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POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS | RESEARCH ARTICLE
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES
2025, VOL. 11, NO. 1, 2483391
Media and politics: investigating government interests, ownership
inuence and media independence in combating corruption in
Ghana
Samuel Danso
Department of Journalism and Media Studies, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana
ABSTRACT
The media plays a crucial role in democratic societies by promoting transparency and
holding power to account. However, the media’s ability to function independently has
come under scrutiny with increasing concerns about government and political influence
on editorial content. This study, through the lens of media capture theory, investigates
the relationship between government interests, ownership influence and media
independence in Ghana, offering insights into their implications for democratic
accountability and corruption mitigation. Using a mixed-methods approach with data
collected through surveys and interviews and analyzed thematically, the findings reveal
a substantial government interest in the media, primarily aimed at covering corrupt
activities. The study reveals that media owners’ political affiliations significantly influence
editorial decisions, with journalists working in politically affiliated media feeling
pressured to align their reporting with the owner’s interests. Despite the importance of
media independence, challenges such as financial constraints and threats persist. The
study concludes that the interconnections between government interests, ownership
influence and editorial independence significantly undermine the media’s role as a
democratic watchdog. Further, this study recommends interventions such as establishing
clear policies to delineate editorial decisions from ownership influence, strengthening
regulatory frameworks to curb government overreach, and supporting independent
media through sustainable funding mechanisms.
Introduction
The media serves as a cornerstone of democratic governance in promoting transparency, accountability
and the rule of law within society (Dauda & Moses, 2024; Justus et al., 2021; Okolo, 2014). Through dis-
semination of information, exposing misconduct and facilitating public discourse, the media empower
citizens to make informed decisions and hold leaders accountable for their actions. As in many other
democracies in Ghana, the media’s ability to combat corruption and hold government institutions account-
able is frequently tested against politics (Färdigh, 2013), ownership structures (Henshaw, 2024) and the
principle of editorial independence (Mokaya, 2020; Van Drunen, 2021; Van Drunen & Fechner, 2023).
Government interests, ownership influence and media independence are three dimensions that form
a triad of forces shaping the media’s ability to function as a robust watchdog in society. Kellam and Stein
(2016) argue that government interests often influence how the media operate, with political leaders
seeking to control or suppress dissenting views to protect their reputations or political agendas. This is
evident in cases in which governments use licensing regulations, advertising budgets or legal threats to
pressure media outlets in compliance or self-censorship. Such tactics, according to Kellam and Stein
(2016), limit journalists’ ability to freely investigate and report corruption cases, particularly those involv-
ing powerful political actors.
© 2025 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
CONTACT samuelkd2014@gmail.com
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2025.2483391
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which
permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. The terms on which this article has been
published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 20 January 2025
Revised 3 March 2025
Accepted 18 March 2025
KEYWORDS
Media independence;
editorial content;
corruption; democratic
accountability; regulatory
frameworks; political
interference
SUBJECTS
Media & Film Studies;
Media & Communications;
Journalism; Journalism &
Professional Media
2 S. DANSO
Ownership structures in Ghana’s media landscape play a significant role in shaping the content, tone
and priorities of news reports. Dragomir (2024) affirmed that the concentration of media ownership in
the hands of politically affiliated individuals or groups often creates biases that influence how stories are
covered, particularly those involving corruption or government accountability. Media outlets owned by
political figures or entities with vested interests may avoid publishing stories that cast their affiliates in
a negative light. This alignment compromises journalistic objectivity and reduces media credibility as a
neutral watchdog (Okocha & Gupta, 2018).
Editorial independence, the ability of journalists and media institutions to operate free from external
pressures is the cornerstone of ethical journalism. Ghana is often hailed as a beacon of press freedom in
Africa, supported by a constitutional framework that guarantees freedom of expression and the press
(Azure, 2023). The repeal of criminal libel law in 2001 is a significant milestone that empowered journal-
ists to freely report on governance, corruption and social issues without fear of imprisonment in Ghana
(Acheampong, 2017; Laryea & Kwansah-Aidoo, 2005). The Criminal Code (Repeal of Criminal and Seditious
Laws—Amendment Bill) Act, 2001, specifically repealed sections 112–119 and 183–185 of the Criminal
Offences Act, 1960 (Act 29). These sections pertained to criminal libel and sedition offenses used to
criminalize defamation and restrict press freedom by prosecuting journalists and media houses critical of
the government. This legal reform has contributed to the growth of diverse media platforms, from news-
papers to radio and television stations and to a vibrant online media ecosystem. Investigative journalism
in Ghana, led by practitioners such as Anas Aremeyaw Anas and Manasseh Azure, is a testament to the
media’s ability to operate independently. Investigative exposés, such as the ‘Number 12’ documentary on
corruption in Ghana’s football (Dogbevi, 2022), ‘Ghana in the eyes of God: Epic of injustice’ and the ‘con-
tract for sale’ (Odartey-Wellington etal., 2017), illustrate how editorial independence can drive impactful
journalism, thereby prompting public discourse and policy action.
Despite these achievements, editorial independence in Ghana has remained constrained by several
factors. Most media outlets in Ghana are privately owned by individuals or entities with political or com-
mercial interests. Media owners often influence editorial policies by directing coverage to align with their
agenda. According to Ugangu (2011), politically affiliated media outlets suppress stories critical of their
allies or promote stories favorable to their sponsors, undermining objectivity and journalistic integrity.
While Ghana’s government has made strides in promoting press freedom, instances of political interfer-
ence persist. Henshaw (2024) highlighted that authorities use financial incentives, threats or regulatory
tools, such as revoking licenses, to influence media coverage. The fear of retaliation often leads to
self-censorship, particularly when reporting corruption cases involving powerful political figures.
Furthermore, financial challenges significantly impact editorial independence (Dragomir, 2018). Many
media outlets rely heavily on advertising revenue, often from government agencies or politically con-
nected businesses (Mokaya, 2020). This dependency creates a conflict of interest because critical report-
ing may result in the withdrawal of financial support, putting the outlet’s sustainability at risk. Journalists’
physical and psychological intimidation undermines their ability to operate freely. The murder of investi-
gative journalist Ahmed Hussein-Suale in 2019, highlight the risks associated with pursuing independent
reporting in Ghana (Azure, 2023). Such threats not only endanger individual journalists but also create a
chilling effect on the broader media landscape.
In spite of Ghana’s significant progress in press freedom and thriving media landscape, these struc-
tural and contextual challenges impede the media’s capacity to function independently and effectively
investigate corruption. The need for studies examining these structural and contextual challenges cannot
be overemphasized. However, existing studies have highlighted these issues in isolation (Dogbevi, 2022;
Gadzekpo, 2010; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2012; Odartey-Wellington et al., 2017; Okocha & Gupta, 2018).
For instance, Dogbevi (2022) investigated why few journalists in Ghana are able to practice critical report-
ing. The study found that government shows interest in the media by restricting information requested
by journalists. Similarly, Okocha and Gupta (2018) examined the influence of media owners’ political
affiliations on journalistic professionalism in Ghana. The study revealed that media ownership is concen-
trated among politicians, who determine media content most of the time. There remains a lack of com-
prehensive research examining the interplay between government interests, ownership influence and
editorial independence in shaping the media’s capacity to combat corruption. This study makes a signif-
icant contribution to the body of knowledge by addressing this gap on how these interconnected
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 3
factors impact the role of the media as watchdogs in Ghana. Specifically, this study poses the following
Research Questions (RQs):
RQ1. Why do governments take interest in the watchdog role of the media in Ghana?
RQ2. How do media owners’ political aliations inuence the partisan leaning of editors and reporters in
Ghana?
RQ3. How independent is the Ghanaian media in ghting corruption?
Literature review
Government interests and political ownership of the media
Government interests in the media is a critical area of investigation, particularly in democratic societies,
where the media is expected to act as a watchdog to ensure transparency and accountability. State
interference in the media takes the form of censorship and regulatory measures. The study of Abbasi and
Al-Sharqi (2015) found that the purpose of censorship is to formally regulate and stifle any speech that
might endanger the state. Their findings align with Bennett and Naim’s (2015) study, which provides a
historical context, showing that governments have long exercised preemptive control over various media
forms to eliminate potentially objectionable content before it reaches the public. Censorship, as described
by Bennet and Naim (2015) serve a dual purpose: it acts as a proactive measure to prevent the dissem-
ination of ideas perceived as harmful to state authority, and as a means of shaping public discourse to
align with government interests. This suggests that censorship is not only reactive to immediate threats,
but also a strategic tool for maintaining long-term political and social control.
According to Hallin and Mancini (2004), the legal and regulatory framework, including media laws and
policies, clearly distinguish the boundaries of media freedom and responsibility. Farmanfarmaian (2017)
contends that in Tunisia, the government’s obstruction and implementation of the new Decree Laws 115
and 116 prevented the creation of an auto-regulatory press council. Regulatory measures such as licens-
ing requirements, content restrictions and ownership laws can be leveraged by governments to exert
control over media operations and influence editorial independence. Consistent with the above,
Campagna (2003) argues that the ownership and administrative control of governments and political
parties over newspapers and broadcast media have dominated the media over the years.
Government-controlled media are used to varying degrees for the state’s benefit, primarily to dissemi-
nate news and viewpoints that back the regime’s leaders and their policies. Norris (2006) contends that
in authoritarian regimes, this control is overt and systematic, whereas in democracies, it is more subtle,
often manifesting through regulatory frameworks and state-sponsored media. These influences under-
mine journalistic independence, restricting the press’s ability to report objectively and critically.
Furthermore, governments use digital communication platforms for censorship through various regu-
latory and technological mechanisms. Oyinloye et al. (2024) argue that regulatory inconsistencies and
government censorship measures, such as Cybercrime Acts and the arbitrary suspension of digital media
platforms, restrict freedom of expression and access to information. Similarly, Zurita and Segura (2011)
assert that the increasing use of digital surveillance technologies by authoritarian regimes to control
information flow has intensified global concerns about censorship and media freedom. In Ghana, legal
frameworks such as the Cybersecurity Act (2020) and the Electronic Communications Act (2008) enable
state agencies to monitor and restrict online discourse. Okolo (2021) argues that internet and website
shutdowns and content moderation laws suppress dissenting voices. Additionally, politically motivated
disinformation and state-sponsored online harassment discourage independent journalism (Oyinloye
etal., 2024). These strategies highlight how digital platforms can be weaponized by governments to limit
media freedom and public discourse.
In developing countries, government interests in the media is often tied to the control of political dis-
sent. For instance, Wasserman and De Beer (2004) discuss how African governments leverage the state
media to counter opposition narratives. Similarly, Voltmer’s (2013) research highlights that political elites in
emerging democracies often manipulate media policies to consolidate power, resulting in a media land-
scape that favors ruling party interests over public accountability. The issue of political ownership in the
4 S. DANSO
media has been widely studied, particularly in contexts where media organizations are directly or indirectly
owned by political actors. Djankov et al. (2003) examined patterns of media ownership in 97 countries
around the world. This study found that political ownership of media outlets is prevalent globally, particu-
larly in regions with weak regulatory frameworks. Such ownership allows political actors to influence edi-
torial policies, often leading to biased reporting that prioritizes political interest over journalistic integrity.
In Ghana, the political ownership of the media has significantly shaped journalistic practices. Scholars
such as Gadzekpo (2010) argues that ownership structure of the media in Ghana creates an environment
in which journalistic objectivity is compromised, as editors and journalists often align with the interests
of their proprietors. This phenomenon is not unique to Ghana; studies in other African countries, such
as Nigeria and Kenya, have revealed similar trends (Mokaya, 2020; Nyabuga et al., 2013). Mokaya (2020)
found that editors in Kenya have been coerced by governments and politicians to prioritize commercial
interests over public interest, which hinders the traditional watchdog function of the media. This entan-
glement of government interests and political ownership in the media raises critical ethical and profes-
sional challenges for journalists. Studies have shown that journalists operating within politically influenced
media environments often face editorial interference, limited access to information and threats to per-
sonal safety (Gadzekpo, 2010; Wasserman & De Beer, 2004). These challenges undermine the watchdog
role of the press and erode public trust in the media.
Independence of the media in ghting corruption
Media independence is essential in anti-corruption efforts as it enables the press to expose unethical prac-
tices and hold powerful entities accountable. Some studies have explored this phenomenon and provided
varied perspectives on its efficacy and challenges. Scholars such as Stapenhurst (2000) and Norris (2006)
emphasize that independent media fosters transparency and good governance by acting as a watchdog.
Their research underscores that nations with free press are more likely to uncover corrupt practices. Similarly,
Brunetti and Weder (2003) identified a strong correlation between press freedom and lower corruption,
revealing that media independence acts as a deterrent by increasing reputational and legal risks for corrupt
actors. However, contrasting perspectives have emerged from studies that examine media ownership and
its influence. Djankov etal. (2003) argued that concentrated media ownership undermines journalistic inde-
pendence, particularly when owners have vested political or economic interests. These findings are sup-
ported by Besley and Prat (2006), who indicate that media capture – where media outlets are controlled
by the state or powerful private interests – limits journalists’ ability to report objectively on corruption.
The challenges of media independence have been magnified in developing countries. As Oyovbaire
(2001) noted, financial vulnerabilities often force media organizations to rely on government advertising,
which compromises editorial autonomy. Similarly, Gyimah-Boadi and Prempeh (2012) identify legal and
physical threats against journalists perpetrated by political elites as significant barriers to effective
anti-corruption reporting in Africa. In contrast to these challenges, success stories by Coronel (2019)
reveal how investigative journalism, even in restrictive environments, has led to major anti-corruption
reforms. Coronel’s analysis of press freedom in the Philippines underscores how persistent and coura-
geous journalism has challenged systemic corruption, influenced public discourse, and contributed to
governance and policy reforms. Furtheromre, Coronel’s case study demonstrates that independent jour-
nalists can overcome obstacles to exposure of malfeasance, although systemic support is essential.
Theoretical framework
Media capture theory
Media capture theory provides a critical framework for understanding the current state of media. Schiffrin
(2018) refers to media capture as a ‘situation in which governments or vested interests networked with
politics control the media’ (p. 1033). Scholars, such as Besley and Prat (2006) and Djankov et al. (2003)
describe media capture as a state in which the media becomes aligned with the interests of powerful
stakeholders, compromising its ability to function as an impartial watchdog. This leads to biased or
incomplete coverage of critical issues such as corruption. Mungiu-Pippidi (2008) in the seminal work
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 5
asserted that media capture is a situation where the media lacks autonomy because ‘vested interests,
and not just the government, [are] using them for other purposes’ (p. 92).
According to Enikolopov and Petrova (2015), media may be captured in several ways, including media
ownership, bribery, pressure from advertising, and even physical abuse and imprisonment by journalists.
This alignment results from direct ownership of media outlets, where media owners utilize their power
in the newsroom to influence the news (Djankov etal., 2003) or subtle forms of influence such as adver-
tisers controlling the press (Germano & Meier, 2013). Oyovbaire (2001) noted that financial vulnerabilities
force many African media organizations to depend on state funding, compromising editorial autonomy.
Further, Strömberg (2015) argues that media capture is dependent on how economically the media can
be silenced and hence dictates the degree to which ‘media can be captured by many interests: politi-
cians, businessmen, and advertisers’ (p. 194). Schiffrin (2018) contends that media capture offers insight
into the emergence of right-wing populism and how governments keep their grip on the populace, in
addition to explaining how repressive regimes interact with news media.
Media capture theory is significant to this study because it provides a robust framework for analyz-
ing the relationship between government interests, ownership influence and media independence in
Ghana. By identifying the mechanisms of capture and their impact on corruption reporting, the theory
offers critical insights into the systemic challenges faced by the media in fulfilling its watchdog
functions.
Methods
This study used a triangulation of methods consisting of a quantitative (survey) and qualitative (inter-
views) to investigate government interests, ownership influence and media independence in combating
corruption in Ghana. Mixed methods research involves the collection of both quantitative and qualitative
data in response to research problems (Creswell, 2013). Sharma et al. (2023) argue that using both ‘qual-
itative and quantitative methods in research offers a more comprehensive understanding of a research
phenomenon’ (p. 4). Because mixed methods include both positivist (quantitative) and interpretivist
(qualitative) philosophical frameworks, they offer numerous benefits in addressing challenging research
problems (Fetters, 2016). The application of mixed techniques helps generalize the findings and conse-
quences of the studied topics to the entire population and allows researchers to address study concerns
with sufficient breadth and depth (Enosh et al., 2015). The mixed-methods approach employed in this
study was influenced by these advantages.
Furthermore, the study adopted a convergent parallel design to help validate the findings (Sharma
et al., 2023). According to Creswell (2014), convergent design is a mixed-methods approach in which a
researcher gathers and examines both quantitative and qualitative data independently before comparing
the findings to determine whether they support or contradict each other. The significance of convergent
design lies in its ability to provide a holistic perspective by integrating diverse data types, enhancing the
robustness of findings and offering actionable multidimensional insights into complex research questions.
Quantitative: survey
The survey method was used to collect data on government interests, ownership influence and media
independence in combating corruption. Compared to other data collection methods, Gul (2023) argues
that quantitative surveys are simple ways to gather data about the ‘characteristics, actions and opinions
of a large population of people’ (p. 66). The respondents were journalists working in the private and state
media. They were selected using convenience sampling. Acharya et al. (2013) assert that convenience
sampling is the most commonly used sampling technique in survey research. The study used an online
survey available for six weeks. At the end of the survey, data were retrieved from an Excel sheet, cleaned
and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software. Further, the data were
coded and a quantitative analysis was conducted to measure the perceptions and scope of the problem.
Out of the population of 190 journalists, 125 participants responded to the survey. Table 1 highlights the
demography of the respondents.
6 S. DANSO
Qualitative: interviews
To investigate government interests, ownership influence and media independence in combating corrup-
tion in Ghana, this study adopted a qualitative research approach based on semi-structured interviews
with eight (8) media practitioners. The purpose of using Qualitative research was to provide a rich and
in-depth description of the phenomenon under investigation (Creswell, 2014). The semi-structured inter-
view guide was used because according to Braun and Clarke (2019), it provides a flexible framework for
data collection. The interviews were conducted through telephone in December 2024. Ward etal. (2015)
contended that telephone interviews are a worthwhile choice for qualitative research. Additionally, Cachia
and Millward (2011) suggest that as compared to in-person interviews, telephone interviews have several
methodological benefits including ease, cost-effectiveness and a greater response rate. Each interview
lasted for approximately 40 minutes and was conducted in English.
The participants for the interview were purposively sampled from the broadcast and print media in
Ghana. According to Omona (2013), purposive sampling is a good method for qualitative research.
Purposive sampling was chosen because it enhances the quality of the data and the reliability of the
findings. The participants were selected based on their expertise and knowledge of the research subject
under investigation (Bryman, 2016). The following criteria were used to select the participants: the par-
ticipant had to be an editor, news presenter, news reporter or investigative journalist, and they had to
have been actively involved in journalism for at least 5years.
Ethical adherence
Resnik (2020) argues that when using human subjects in research, participants’ autonomy, dignity and
privacy must be preserved and participation risks must be minimized. To address these ethical con-
cerns, the goal of the study was explained to each participant. Verbal informed consent was obtained
from all study participants prior to their involvement in the study. This consent process was necessary
to ensure that participants fully understood the purpose, procedures, potential risks and benefits of
the study. To document this consent, audio recordings were made with the participants’ permission,
Table 1. Demography of respondents.
Gender
Category Frequency Percentage (%)
Male 77 61.6
Female 48 38.4
Total 125 100.0
Media representation
Television 42 33.6
Radio 44 35.2
Print 16 12.8
Digital/online 13 10.4
Freelance 10 8.0
Total 125 100.0
Type of journalist
Investigative 18 14.4
Sports 16 12.8
Editor 23 18.4
News presenter 31 24.8
News reporter 37 29.6
Total 125 100.0
Number of years served as journalist
0–5 69 55.2
5–10 38 30.4
10 years above 18 14.4
Total 125 100.0
Type of media ownership
Private 86 68.8
Public 39 31.2
Total 125 100.0
Source: Survey data.
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 7
ensuring a clear and verifiable record of their agreement to participate. Following the agreement with
the participants, their identities and those mentioned during the interviews were kept private for rea-
sons of anonymity and confidentiality. Further, the pseudonym, ‘MP’ for Media Practitioners was used
to represent the study participants. Table 2 provides details of the study participants. Ethical approval
for this study was obtained from the Institutional Review Board of the Directorate of Research,
Innovations and Development of the University of Media, Arts and Communication, Ghana, where the
study was conducted (Ethical code: UNMAC/2025/01). Furthermore, the researcher chose this institu-
tion for the ethical approval because it is the premier university for the training of journalists in Ghana.
Data analysis
The study used Charmaz’s (2014) data analysis approach, which entails gathering and examining quali-
tative data concurrently to identify various themes and their connections. I carried out three coding
analyses: open, focused and axial coding. During open coding, I performed line-by-line, word-by-word,
and incident-by-incident breakdown of the data. Charmaz emphasizes staying close to the data, avoiding
premature assumptions and allowing codes to emerge naturally from participants’ perspectives. The goal
is to generate as many initial codes as possible to capture key findings. In the second phase (focused
coding), I narrowed down and synthesized the initial codes into categories that were more analytically
significant and robust. Focused coding identifies the most frequent or pivotal codes from the initial
phase and examine their relationships with larger patterns in the data. This phase refines the analysis by
collapsing redundant codes and clarifying the most central aspects of the data. During axial coding, I
explored the relationships between categories and subcategories. This phase helped integrate and link
the focused codes to show how they interacted within a larger context or process. Axial coding allowed
the researcher to map the relationships between these concepts, providing a clearer understanding of
the patterns in the data.
Descriptive results
The survey data reveal significant insights into the extent and motivations of government interest in the
Ghanaian media. As shown in Table 3, which highlights government interests in the media, majority of
the respondents (49.6%) indicated that the government significantly monitor or influence the work of
the media. An additional 17.6% believe that this monitoring or influence is extreme, suggesting a sub-
stantial governmental presence in the media space. A moderate level of influence was reported by 21.6%
of the respondents, while a minority (8.8%) felt that it was only slight. Very few respondents (2.4%)
stated that government does not monitor or influence journalists’ work. The mean, standard deviation
and coefficient of variation scores (3.71%, 0.940% and 25.34%, respectively) were recorded, indicating
that respondents generally perceive the government’s monitoring or influence over the media as between
moderate and significant, raising concerns about the autonomy of the media in Ghana.
The leading motivation, reported by 40% of the respondents, is the government’s interest in covering
corrupt activities. Regulating the media landscape accounted for 25.6%, indicating a substantial focus on
managing the framework within which the media operates. Managing public perception was cited by
16.8% of the respondents. Only 13.6% associate the government’s interests with the promotion of trans-
parency and accountability. A small proportion (4%) of respondents attributed government interest to
ensuring accurate reporting.
Table 2. Prole of study participants.
Codes Media type Job role
MP 1 - 8 Broadcast and print News editor [n = 2] [MP2, MP4]
News presenter [n=2] [MP3, MP1]
News reporter [n=2] [MP7, MP8]
Investigative journalist [n = 2] [MP5, MP6]
Source: Author.
8 S. DANSO
A significant majority of respondents (59.2%) agreed that government uses the media to control pub-
lic narratives. Additionally, 27.2% of respondents strongly agreed, reinforcing this perception. A minority
expressed neutral views (8%), whereas 4.8% and 0.8% strongly disagree and disagree, respectively. The
mean score (4.03), standard deviation (0.906) and coefficient of variation (22.48%) reflects strong agree-
ment among the respondents.
As shown in Table 4 regarding ownership influence on editorial content, almost half (48%) of the
respondents indicated that media owners’ political affiliations significantly influences editorial decisions.
An additional 36.8% perceived the influence to be extreme. While 10.4% reported a moderate level of
influence, only a small percentage (4.8%) felt that political affiliations influences editorial decisions slightly
or not at all.
Table 3. Government interest in the media.
To what extent does government monitors or inuences the
watchdog role of the media?
Category Frequency
Percentage
(%)
Not at all 3 2.4
Slightly 11 8.8
Moderately 27 21.6
Signicantly 62 49.6
Extremely 22 17.6
Total 125 100.0
What motivates government to show interest in the media?
Ensuring accurate reporting 5 4.0
Managing public perception 21 16.8
Promoting transparency and accountability 17 13.6
Covering corrupt activities 50 40.0
Regulating the media landscape 32 25.6
Total 125 100
To what extent does the government uses the media as a tool to control
public narratives?
Strongly disagree 6 4.8
Disagree 1 0.8
Neutral 10 8.0
Agree 74 59.2
Strongly agree 34 27.2
Total 125 100.0
Source: Survey data.
Table 4. Ownership inuence on editorial content.
To what extent do media owners’ political aliations inuence the editorial
decisions of their media outlets?
Category Frequency Percentage (%)
Not at all 2 1.6
Slightly 4 3.2
Moderately 13 10.4
Signicantly 60 48,0
Extremely 46 36.8
Total 125 100.0
Do you agree that journalists working under politically aliated media feel pressured to
align their reporting with the owner’s interests?
Strongly disagree 7 5.6
Disagree 2 1.6
Neutral 6 4.8
Agree 46 36.8
Strongly agree 64 51.2
Total 125 100.0
What measures in your view can reduce the inuence of media ownership on editorial
independence in Ghana?
Stricter regulations on media ownership 40 32.0
Increased funding for independent media 39 31.2
Strengthening professional journalism ethics 28 22.4
Establishing transparent editorial policies 18 14.4
Total 125 100.0
Source: Survey data.
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 9
Moreover, a majority (51.2%) strongly agreed that journalists working in politically affiliated media feel
pressured to align their reporting with the owner’s interests. Another 36.8% of participants agreed with
this assertion. While a small proportion (5.6%) strongly disagreed, 1.6% disagreed. Only 4.8% of the par-
ticipants remained neutral on this issue. An even higher mean score (4.26), standard deviation (1.033)
and coefficient of variation (24.25%) were recorded, demonstrating strong consensus among respondents.
Moreover, while 32% of respondents advocated for regulatory measures to minimize the political and
financial dominance of media owners, close to 31.2% emphasized the need for funding mechanisms to
support independent media as a means to counter ownership influence. In addition, 22.4% of journalists
recommended bolstering ethical standards to safeguard editorial independence. The findings reveal that
14.4% of respondents suggest establishing clear policies to delineate editorial decisions based on own-
ership influence.
The study highlights respondents’ perspectives on the importance of media independence in combat-
ing corruption, challenges and external pressures faced by media outlets in Ghana. The majority of
respondents, thus 85.6% agree (48.0% strongly agree and 37.6% agree) that media independence is
essential for effectively combating corruption in Ghana. A small proportion (5.6%) remained neutral,
while 8.8% disagreed (6.4% strongly disagreed and 2.4% disagreed). Further details on media indepen-
dence in combating corruption are shown in Table 5. With mean, standard deviation and coefficient of
variation scores of 4.26%, 1.033% and 24.25%, respectively, the respondents strongly agreed that media
independence is essential for combating corruption effectively.
More than half of the respondents (53.6%) identified political interference as the most significant chal-
lenge to media independence. A substantial portion (32%) cited threats and intimidation against journal-
ists as major barriers. Moreover, 10.4% highlighted the financial limitations faced by media outlets, which
can limit their capacity to operate independently. Only 4% considered the lack of investigative resources
to be the primary challenge.
Further, 88% of respondents believe media outlets face external pressure when reporting corruption
involving powerful individuals or institutions. Only 12% disagreed with this assertion.
Table 5. Media independence in combating corruption.
To what extent do you agree that media independence is essential
for eectively combating corruption in Ghana?
Category Frequency Percentage
Strongly disagree 8 6.4
Disagree 3 2.4
Neutral 7 5.6
Agree 47 37.6
Strongly agree 60 48.0
Total 125 100.0
What are the biggest challenges to media independence in Ghana’s ght against
corruption?
Political interference 67 53.6
Financial constraints 13 10.4
Threats and intimidation 40 32.0
Lack of investigative resources 5 4.0
Total 125 100.0
Do you believe that media houses in Ghana face external pressure when
reporting on corruption involving powerful individuals or institutions?
Yes 110 88
No 15 12
Total 125 100.0
Source: Survey data.
Table 6. Themes and sub-themes emerged from the data.
Main themes Sub-themes
Government interest in the media Media as a communication tool
Government control of airwaves
Ownership inuence on editorial content Media owners political aliations
Job insecurity
Media independence in combating corruption Structural and political dependence
Challenges in watchdog role
Source: Interview data.
10 S. DANSO
Qualitative interviews
Table 6 provides details of the themes and sub-themes that emerged from the interview data.
Government interest in the media
The findings highlight that governments regard the media as a critical tool in communicating policies to
people. Through both state-owned and allied private media outlets, governments strategically showcase
development initiatives, economic achievements and social programs. Several participants indicated that
this strategic use of media enables governments to manage public opinion and enhance their image,
particularly during election campaigns or periods of political uncertainty. The media plays a pivotal role
in this process, as it is often tasked with framing government actions in a positive light. This alignment
between media content and governmental agendas helps bolster public confidence in leadership and
rally support for policy initiatives, as reflected in a comment by a news editor:
The government uses the media as a platform to communicate policies to people. With the media serving as
a mirror to society, they know how to set the agenda. Agenda setting will either make or unmake the gov-
ernment popular. In this regard, the government is interested in the media. (MP 2)
Consistent with the view of the news editor, a news presenter questioned that:
Can there ever be a government that is not interested in what the media does? That’s impossible. The media
is the fourth arm of government. Their power is extreme because they have direct contact with people, and
whatever they say on air travels faster. The media ensures that government policies and activities are pro-
jected to the people and, if you do not take interest in the work of the media, how will you project your
policies and activities to the people? (MP 1)
Furthermore, controlling airwaves to cover corrupt activities emerged as a crucial strategy by govern-
ments to maintain their influence over the broader media landscape. Governments use regulatory bodies
such as licensing authorities to control those who have access to broadcast frequencies. This control
extends to imposing restrictions on media content and withdrawing licenses from critical outlets that
expose government activities. Such practices limit media freedom and create an atmosphere for
self-censorship. An investigative journalist said that:
The government is interested in the work of journalists because it wants to control the airways and cover its
corrupt activities. The government wants to have rst-hand information before it goes to the public. The gov-
ernment ensures that the information that goes out does not aect its operations and image. (MP 6)
Ownership inuence on editorial content
Media owners’ political affiliations significantly shape the partisan orientation of editors and reporters in
Ghana. Some participants indicated that media owners with explicit ties to political parties or government
officials often align their organizational goals with the interests of these entities. For a news reporter, this
alignment cascades into newsroom operations, where editors and reporters are admonished directly or indi-
rectly, to produce content that reflects the political stance of ownership. Further, the news reporter
noted that:
In Ghana, the media landscape is such that politicians are increasingly owning media outlets. This means that
editors must publish stories in their favor. So, if you are a journalist in such a media house, you have to sac-
rice your ethical values, professionalism and dance to the tune of that politician. (MP8)
Furthermore, another news reporter highlighted that due to the lack of jobs in Ghana, editors have
no choice but to publish stories that favor their media owners for fear of job displacement.
He who pays the piper calls the tune. This is as simple as that. If the owner of the company paying you at
the end of the month tells you to do a story in his/her favor, would you do otherwise? Unless you want to
lose your job. There are lack of employment in this country, so those who have been employed want to pro-
tect their jobs. Who am I to doubt or say otherwise knowing perfectly I can lose my job? (MP 7)
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 11
A lack of alternative employment opportunities exacerbates this problem. Editors and journalists faced
with economic insecurity are compelled to align with the directives of media owners to retain their jobs.
This creates a power imbalance in which editorial autonomy is sacrificed to protect livelihoods.
Media independence in combating corruption
The independence of the Ghanaian media in combating corruption is a contested issue influenced by
political, economic and institutional factors. Some participants noted that, while the media plays a crucial
role in exposing corruption and holding power to account, its ability to operate freely and effectively is
often compromised. A news editor argued that on paper, the Ghanaian media appears to be indepen-
dent, but in reality, the media is dependent. Journalists in state-owned media such as Daily Graphic,
Ghanaian Times, and Ghana Broadcasting Cooperation (GBC) are paid by the government, so they work
according to the instructions of their employer. The participant further hinted that:
The government appoints managing directors in these state media outlets. How independent is the state
media? If we look at the private media, there is no independence. Politicians own such media stations. So how
can the private media be independent? Practically, the Ghanaian media is heavily dependent on either the
government or politicians. (MP 2)
Further, an investigative journalist noted that politicians manipulate the actual agenda-setting role of
the media, as reflected in this comment:
The media are assumed to be independent. However, it is no longer in Ghana. The media is more than a
political party. In its mandate, the media set the agenda. However, politicians currently set the agenda for the
media to follow. (MP 6)
However, in contrast to the views of MP 2 and MP 6, MP 5 (investigative journalist) contends that the
Ghanaian media is independent.
There is nothing like media censorship. The media in Ghana are independent. Where I practice as an investiga-
tive journalist, my director will not tell me to write a story in favor of the government or any politician. The
truth must be told at all times. I am a professionally trained journalist, so I do my work as such. (MP 5)
Discussion
Using a mixed methods research approach, this study investigated the interconnected factors (government
interests, ownership influence and editorial independence) and how they impact the watchdog role of the
Ghanaian media. The analysis of the quantitative (descriptive results) and qualitative (interviews) results
revealed similarities in perceptions and insights about government interest in the media. Both findings
validate that government monitors and influences the media’s watchdog role. A majority of the survey
respondents (49.6%) indicated significant government influence, with an additional 17.6% perceiving
extreme influence. The results of the study are consistent with earlier research by Bennett and Naim (2015),
who also found that governments have long used preemptive control over different media platforms to
eliminate potentially offensive content before it reaches the public. Moreover, Dogbevi (2022) avers that
government shows interest in the media by restricting the information requested by journalists. This level
of influence limits critical reporting, especially on issues that challenge government actions or expose mis-
conduct, thereby raising concerns about media autonomy. The interviews emphasized the strategic use of
media by the government to manage public opinion, enhance its image, and align media content with the
government agenda. The emphasis on projecting government policies and activities suggests that the
media acts as a vehicle for government propaganda rather than an independent platform, as indicated by
Kellam and Stein (2016). However, Okocha and Gupta (2018) contend that such practices undermine the
democratic epitome of a free press, which is essential for holding power to account and ensuring diverse
perspectives. It is noteworthy that a media landscape heavily influenced by government agendas creates
polarization, where only favorable narratives are amplified and dissenting voices marginalized.
12 S. DANSO
Moreover, both datasets highlight government’s use of the media to control public narratives. While
59.2% of respondents agreed, 27.2% strongly agreed that the government used the media as a tool to
shape public narratives. Consistent with the descriptive results, the interview participants acknowledged
government’s deliberate agenda-setting efforts through state-owned and allied media outlets to influ-
ence public opinion, particularly during election campaigns or politically sensitive periods.
Regarding the motivations for government control of the media, covering corrupt activities (40%)
emerged as the leading motivation in the survey data. The interviewees supported this assertion by
citing government control over airwaves and the use of regulatory bodies to restrict critical reporting
that limits media freedom. Owusu (2012) indicates that ‘corrupt government practices have crept into the
media, making it impossible for journalists to play their watchdog role’ (p. 70). Surveys from Southern
Africa indicate that most people believe their governments are not doing enough to fight corruption
(Rnning, 2009). In line with the findings of this study, Kellam and Stein (2016) contend that government
interests frequently shape media operations, with political figures attempting to censor or stifle opposing
viewpoints to safeguard their reputations or cover their corrupt activities. The restrictive environment
created by government oversight results in a chilling effect on journalism, discouraging investigative
journalism. Germano and Meier (2013) indicate that journalists may resort to self-censorship to avoid
punitive measures, reducing the overall quality and diversity of media content.
Furthermore, the descriptive results and interview findings revealed consistent themes regarding the
influence of media ownership on editorial content. Nearly half (48%) of the respondents believe that
ownership significantly influences editorial decisions, with 36.8% perceiving it as extreme. The interview
participants frequently cited the alignment of newsroom goals with the political interests of media own-
ers, suggesting that ownership shaped the content agenda in Ghana’s media landscape. In line with
these findings, Campagna (2003) found that the influence of media ownership on editorial content dom-
inated the media. Voltmer (2013) revealed that media outlets’ owners (who are politicians) often manip-
ulate media content to consolidate power, resulting in a media landscape that favors ruling party interests
over public accountability. Moreover, Djankov etal. (2003) indicate that the political ownership of media
outlets exists globally, with political actors influencing editorial policies. The findings of this study reso-
nate with those of Mokaya (2020) and Nyabuga et al. (2013), who also found in other African countries
such as Nigeria and Kenya that editors have been coerced by governments and politicians to prioritize
commercial interests instead of public interest. The alignment of editorial content with owners’ political
interests threaten journalistic independence, reducing the credibility of media outlets and limiting their
ability to serve as impartial watchdogs in Ghana’s democracies.
The findings revealed a range of measures that can mitigate the influence of media ownership on
editorial independence. These measures reflect the need for regulatory, financial, ethical and institutional
interventions to strengthen journalistic autonomy in Ghana, as reflected in the study of Owusu (2012).
These measures echo an understanding of the multifaceted nature of the influence of ownership on
editorial independence. Rnning (2009) contends that a press protected by robust freedom of expression
laws and constitutional guarantees for information access may ensure proper democratic practices and
transparency by exposing power abuses and egregious self-interested practices. While stricter regulations
and increased funding address structural and economic barriers, strengthening ethics and transparency
targets the cultural and operational aspects of journalism. Together, these interventions have the poten-
tial to create a resilient media landscape, where editorial decisions are guided by the public interest
rather than ownership agendas.
The findings underscore the strong consensus on the critical role of media independence in combat-
ing corruption. A total of 85.6% of respondents either agreed (37.6%) or strongly agreed (48.0%) that an
independent media is essential for this purpose, a view supported by the interview participants. These
results highlight the media’s recognition as a watchdog institution capable of exposing corruption and
holding power structures accountable. Media independence ensures unbiased reporting, facilitating the
uncovering of corrupt practices without the fear of retaliation or influence from political or corporate
entities. This aligns with global perspectives, where independent journalism has proven pivotal in expos-
ing corrupt cases and in driving systemic reforms. Stapenhurst (2000) and Norris (2006) emphasize that
independent media fosters transparency and good governance by acting as watchdogs. Similarly, Brunetti
and Weder (2003) found a clear link between press freedom and lower corruption, emphasizing that
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 13
media independence serves as a deterrent by making corrupt actors face greater legal and reputational
consequences.
The findings underscore obstacles confronting media independence in Ghana, particularly in combat-
ing corruption. The responses revealed four primary challenges: political interference, threats and intim-
idation, financial constraints, and a lack of investigative resources. These challenges collectively hinder
media’s ability to effectively expose and address corruption. Similar challenges have been reported by
other scholars. For example, Oyovbaire (2001) argues that financial constraints often force media organi-
zations to rely on government advertising, which compromises editorial autonomy. Dragomir (2018) indi-
cates that financial challenges significantly impact editorial independence. Similarly, Gyimah-Boadi and
Prempeh (2012) point out that political elites’ threats against journalists, both legal and physical, are
major obstacles to effective anti-corruption reporting in Africa. This finding suggests that threats against
media independence are not unique to Ghana alone but are present across the African continent. A
hostile environment discourages investigative reporting, as journalists prioritize personal safety over pro-
fessional responsibilities, a view supported by Azure (2023).
The most significant challenge identified is political interference, with over half (53.6%) of respondents
pointing to this issue. This finding validates the study by Ugangu (2011), who also found that political
interference is a major problem faced by the African media. Political actors often exert influence over
media outlets through ownership, regulatory frameworks and economic pressure, shaping stories broad-
cast or published. According to Hallin and Mancini (2004), the legal and regulatory framework, which
include media laws and policies, clearly distinguishes between the limits of media responsibility and
freedom. This finding is further supported by Henshaw (2024) who highlights that authorities use finan-
cial incentives, threats, or regulatory tools such as revoking licenses to influence media coverage. Political
interference undermines journalistic objectivity, making it difficult for the media to investigate and report
corruption involving powerful figures or institutions. This creates a culture of self-censorship, in which
journalists avoid controversial topics to preserve their careers or avoid retribution. This interference
erodes public trust in the media, as audiences perceive coverage to be biased or influenced by political
interests.
Theoretical implications
Media capture theory offers significant insights into the findings of this study on how external influ-
ences, particularly government interests and ownership affiliations impede media independence in
Ghana. According to Schiffrin (2018), media capture manifests when governments or vested interests
exert control over the media, thus undermining its role as an impartial watchdog. This is evident in the
findings, where 67.2% of respondents perceived the government as significantly or extremely influencing
media operations. This theory aligns with observations that governments use the media to control public
narratives, manage perceptions and shield corrupt activities, as demonstrated by qualitative insights from
the interview participants. Media capture theory also sheds light on how ownership affiliation influences
editorial content. As indicated by Djankov etal. (2003) and Germano and Meier (2013), ownership struc-
tures often compromise newsroom autonomy, a reality echoed by 84.8% of the respondents who
reported significant political influence on editorial direction. The findings corroborate the theory’s asser-
tion that financial vulnerabilities and ownership interests lead to a lack of independence, compelling
journalists to prioritize organizational or political agendas over professional ethics. Additionally, the the-
ory provides a framework to analyze systemic challenges such as threats, intimidation and political inter-
ference that stifle independent reporting on corruption, as revealed by the respondents and interview
participants.
Conclusion
The findings of this study offer an understanding of the relationship between government interests,
ownership influence and media independence in Ghana. By triangulating descriptive results and qualita-
tive interviews, this study illuminates critical issues that impact media autonomy and its role in
14 S. DANSO
promoting transparency, accountability and combating corruption. The descriptive results reveal signifi-
cant government influence in the Ghanaian media, with nearly 50% of respondents perceiving this as
substantial and 17.6% viewing it as extreme. This aligns with the qualitative findings, indicating that
governments strategically use the media as a platform to communicate policies, control public narratives
and manage their image. The interview participants further underscored government’s interest in sup-
pressing dissenting voices and covering corrupt activities by using regulatory bodies to control access to
broadcasting frequencies or imposing restrictions. These actions foster a climate of self-censorship that
hinders the media’s watchdog role.
This study highlights the pervasive influence of media ownership on editorial content, with nearly
85% of respondents reporting significant or extreme effects of owners’ political affiliations on editorial
decisions. This quantitative insight is corroborated by qualitative evidence that points to the alignment
of newsroom priorities with the interests of politically affiliated owners. Journalists working in such envi-
ronments often face direct or indirect pressure to conform, sacrificing ethical standards and profession-
alism. Moreover, the lack of alternative employment opportunities exacerbates this problem, as journalists
prioritize job security over independent reporting.
Media independence is widely recognized as essential for combating corruption, with 85.6% of the
respondents affirming this view. However, political interference, threats and intimidation, financial con-
straints and external pressure remain significant obstacles.
The interconnections between government interests, ownership influence and editorial independence
significantly shape the media’s role as a democratic watchdog in Ghana. As shown in Figure 1 on the rela-
tionship between government interests, ownership influence and media independence, each factor exerts
a distinct yet interconnected influence that compromises the autonomy and efficacy of the media in pro-
moting transparency and accountability and combating corruption. Government interests often exploit
ownership structures to reinforce control, suppress dissent and use media as a propaganda tool to shape
public narratives. Ownership indirectly supports government narratives through aligned political interests.
Notably, both government and ownership pressures undermine editorial independence, creating a cycle of
dependency and self-censorship that weakens the media’s watchdog role. The mutual reinforcement of
these factors (government interests, ownership influence and editorial independence) fosters a constrained
media environment in which autonomy is compromised, limiting the media’s ability to fight corruption.
Recommendations and future research areas
This study highlights the dual challenges of government and ownership influence in the Ghanaian
media, raising critical questions about its ability to serve as a democratic watchdog. While pockets
Figure 1. The relationship between government interests, ownership inuence and media independence.
COGENT SOCIAL SCIENCES 15
of independence exist, systemic reforms are necessary to enhance media’s autonomy, integrity and
effectiveness in fostering transparency and accountability. This requires collaborative efforts among
stakeholders, including policymakers, media practitioners and civil societies to create an environment
in which the media can operate freely and fulfill its mandate. This study recommends interventions,
such as establishing clear policies to delineate editorial decisions from ownership influence, strength-
ening regulatory frameworks to curb government overreach, and supporting independent media
through sustainable funding mechanisms. Furthermore, there is a need to bolster journalists’ capacity
through training and professional development to uphold ethical standards amidst external pressures.
A key limitation of the study is the reliance on older references, mostly 10–20years old. However, the
findings of these studies from that time are still valid today. This demonstrates how past research still
informs current discussions and developments, providing deeper insights into the relationship between
government interests, ownership influence and media independence in Ghana. Furthermore, the scope
of this study is limited by its focus on Ghana. Notwithstanding this geographical limitation, this study
contributes knowledge on the relationship between government interests, ownership influence and
media independence across the globe. Future research should focus on conducting studies that compare
Ghana’s media landscape with those of other African countries to identify common challenges and
unique contextual factors influencing media independence. Further, longitudinal studies are needed to
examine the evolving dynamics of government influence and ownership over time, especially in the
context of political transition and economic change.
Author contributions
CRediT: Samuel Danso: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – orig-
inal draft, Writing – review & editing.
Disclosure statement
The author declares no potential conicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship or publication of this
article.
Funding
The author received no nancial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
About the author
Samuel Danso is a PhD candidate in communication and media studies at the University of Education, Winneba,
Ghana. He is a lecturer at the Department of Communication Studies, Pentecost University, Ghana. He is also an
adjunct lecturer at the Faculty of Journalism and Media Studies, University of Media, Arts and Communication,
Ghana. His research interest include journalism and media, media and politics, journalism and articial intelligence,
and data journalism.”
ORCID
Samuel Danso http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9396-2107
Data availability statement
Data are available upon request from the corresponding author.
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