funding of migration information campaigns (MICs) aiming to deter ‘potential migrants’ from attempting to enter the EU irregularly. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews conducted with the actors involved in these campaigns, it analyses the implementation of 11 EU-funded MICs in Niger in light of the theory of the ‘Border Spectacle’ originally developed by Nicholas De Genova. In doing so, it contributes to enriching the use of this theory by identifying new types of spectators and new figures of the ‘illegalized’ migrant that emerge from the spectacularization of EU border externalization in Niger. First, the performance of migration deterrence through MICs is broken down into two distinct acts targeting different categories of ‘potential migrants’ in the country. Second, the analysis of the discourses conveyed by MICs highlights that they rely on a two-sided narrative of risks and opportunities, which creates a border spectacle of migrant victimization and stigmatization. In conclusion, it is argued that this spectacle conceals the political causes of the risks increasingly faced by sub-Saharan migrants en route to North Africa and Europe, and delegitimizes those who continue to leave in spite of them.
Since 2013, the multiplication of regional and international strategies and actions directed at stabilizing Mali and the Sahel, and at countering and preventing violent extremism, has not improved the situation there and, arguably, some of it has made it worse. This article analyses the type of political order and regional governance that has been and is being built after almost a decade of international interventions in the West African Sahel. It is an effort at theorizing and making sense of what is considered here to be a permanent state of intervention in the Sahel that has evolved into a form of counterinsurgency governance—a concept being proposed to point to the influence and the infusion of counterinsurgency principles into philosophies of governance. This article argues that counterinsurgency governance insists on a set of power relations and configurations that seeks to impose limits, parameters and boundaries to the purpose of and the form that Sahelian states, governments and governance ought to take. As such, counterinsurgency governance is simultaneously a mode of governance and a web of political practices and contestation whose mechanisms have failed at fully implementing its principles in the Sahel. Its fallback is the emergence of a regional strategy to manage and establish limits to Sahelian political possibilities.
This textbook introduces advanced students of International Relations (and beyond) to the ways in which the advent of, and reflections on, the Anthropocene impact on the study of global politics and the disciplinary foundations of IR. The book contains 23 chapters, authored by senior academics as well as early career scholars, and is divided into four parts, detailing, respectively, why the Anthropocene is of importance to IR, challenges to traditional approaches to security, the question of governance and agency in the Anthropocene, and new methods and approaches, going beyond the human/nature divide.
David Chandler is Professor of International Relations at the University of Westminster, UK.
Franziska Müller is Assistant Professor for Globalization and Climate Governance at the University of Hamburg, Germany.
Delf Rothe is Researcher and Principal Investigator of the DFG-funded research project ‘The Knowledge Politics of Security in the Anthropocene’, Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy, University of Hamburg, Germany.
This article explores the incremental role of criminalization and crime control in European Union (EU) foreign policy and external action. Protecting Europe from dangerous or unwanted mobility has come to drive the EU's relations with Africa. Consequently, the EU's liberal state-building agenda (promoting peace, democracy and human rights) seems to be increasingly accompanied or even sometimes supplanted by illiberal practices (criminalization, policing, surveillance, border security and militarization). Based on fieldwork in Niger, Mali and Senegal, the article investigates how West African countries' internal security apparatuses and borders are increasingly becoming a main target sector for European assistance. Yet scrutinizing policy implementation reveals that some European crime definitions and control models are locally resisted and contribute to greater insecurity by upsetting fragile micro-political stability. As such, the article problematizes the compatibility of European and African security, and argues for a collaborative engagement between Criminology and International Relations (IR) in analysing the EU's emerging global crime-fighting role.
Page 1: Senilia senilis raw isotopic and stratigraphic data. Dates of archaeological samples were obtained from Bacon age models.
Page 2: 1600-yr Saloum shell d18O record calculated with a Monte Carlo resampling method (see Matlab code in supplementary information)
As climate model uncertainties remain very large for future rainfall in the Sahel, a multi-centennial perspective is required to assess the situation of current Sahel climate in the context of global warming. We present here the first record of hydroclimatic variability over the past 1600 years in Senegal, obtained from stable oxygen isotope analyses (δ¹⁸O) in archaeological shell middens from the Saloum Delta. During the preindustrial period, the region was relatively humid, with maximum humidity reached during the period from AD 1500 to AD 1800, referred to as the Little Ice Age. A significant negative link is observed at the centennial scale between global temperature and humidity in the Sahel that is at odds with the expected effects of latitudinal shifts of the intertropical convergence zone during the last millennium. In the context of the past 1600 years, the Western Sahel appears to be experiencing today unprecedented drought conditions. The rapid aridification that started ca. AD 1800 and the recent emergence of Sahel drought from the natural variability point to an anthropogenic forcing of Sahel drying trend. This new long-term perspective suggests that the recovery of Sahel rainfall in the last decade may only result from short-term internal variability, and supports climate models that predict an increase of Sahel drought under future greenhouse climate.
In recent years, Niger has gained prominence as a hub for the smuggling of migrants from West Africa to North Africa and Europe. Urged on by European concerns, Niamey has adopted repressive measures to contain such migrations in the region. These, however, have largely failed, and have yielded unintended and unexpected results, which challenge policy predictions. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the article suggests that contradictory security imperatives have brought about the de facto regularisation of human smuggling. As a result, protection rackets sponsored by the state through patronage networks have severely limited the impact of externally sponsored measures to counteract irregular migration.
Foreign aid is huge global endeavour with an annual tumover in the tens of billions of dollars, large workforces, and never-ending streams of ideas about how non-Westem societies should develop. Rich and poor states use it to manage relations with each other. Both givers and receivers, at least in public utterance, applaud foreign aid as a good thing that should continue. Yet something is the matter with foreign aid.
This article summarizes in four pages the 234-page book, Give & Take. What's the Matter with Foreign Aid?, published by Zed Books in 2002 { ISBN: 184277 -069- I }
A manuscript of that book is available on Research Gate: =Give and Take. What's the Matter with Foreign Aid [ book manuscript ]=
Much has been written and said about the consequences of climate change on security in the West African Sahel. Sceptics argue that claims about the links between global warming and conflict dynamics rest on limited evidence and questionable assumptions. Others work on the institutionalization and operationalization of climate security. This implementation seems inevitable, if slow, difficult, and at times vague, as there is simply no consensus on what climate security implies in practice and what it is meant to achieve. What is climate security, and whose climate security are we talking about? This article analyses climate security as a structure of knowledge and a set of epistemic relationships that inform practices and relationships. It draws on participant observations of a Dakar-based research group that travelled to Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey. At the intersection of research, policy, and programme implementation, this case study provides a unique look into the emergence of climate security relations and practices. The findings point to the rising structural force of climate security and how it can overcome both research uncertainties and sensitive diplomatic relations. The article shows that there is more to climate security than the focus on the conflict-climate nexus lets on.
Introduction : La ville de Djibo au Burkina Faso fait face à une crise sécuritaire et humanitaire depuis 2015. Les populations déplacées internes qui y ont trouvé refuge présentent plusieurs besoins, dont les soins de santé. La mise en place de postes de santé avancés fait partie de la stratégie d’offre de services de santé-nutrition adoptée pour y répondre. Nous avons évalué l’apport de ces postes de santé avancés en termes de disponibilité, d’accès aux soins et la satisfaction des bénéficiaires. Méthodologie : Nous avons réalisé une étude transversale mixte à visée descriptive et analytique du 1 er mai 2021 au 30 janvier 2022 portant sur la population hôte, les personnes déplacées internes, les agents de santé et certaines structures de santé de Djibo. Elle a concerné 422 personnes pour le volet quantitatif. Les données quantitatives dont celles de 2016 à 2020 ont été analysées du logiciel Epi info version 7.2.3.1 et complétées par un volet qualitatif. Résultats : 7/9 structures périphériques étaient des postes de santé avancés offrant des soins de base comme la consultation prénatale et post natal, le suivi des nourrissons, la vaccination. Les interventions en nutrition étaient insuffisantes dans certains postes de santé avancés. L’accès géographique était satisfaisant à l’inverse de l’accès financier. Conclusion : La stratégie a permis de répondre aux besoins en soins de base dans ce contexte de crise dont l’accès financier doit être amélioré.
This study investigates the intermediaries or brokers who participate in the constitution, negotiation, and production of peace and security policies in West Africa. These security brokers possess social and knowledge capital, making them the preferred interlocutors of international actors, institutions, and researchers to produce security knowledge to inform policy. Thus, this article seeks to explain how these security brokers interact with and shape the construction of a security assemblage in West Africa. Based on three ethnographic sites in Bamako (Mali), Niamey (Niger) and Abidjan (Ivory Coast), social trajectories of these intermediaries of securitization processes allow us to understand how material and symbolic resources are attracted. Security brokers oscillate between instrumentalist, pragmatic, and reflexive stances toward the (re)production of security practices promoted by (trans)national institutions and actors. Just like any international institutions or actors, they can either participate to the (re)production or challenge the premise of the security assemblage.
Although democratic countries historically have had stronger outcomes in advancing gender equality than other regime types, many authoritarian regimes in Africa have proved rather adept at adopting women’s rights provisions, making extensive constitutional and legislative reforms, and promoting women as leaders. These outcomes are particularly evident when it comes to women’s political representation, where one finds little difference between authoritarian and democratic regimes in Africa. This essay explores how authoritarian regimes in Africa came to promote women leaders and how the instrumentalization of women leaders served to enhance the longevity of their rule.
Conflicts are increasingly analysed as exhibiting a stealth complexity in which triggers and consequences are intricately linked to climate, environmental degradation and the struggle to control a finite pool of natural resources. The climate crisis is a multifaceted reality and, against this background, many pressing priorities compete with each other. The disruptive effect of climate variability and change on food systems is particularly acute and constitutes a direct and tangible threat to livelihoods globally. The objective of this paper is to demonstrate and discuss the importance of food systems under a climate crisis in exacerbating conflicts in the Sahelian region and propose interventions beyond and complementary to the usual military and security solutions. We demonstrate for the Sahel that (i) climate hazards are frequent and exposure to climate variability is high, (ii) hotspots of high climate variability and conflict exist, and (iii) impact pathways by which climate exacerbates food systems that can lead to conflicts are documented in the literature. While these three findings suggest clear links between conflict and climate, we find that (iv) current peace indices do not include climate and food systems indicators and therefore provide an uncomplete picture, and (v) food systems programming for climate adaptation has so far not explicitly considered peace and security outcomes. Furthermore, we propose that food systems programming that truly tackles the climate crisis should take more explicit account of peace and security outcomes in conflict-affected areas.
Democracy and women’s rights are integrally “bundled” by the international community. This means that dictatorships can signal adherence to international norms by demonstrating progress on gender equality, often in a manner that is consistent with the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. Using a new dataset of de jure advances in women’s rights, we show that dictatorships have vigorously enacted gender-related legislation, at a rate that surpasses democracies in the developing world. This pattern is shaped by international (Western) pressure: Among autocracies, foreign aid dependence and international nongovernmental organization shaming are associated with legal advances in women’s rights, but not with reforms in other, more politically costly areas related to elections, political competition, and repression. Our account therefore highlights selective compliance as a form of adaptation to international pressure and underscores the role of international incentives as a complement to domestic “bottom-up” pressure for women’s rights in dictatorships.
Among policy-makers, a narrative of a climate-desertification-conflict nexus holds a strong position, in particular related to discussions about the African Sahel. The narrative says that global climate change leads to drought and desertification, which result in resource scarcity causing migration and the emergence of new conflicts, or triggering existing, latent conflicts. This chapter first presents a critical assessment of the literature focusing on scarcity as a main causal factor behind conflicts. Thereafter, it demonstrates, through a discussion of conflicts in Mali, how the narrative about a climate change-desertification-conflict nexus in the Sahel is misleading and apolitical, since it neglects the context of significant historical and political causes of conflicts.
“The book describes our common present with unsentimental urgency. Benjaminsen and Svarstad demonstrate the complexity of human engagement with the scarce resources of our planet, and the analytical pathways offered by political ecology. The book’s many vivid examples underscore how power is always part of the equation: people + their environment.”
Christian Lund, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
This textbook introduces political ecology as an interdisciplinary approach to critically examine land and environmental issues.
Drawing on discourse and narrative analysis, Marxist political economy and insights from natural science, the book points at similarities, differences and inter-connections between environmental governance in the global North and South. A wide range of carefully curated case studies are presented, with a particular focus on Africa and Norway. Key themes of power, justice and environmental sustainability run through all chapters.
The authors challenge established views and leading discourses and present research findings that may surprise readers. Chapters cover topics including wildlife conservation, climate change and conflicts, land grabbing, the effects of population growth on the environment, jihadism in the African Sahel, bioprospecting, feminist political ecology, and struggles around carbon mitigation within a fossil fuel-based economy. This introductory text provides tools and examples for both undergraduate and postgraduate students to better understand on-going struggles about some of the world’s most urgent challenges.
Tor A. Benjaminsen is a human geographer and Professor of Development Studies at the Norwegian University of Life Sciences, Norway. His research is focused on environmental change and its governance within a broad and interdisciplinary political ecology perspective. He is a lead author of the 6th IPCC report and an Associate Editor of Political Geography.
Hanne Svarstad is a sociologist and Professor of Development Studies at Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway. Her research is about climate change mitigation, land use conflict, bioprospecting, power, environmental justice, education and alternative sustainabilities.
RÉSUMÉ
Cet article analyse la construction historique des tensions politiques dans la région de Mopti en insistant sur les dynamiques conflictuelles qui s’articulent autour de la hiérarchie entre groupes statutaires peuls et les transformations de l’économie politique du monde rural. La formation de groupes armés à vocation religieuse, aux contours flous, a notamment permis d’inverser les rapports de forces avec certaines élites locales, désormais moins capables d’imposer leur autorité. Par ailleurs, l’article montre le blocage de la représentation démocratique inapte à apaiser les tensions. Les élites peules issues des groupes statutaires dominants ont su se redéployer dans la nouvelle arène électorale depuis la mise en place du processus de démocratisation initié dans les années 1990 et ainsi prendre contrôle des postes électifs, souvent au détriment des catégories subalternes. Enfin, l’article montre que le rôle de l’État dans la région est largement perçu de manière négative.
À propos de la crise malienne, on lit souvent des analyses géopolitiques ou géostratégiques qui se focalisent sur les appellations des principales forces armées ou sur les noms de quelques individus emblématiques. Ces noms sont généralement associés, au moins implicitement, au camp du « bien » ou au camp du « mal », selon les points de vue. Cet article propose une autre approche, au plus près des réalités quotidiennes vécues par les populations qui évoluent dans la région de Ménaka. Certaines des forces armées et des personnalités connues se retrouvent ici, mais avec le souci de les restituer dans leurs environnements sociaux, dans des histoires locales anciennes et aux côtés d’autres groupes dont on entend moins parler. Il s’agit de comprendre les dessous des rapports de violence qui s’amplifient depuis 2012. On découvre alors que les logiques de concurrence, de protection ou encore de représailles, si courantes dans la vie « ordinaire », se retrouvent exacerbées, du fait aussi de l’intervention de forces armées extérieures.
During the last few decades, ‘desertification’ has reached the status of a global environmental issue. The African Sahel is often seen as the world region worst hit by this process. The idea that deserts are spreading, mainly due to local land-use practices, is, however, not new. It already existed early in the colonial period in tropical Africa. The purpose of this paper is to provide a historical perspective on the construction of the desertification narrative using historical documents combined with a review of international scientific research. The main focus is on former French colonies in the West African Sahel, and the paper aims to identify various phases in the history of the desertification narrative in this region and to explain the shifts between these phases. We first present debates among French scientists in the early twentieth century about desiccation as a natural or human-induced process. We continue by discussing the transition from desicca tion theory to a narrative focusing more explicitly on desert advance caused by local human activities. Thereafter, we show how the droughts in the Sahel of the 1970s and 1980s enhanced the desertification narrative and led to an institutionalisation of desertification at different levels, which again established this idea as a global environmental problem. Finally, we demonstrate how global climate change has further strengthened the idea of desertification as a global environmental threat, despite international scientific research questioning the scale and relevance of this perceived problem. This history of the desertification narrative from the early colonial period to today shows how the narrative has created some powerful winners, while the losers have largely been Sahelian small-scale farmers and pastoralists. This is also a case illustrating how a policy narrative may use science when science supports its main tenets, but neglects science when it turns against the narrative.
This paper devoted to the Sahel and its link with the Sahara provide a critical perspective to the zonal definition of domains by the errors or even the faults it has induced. The space of the societies that run through them, inherited from a long geographical history, has always favored north-south relations. This neglect of science leads today to serious geopolitical but also economic difficulties that are not layed at the harshness of "natural conditions".
This article assesses the concepts of militarism and militarization in relation to contemporary security interventions in the Sahel, a region increasingly understood through the prisms of violence, cross-border illicit flows, and limited statehood. This region is subject to security interventions that include French military action, EU-funded projects to prevent drug trafficking, and both bilateral and multilateral efforts against irregular migration. To many observers, it is experiencing an ongoing militarization. We argue that while the inextricable concepts of militarism and militarization go some way towards explaining interventions’ occasional use of military violence, they are limited in their grasp of the non-martial and symbolic violence in security practices. We instead propose a focus on assemblages of (in)security to show the heterogeneous mix of global and local actors, and often contradictory rationalities and practices that shape the logics of symbolic and martial violence in the region. Throughout, the article draws on the authors’ fieldwork in Mauritania, Senegal, and Niger, and includes two case studies on efforts against the Sahel’s ‘crime–terror nexus’ and to control irregular migration through the region. The article’s contribution is to better situate debates about militarism and militarization in relation to (in)security and to provide a more granular understanding of the Sahel’s security politics.
This paper provides a brief history of feminist contributions to the analysis of gender, poverty, and inequality in the field of international development. It draws out the continuous threads running through these contributions over the years, as the focus has moved from micro-level analysis to a concern with macro-level forces. It concludes with a brief note on some of the confusions and conflations that continue to bedevil attempts to explore the relationship between gender, poverty, and inequality.
www.cairn.info/revue-politique-africaine-2013-2-page-5.htm
The perspective of the Malians who have been caught up near the Sahara Desert regarding the Saharan front of the war on terror where the US has become visible and rumor-worthy is presented. Also discussed is on how Islam has affected community associations, small non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and social networks. It has also been shown that recent shifts on the local, regional and global scale has been connected to longer-term processes. A larger context would be required to consider more recent events which includes the longer-term social struggles, the competition over natural resources and the changes in the foreign investment in Malian economic development. Lastly, analysis can be drawn within the wider implications for the larger Saharan and Sahel region.
Three such argument are found on this article. The first one is an analyses on the discursive process that made the United States define and think Mauritania as an ally during the global war on terror. It has also been shown that the American officials have unknowingly been helped by their Mauritanian counterparts. The next argument is on the imagination that Mauritania is an ally made possible while a range of foreign assistance policies was made politically thinkable. Lastly, the impact made by the American policies on the evolution of Mauritania's neo-authoritarian regime is analyzed. It shows that the US foreign assistance have contributed to its financial capacity to co-opt potential and actual opponents.
The literature on democratization and authoritarian survival has rightfully studied the role external forces play in such processes. These external actors and structural constraints are said to be especially substantial when dealing with small and poor authoritarian states. Although this literature acknowledges that small states are not entirely powerless when confronting hegemonic external forces, little effort has been made to refine and specify the role they play and the actions they undertake to engage international democratization pressures. This paper addresses this lacuna by using the framing approach and the concept of “extraversion” to analyze the process by which weak African authoritarian states draw on and change the representations that Western powers hold about them. These representations provide a specific lens through which Western governments and experts look at political dynamics in developing countries, and eventually shape policies toward these countries. This paper analyzes how two small authoritarian African regimes, Guinea and Mauritania, have enacted a series of performances such as the arrests of alleged “Islamists,”“warlords,” and other transnational “subversive threats,” thereby framing their domestic and foreign policies in ways that can resonate with hegemonic international discourses, seeking to obtain either more support from Western states or to lower their democratization pressure (or both).
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The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War
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Crises et migrations : effets de rhétorique autour d'un enjeu politique
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