Access to this full-text is provided by MDPI.
Content available from Religions
This content is subject to copyright.
Academic Editors: Christopher Baker
and Justin Beaumont
Received: 30 January 2025
Revised: 17 March 2025
Accepted: 21 March 2025
Published: 25 March 2025
Citation: Ruiz Andrés, Rafael. 2025.
Mapping the Growth of the Nones in
Spain: Dynamics, Diversity, and the
Porous Boundaries of Non-Religion in
the Postsecular Age. Religions 16: 417.
https://doi.org/10.3390/
rel16040417
Copyright: © 2025 by the author.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license
(https://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/).
Article
Mapping the Growth of the Nones in Spain: Dynamics,
Diversity, and the Porous Boundaries of Non-Religion in the
Postsecular Age
Rafael Ruiz Andrés
Department of Applied Sociology, Faculty of Political Science and Sociology, Complutense University of Madrid,
Somosaguas Campus S/N, 28223 Pozuelo de Alarcón (Madrid), Spain; rafaru01@ucm.es
Abstract: In recent years, the debate on non-religion has gained prominence in the so-
ciology of religion, making it one of the most interesting areas for further reflection on
(post)secularization. Drawing on the key works on the subject, this article adopts a postsec-
ular, religion-related field, constructivist approach, with the main aim of understanding
the diverse sector that is included within non-religion. This study uses a multimethod
approach, focusing on the preliminary findings of a qualitative fieldwork on non-religion
in Spain. The presentation and discussion of the results will be structured around two
main axes: (a) an analysis of the growth of non-religion in Spain through three dynamics
(irreligion, areligion, and hybridization) and (b) an exploration of the complexity and
plurality of non-religion, paying particular attention to the blurred boundaries between
religion and non-religion in the Spanish nones. Through both axes, the present research
will challenge the idea that the rise of non-religion is merely a confirmation of ’religious
decline’ and seek to understand it as a nuanced process in which the redefinition of the
religious and spiritual also plays an important role, with implications for the postsecular
debate and discussions of secularization, social theory, and sociological analysis.
Keywords: non-religion; irreligion; secularization; Spain; postsecularity; religious pluralism;
spiritual but not religious; culturalized religion; existential cultures
1. Introduction: Rethinking Non-Religion in and from Spain
The theory of secularization has been a seminal concept in the social sciences, par-
ticularly in the field of sociology, where it has served as a foundational narrative for
understanding the dynamics of religion in modernity. However, as the 20th century ended,
the critique and nuancing of the theory of secularization began to gain prominence. A
growing body of authors has noted that its assumptions regarding decline (Bruce 2002)
or invisibilization (Luckmann 1973) have obscured the multifaceted religious dynamics
and metamorphoses that occur in secularized contexts (see also Ruiz Andrés 2022b). Con-
sequently, secularization has evolved into a paradigm (Tschannen 1991) and the analysis
of religious and non-religious pluralism has gained a more prominent role in sociological
studies (Berger 2016), connecting with the debate on postsecularization (Beaumont et al.
2020). This article adopts a postsecular perspective that does not categorically reject the core
arguments of the secularization debate, but rather—following the most recent literature
in this regard—tries to delve into the religious complexity of secular contexts (Furseth
2018). Thus, while we understand that some of the dynamics that have characterized
the process of secularization in the debate are still relevant today—such as certain trends
Religions 2025,16, 417 https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040417
Religions 2025,16, 417 2 of 25
of religious erosion (Casanova 1994), deinstitutionalization (Berger 1967), or individu-
alization/subjectivism (Luhmann 2007)—others—for instance, the inexorable decline of
religions within modernity or their privatization (Luckmann 1973)—must continue to be
examined in the light of the constantly changing socioreligious landscape.
In this sense, religious decline and metamorphosis are not opposing phenomena.
Ronald Inglehart (2020, p. 110) has observed a downfall in religiosity worldwide, based
on data from the World Values Survey (WVS) from 2007 to 2019: 43 of the 49 countries
included in the survey became less religious. Within the context of Western Europe, the
proportion of non-religious individuals has tripled in the 21st century over the last three
decades (Beider 2023, p. 2). A priori, these data seem to support the more classical versions
of secularization as a steady loss of religion in parallel with the process of modernization.
However, the socioreligious reality is more multifaceted and hybrid, and the non-religious
sector not only reveals a certain “religious decline” but also participates in this ambiguity
of contemporary socioreligious transformations (Blankholm 2022). Recent studies, such as
Waite’s (2022) and the findings of the Understanding Unbelief project (Bullivant et al. 2019),
have revealed the plurality that constitutes nones; a diversity that frequently lies within the
porous boundaries between secular and religious.
Despite the social relevance, sociological interest, and bibliographic advances on
nones, this is still an open and debated topic (Saroglou 2014), with the need to explore
the dynamics and multiple meanings and senses that help us understand the reality of
non-religion in the different contexts of our world.
The aim of this article is to address the debate on nones in and from Spain. According
to the findings of the Pew Research Center (2018), Spain is among the countries in Western
Europe that have undergone the most rapid process of secularization. Indeed, while the
number of nones was barely above 13% in the year 2000, it is now estimated that almost 40%
of the adult population in Spain identifies as non-religious, a figure that rises to over 60%
among younger demographics. However, despite the growing importance of this sector,
there is a paucity of in-depth studies on the issue, in contrast to the progress of the debate
in other contexts such as the United States (Bullivant 2022) and Canada (Thiessen and
Wilkins-Laflamme 2020), England (Lee 2015), Scotland (Cotter 2020), and Latin America
(Bravo Vega 2024;Da Costa et al. 2021). In Spain, there are already theoretical approaches
that are beginning to create a fertile ground for research (Ruiz Andrés 2024;Uriarte 2017),
on which—together with theoretical contributions on non-religion—this article is based.
2. Theoretical Approach to Non-Religion and Objectives of the Article
Prior to an examination of the socioreligious reality of Spain and the research con-
ducted therein, it is first necessary to offer some brief theoretical notes on its conceptual
framework. The present study is grounded in the ongoing discussion on non-religion, an
area that, although it has antecedents in the work of Campbell (1977) and Mauss (1969), has
undergone a significant period of vitality in recent decades, largely due to the contributions
of scholars such as Zuckerman et al. (2016), Quack and Schuh (2017), Bullivant (2022),
Blankholm (2022), Lois Lee (2015), Cotter (2020), and Thiessen and Wilkins-Laflamme
(2020), among other authors.
Concurrent with this development of the debate, the use of the category “non-religion”
(which also sometimes appears as “nonreligion”) has become popular in sociology to
refer to that sector of people who do not a priori self-identify as religious (nones). Ac-
cordingly, the present article also employs the term “non-religion” due to its numerous
advantages, not only for facilitating dialogue with the state of the art but also for the study
of socioreligious dynamics.
Religions 2025,16, 417 3 of 25
Firstly, non-religion provides a term to examine the reality of people who self-
identify as such or who, due to the characteristics they display, are considered—
socially/academically—to be beyond religion. Distinct from other concepts such as ir-
religion, atheism, or agnosticism, which are more prevalent in societal discourse, the term
“non-religion” facilitates the exploration of a vast array of positions that, while diverse, are
interconnected by a shared externality and relationship with the religious variable. This
comprehensive definition enables the consideration of a wide range of profiles, which,
despite their heterogeneity, exhibit a degree of interconnectedness (Gray 2019). As Lois Lee
(2016, p. 85) asserts:
Phenomena with non-religious characteristics are diverse, and combine with
religious, spiritual, and secular characteristics in numerous configurations. They
can include forms of anticlerical protest; a- and nontheistic worldviews; the
irreligious emotion experienced by someone performing a religious ritual from
which they feel alienated; diverse forms of identification which may or may not be
combined with other forms of non-religious belief and practice (‘secular humanist’
and ‘spiritual but not religious’ are both examples of non-religious identification,
but each combines with different religious, spiritual, and nonreligious practices).
While the category “non-religion” engenders this broad perspective, recent research
has also focused on the specification of the profiles, dynamics, and discursivities that
constitute this emergent yet broad reality of non-religion (Cotter 2020;Thiessen and Wilkins-
Laflamme 2020). This calls for further analysis of the complex make-up of this diverse
sector in each of the contexts of our world, with a view to providing a clearer picture
of non-religion.
Secondly, the discourse on non-religion offers a series of theoretical insights that facili-
tate understanding of this phenomenon, by virtue of the emphasis it places on the relational
nature of the concept of religion. Rather than focusing on the definition of categories,
the debate on non-religion introduces us to the relational dynamics of social reality. This
prompts a range of inquiries, offering novel perspectives on rethinking the non-religious
landscape in contemporary societies and further refining the discourse on secularization:
•
Within the spectrum of functional or substantive approaches to religion (Giddens
and Sutton 2021), the relational and discursive perspective (Cotter 2020) propounds a
constructivist lens for exploring religion (Berger and Luckmann 1979). This outlook
enables a nuanced understanding of non-religion, unbound by the constraints of a
rigid and normative conception of the religious. Consequently, it facilitates an exami-
nation of the intricacies of religious and non-religious expressions in contemporary
societies from the vantage point of the actors themselves. In this study, a construc-
tivist approach has been adopted. This strategy places the construction of meaning at
the center of the methodological inquiry. Furthermore, this methodological view en-
ables the exploration of religion/non-religion within a sociohistorically contextualized
framework, acknowledging the variability of meanings in relation to sociohistorical
experiences and trajectories.
•
Additionally, the relational/discursive perspective facilitates comprehension of non-
religion as a religion-related field. This conception has been particularly advanced
by Quack and Schuh (2017) based on Bourdieusian theory (see also Blankholm 2022).
According to these authors, non-religion constitutes a field that is both external and
yet intimately related to the religious (Quack and Schuh 2017, pp. 11–12). It is
important to note that the relationship between non-religion and the religious field is
not unidirectional; non-religion cannot be reduced to the negation of religion. While
acknowledging the presence of a certain dialectical perspective to religion within
non-religion, it is crucial to recognize the complexity and diversity of the interactions
Religions 2025,16, 417 4 of 25
between religion and non-religion. Non-religion cannot be confined to mere denial of
religion; instead, it encompasses a wide spectrum of positions and interactions with
the religious that are both dynamic and plural. Research has revealed the multiple non-
religious positions towards the religious, but the challenge persists in comprehending
this interaction in its multidimensionality (Blankholm 2022, pp. 6–7), which has
implications for both the non-religious and the religious fields. Consequently, an
approach to non-religion from a field approach must avoid a rigid understanding
of the boundaries between the two spaces. As Bourdieu (2000, p. 104) observes,
the religious field is undergoing a process of collapse and redefinition in contexts of
secularization, giving rise to new agents. It is therefore crucial to acknowledge the
multifaceted and sometimes ambiguous relationship between these two fields, which
often intersect, resulting in actors of the non-religious sector also engaging in the
processes of re-signification and transformation within the religious field.
Thirdly, the nones are also to be understood from a substantive (non-subtractive)
perspective (Cotter 2020), i.e., non-religion is not reduced to denial or to its relationship
with religion, nor to its multiple relationships with the religious field, but rather a whole
series of secular worldviews
1
and existential cultures also coexist in it (Lee 2015;Ruiz
Andrés 2024). In accordance with the hermeneutic metaphor of the “field”, the non-
religious field is not only associated with the religious field but is also permeated by other
logics. As Beyer (2021, p. 21) pertinently observes, the potential pitfall of this assertion is the
risk of concluding that, since all reality that is not religious is non-religious, the boundaries
of the object of study may become indistinct. As a result, some authors have opted to
incorporate the religion/non-religion debate within the broader category of Worldview
Studies (Taves 2020;Murphy et al. 2023). However, from the standpoint adopted in this
article, the postsecular framework allows for compatibility between placing non-religion
at the center of the study—without the need to subsume it within other disciplines—and
observing all those realities beyond any kind of relationship with religion that define non-
religion. This is arguably one of the most significant challenges currently facing research in
this area: namely, the necessity to comprehend non-religion beyond the confines of religion
(Beyer 2021, p. 26), as Abby Day (2010) eloquently articulated, the necessity to study beliefs
without being encumbered by the interrogation of religious questions.
In summary, non-religion is a theoretical category that refers to the group of actors
who share a common self-identification as non-religious (using various terms for so doing)
but who differ in the discourses and positions in which their relationship with the religious
field is constructed. Non-religion is not confined to a dialectical relationship with the
religious field (Lee 2015, p. 33) but also encompasses a plurality of interactions between
religion and non-religion, including its potential role in the redefinition of the religious
field, the presence of elements from other fields of the social structure and even radical
indifference towards any religious question, which could be read as the exit of any logics of
the religious field.
This perspective provides two keys for analysis: on the one hand, the need to com-
prehend the significance of macro dynamics (such as the growth of non-religion) from the
perspective of the actors (micro-level). Secondly, the advantage of the inductive approach
to the study of non-religion, since—as opposed to the deductive approach—it facilitates a
more detailed understanding of the multiple relationships between religion, non-religion,
and other fields by analyzing the diverse experiences and discourses of the actors.
The present article is founded upon this theoretical basis, and its objectives are twofold.
The first objective is to present an in-depth study of non-religious individuals in Spain. This
study is expected to enhance the theoretical understanding of nones from diverse global
contexts and concurrently stimulate discourse on non-religion in Spain.
Religions 2025,16, 417 5 of 25
In line with the theme raised by the special issue “Religion and the Public Sphere:
Revisiting the Boundaries of Theory and Practice in a Postsecular Age”, the second objective
of this article is to consider in parallel the reality of the nones in Spain and the porous
boundaries between theory and practice, as explored in the debate on postsecularization.
This involves both maintaining the analytical validity of the category of secularization and
continuing the endeavor to critique and nuance it from a postsecular perspective.
As argued in other works (Ruiz Andrés 2022c;Sajir and Ruiz Andrés 2025), and in
accordance with the observations of the relevant academic literature (Turner 2010), this
article adopts a notion of postsecularization which, whilst firmly rooted in the debate on
social theory, has implications for the sociological and sociohistorical analysis of religious
landscapes in the contemporary context (Casula 2015). The present study therefore under-
stands “the postsecular” not to imply the irremediable decline of religions, as the latest
versions of the “classical” theory of secularization maintained (Bruce 2002). Postsecular-
ization does also not signify the end of secularization, as the former is inextricably linked
to the latter (Beaumont et al. 2020, p. 15). Instead, the term denotes a novel perspective,
or ’postsecular consciousness’ (Habermas 2008, p. 172), which aims to comprehend the
intricate socioreligious dynamics that occur within contexts of secularization, “where secu-
lar and non-secular principles—beyond others—circulate simultaneously through social
relations” (Beaumont et al. 2020, p. 2).
This postsecular approach challenges conventional thinking on the implications of
secularization by taking pluralism as the main consequence of the process. It also poses
the challenge of rethinking socioreligious reality to rediscover sociological trends and
sociohistorical trajectories that are more complex than those sometimes contemplated by
secularization theory. The postsecular perspective is intimately connected to the subject of
this analysis—the growth of nones in Spain—as it encourages us to analyze the increase in
nones not as a mere confirmation of religious decline but rather as a social space to trace
the complex relationships between the sacred and the secular, religion and non-religion,
as well as to explore its internal diversity, which is also an essential part of the pluralism
inherent in postsecular contexts (Beriain 2012). At the same time, the study of non-religion
in contexts such as Spain complements the discussion on postsecularization, given that it
favors a better understanding of the religious and non-religious superdiversity (Becci 2018)
that make up societies that have undergone the processes of secularization.
•
Subsequent to the delineation of the theoretical approach (2), the ensuing section will
present the research work and the methodology employed (3). Thereafter, the results
and the discussion will be articulated in two axes of questions that will guide Section 4:
What are the main trends that contribute to the growth of nones in Spain? How do
these dynamics shape the reality and identity of non-religious individuals, and how do
non-religious individuals, in turn, influence these dynamics? How is the pluralism of
nones expressed, particularly regarding different attitudes towards the religious and
the spiritual? What is the role of cultural religious/spiritual dimensions in conforming
this diversity within the non-religious sector?
3. Researching Non-Religion in Spain: Sources and Methods
This article builds upon ongoing research investigating non-religion in Spain, focusing
on exploring its genealogy, ontology, and typology (Portier 2020). While extensive literature
exists on Spanish secularization (Pérez-Agote 2012;Ruiz Andrés 2022b), comparative
perspectives between the process of secularization in Spain and other contexts (Díaz
de Rada and Gil-Gimeno 2023), the historical sociology of atheism and anticlericalism
(Navarra Ordoño 2019;De la Cueva and Montero 2007), religious culturalization (Astor
et al. 2023), political–religious mobilization (García Martín and Perugorría 2024), religious
Religions 2025,16, 417 6 of 25
pluralism (Salguero and Hejazi 2020) and its challenges for inclusive governance (Sajir
2023), the experiences of Spanish “nones”—a significantly growing segment—remain
largely unexplored.
This research employs a multimethod approach, centered around in-depth interviews
with individuals who self-identify as non-religious. Participants were recruited through
convenience sampling and snowballing techniques (Silverman 2020, pp. 62–63; Esposito
and Evans-Winters 2022, p. 77), enabling access to a diverse range of non-religious per-
spectives, including spiritual, anticlerical, atheist, indifferent, and areligious individuals
2
.
The sample also follows a typological design to capture a diverse range of voices by in-
corporating a series of key variables considered crucial for understanding non-religion
in Spain:
•
Regional variation, prioritizing the representation of the regions [Comunidades Autóno-
mas] with high non-religious populations, including Madrid, Catalonia, and the
Basque Country.
•Socialization trajectory, encompassing both “nonverts” (those who have transitioned
from religious to non-religious positions) and “cradle nones” (those raised without re-
ligious affiliation), thereby facilitating an examination of potential differences between
these groups as highlighted in the extant literature (Bullivant 2022).
•
Religious pluralism, incorporating non-religious individuals from religious traditions
beyond Catholicism to investigate the growing diversity within the non-religious
population. This subsample is being developed in collaboration with Dr. Zakaria Sajir
(University of Salamanca, Spain), with whom previous research has been conducted
(Ruiz Andrés and Sajir 2023).
•
Generational differences, paying close attention to intergenerational variations in
non-religious perspectives, considering both the intensity and content of non-religion
as identified in previous research (Pérez-Agote 2012).
•
Other sociodemographic factors such as gender, the differences between rural and
urban areas, social class, and educational level, which significantly shape socioreli-
gious realities.
To date, 22 in-depth interviews have been conducted. Following Waite’s (2022) ty-
pology of “nones”, these interviewees can be categorized as follows: 7 spiritual nones,
5 campaigning atheists (of which 3 are active members of atheist or secularist associations),
and 10 tolerant nones. Notably, within this group of tolerant nones, 3 interviewees identify
as cultural Christians, and 1 participates in religious rites such as processions, aligning with
the concept of “ritual atheists” (Zuckerman et al. 2016). Despite the potential offered by
this sample, it also has limitations, mainly due to the fact that it is still made up of a modest
number of respondents compared with the subject under study, as well as the difficulties in
accessing certain profiles included in the typological design, especially those who declare
themselves non-religious but have a non-Catholic religious background.
Data analysis employs two qualitative approaches: content analysis, to explore the
expression of non-religion, and discourse analysis (Esposito and Evans-Winters 2022,
pp. 142–43), to examine the construction of non-religious identities and worldviews,
considering the meanings associated with religion and spirituality, the sociohistorical
context of the interviewees, and the presence of other worldview elements (existential
cultures). Both the interview guide and the data coding process (Taylor et al. 2016) are
structured around four key axes:
•
Personal trajectory: evolution of the individual’s relationship with religion, including
the role of religious socialization, its influence on their life trajectory, and significant
religious or non-religious milestones.
Religions 2025,16, 417 7 of 25
•
Attitude toward religion: interviewee’s position and assessment of religion, con-
sidering its multidimensionality (Glock 1971) and analyzing potential processes of
re-signification of religious and spiritual elements.
•
Non-religious identity: meaning and significance of non-religious self-identification
for the interviewee.
•
Secular worldviews: other worldviews and existential cultures (Lee 2015) that shape
the interviewee’s non-religious perspective, including their values, ideologies, and
identities beyond religion.
The qualitative analysis is complemented by two additional methods: Firstly, an
ethnography (comprising both participant and digital observation) aims to explore three
different yet significant (online-offline) spaces to comprehend the multidimensionality
of non-religion in Spain: (a) institutions and associations in Spain that display a marked
secularist (Europa Laica), irreligious or atheist character (Unión de Ateos y Librepensadores),
(b) media and publishers that devote special attention to non-religion, (c) spaces and
platforms of alternative worldviews (existential cultures) where the potential participation
of non-religious people is detected, such as Death Cafés or spaces for burial in nature. This
ethnography provides valuable information that complements the interviews. While the
interviews mainly show us the reality of nones in non-institutional settings, the ethnography
allows us to delve into the activist, associative, and organized dimension of nones, which
despite their minority presence within the non-religious sector, have significant media
impact, with a wide range of proposals both online and offline.
Secondly, a descriptive quantitative methodology is employed with the aim of pre-
senting a panoramic and diachronic vision of non-religion in Spain and contextualizing
the results obtained in the qualitative work. The primary sources utilized in this regard
are drawn from the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research (Centro de Investigaciones
Sociológicas, CIS), particularly its barometer, a monthly study that encompasses exclu-
sive inquiries pertaining to religious identification and practice among Spanish nationals.
Furthermore, the three studies conducted by this center within the framework of the
International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) are incorporated, which offer a more com-
prehensive perspective by including individuals residing (not only nationals) within the
Spanish territory, in addition to a more extensive questionnaire on religion (CIS 1998,2008,
2017). Auxiliary quantitative sources have also been consulted, including the Pew Research
report (2018) on Christianity in Western Europe, which includes Spain in its study, and the
Report of the Observatory of Religious Pluralism in Spain (2013).
The present paper is principally based on the findings of 22 in-depth interviews
and quantitative–descriptive research. The results will be presented in the course of the
discussion, which will be structured around two ideas: firstly, to offer a presentation of
the main dynamics underlying the growth of non-religion, taking into account the data
and the experiences of the actors, and secondly, to consider the question of the plurality
of non-religion, paying particular attention to the porous boundaries between religion
and non-religion.
4. Discussion: From the Dynamics for Understanding the Growth of
Non-Religion in Spain to the Blurred Boundaries Between Religion
and Non-Religion
As noted at the outset, the number of nones in Spain has significantly increased since
the early 21st century. In 2000, 12.5% of the population self-identified as non-religious
(comprising 3.5% “atheists” [ateo] and 9% “non-believers” [no creyente]) (CIS 2000). By
2024, this figure had risen to 40.9% (12.1% “agnostics”, [agnóstico] 12.7% “indifferent/non-
believers”, [indiferente, no creyente] and 16.1% “atheists” [ateo]) (CIS 2024). As we shall see,
Religions 2025,16, 417 8 of 25
there are already difficulties in tracing the evolution of subtypes in the nones. Whereas,
in 2000, there were two options for the non-religious, in the questionnaire for 2024, there
are three, which makes it difficult to reconstruct the evolution of the different subtypes
that make up the non-religious. However, one thing is certain when comparing the figures
between 2000 and 2024: the total number of people in Spain who identify themselves as
non-religious has tripled during the two first decades of the 21st century.
The 2024 CIS Barometer provides valuable insights into the characteristics of this
growing non-religious population. Consistent with findings from other studies (Zuckerman
et al. 2016;Bréchon 2020), significant disparities exist across various demographic groups.
A “typical” non-religious individual in Spain can be characterized as follows3:
•
Gender: predominantly male (45.1%) compared with women (37.1%), exceeding the
national average of 40.9%.
•
Age: concentrated among younger cohorts, with 58.1% of 18–24-year-olds identifying
as non-religious, compared with just 15% of those aged 75 and over.
•
Region: highly concentrated in certain regions, notably Catalonia (53.5%), Navarre
(47.6%), the Valencian Community (44.4%), the Basque Country (44.3%), and Madrid
(44.1%), all exceeding the national average (40.9%).
•
Education: More prevalent among individuals with higher levels of education. While
18% of those with no education identify as non-religious, this figure rises to 53%
among those with higher education.
•
Political vote: more likely to vote for left-wing and regionalist/separatist parties.
While only 15% of PP (center-right) voters and 25% of Vox (far-right) voters identify as
non-religious, this figure rises to 48.2% among PSOE (social democracy) voters and
83.9% among Sumar (left-wing) voters.
Despite its relevance for contextualizing nones in Spain, this characterization of non-
religious individuals in blocs has the potential to become a simplification that obscures the
complexity of their multifaceted identities. To develop a comprehensive understanding of
the nuances of nones’ identity in Spain, it is imperative to explore their internal plurality
through an examination of the predominant dynamics in the growth of non-religion in
Spain that facilitate the exploration of this phenomenon.
4.1. Three Dynamics for Understanding Non-Religion in Spain
As noted earlier, as the non-religious population has grown, CIS barometer surveys
have included more nuanced categories, as evident in the differences between the 2000
and 2024 CIS. Furthermore, the three CIS surveys conducted within the framework of the
International Social Survey Program (ISSP) also exhibit variations in response options
4
.
Despite these methodological challenges in charting the evolution of non-religion in Spain,
an analysis of other available data and qualitative findings reveals three key dynamics
shaping the growth of non-religion in Spain: the expansion of (superficial) irreligion
(Section 4.1.1), the increase in religious void (areligion) (Section 4.1.2), and hybridization
(Section 4.1.3).
4.1.1. The Expansion of (Superficial) Irreligion
In Spain, not only has the percentage of individuals who self-identify as non-religious
increased, but statistical evidence also indicates that Spanish society has become more
irreligious in recent years. I understand irreligion as that actor, discursivity, or stance in
which the rejection of the religious occupies a central place in its worldview. Thus, irreligion
is part of non-religion, although non-religion exceeds the limits of irreligion. Between 2008
and 2017, the number of people who identified as “extremely non-religious” grew from
3% to 10%. This trend is even more pronounced among non-religious people: In 1998,
Religions 2025,16, 417 9 of 25
13% of non-religious individuals and 30.2% of atheists described themselves as “extremely
non-religious”. By 2008, these figures had risen to 22.7% and 33.6%, respectively. In 2017,
nearly one-third of non-religious individuals (30.1%) identified as extremely non-religious.
This pattern is also reflected in survey questions regarding opinions on religion. For
instance, agreement with the statement ‘religions are more a source of conflict than of peace’
increased from 16.6% in 1998 to 25.7% in 2017, showing a less favorable assessment of the
social role of religion.
However, this growing irreligion within the broader category of non-religion in Spain,
which is also observed in the ongoing fieldwork, is not incompatible with the fact that
the interviewees included in the present study—even those who have more negative
views towards religion—consider themselves tolerant towards religion or frequently ex-
press respect for religious people and even a positive view of certain aspects of religios-
ity or spirituality. Thus, the interviewees tend to display a very critical stance towards
religion, particularly its institutional dimension, and at the same time respect for reli-
gious people, as emphasized by two young men in their thirties included in this study,
Joan [E8] and Tomás [E14]. Consequently, some interviewees—despite their irreligious
perspective—could be categorized as “tolerant nones” rather than “campaign atheists”,
according to Hanna Waite’s (2022) terminology.
Moreover, opposition to religion tends to occupy a peripheral role in the worldview of
many interviewees. They often avoid adopting strong labels, expressing doubt or hesitancy
when asked to specify their non-religious identity [Ainhoa, E5]. Instead, they prefer to
define themselves through their activities (e.g., studies, profession, hobbies), values, or
personal traits (e.g., “I am respectful, curious”) rather than through opposition to religion.
Following the observations of Zuckerman et al. (2016, p. 94), who distinguish between
“superficial” and “deep ‘irreligion”, or Thiessen and Wilkins-Laflamme’s (2020, pp. 78–79)
categorization of “involved seculars” and “inactive nonbelievers”, we observe a growing
prevalence of “inactive” and “superficial”. Furthermore, these individuals often adopt
a ‘humble’ stance, recognizing the provisional nature of answers to existential questions,
rather than displaying absolute faith in reason or science [Jaime, E2].
This dynamic is evident in the disparity between irreligious and secularist associations
in Spain, and the increase in non-religion. At this point, it is necessary to emphasize that
my study has included interviews with prominent members of secularist associations
(Europa Laica) [Eduardo, E15] and atheist organizations (Unión de Ateos y Librepensadores
and Ateus de Catalunya [Jordi, E18], and Ateneu Eclèctic i Liberal d’Ateus i Agnòstics [Francesc,
E21]), which allow me to delve deeper into the reality of these social spaces. While the
number, visibility, and presence of irreligious associations have grown since the early 21st
century (Torres Macías 2021), as illustrated by the 2009 atheist bus campaign—carried
out in Spain by the Unión de Ateos y Librepensadores following the example of Humanist
UK in the United Kingdom—, interviewees from these associations highlight their diffi-
culties to attract members, particularly younger ones. For instance, Eduardo [E15], an
active member of Europa Laica—a secularist [laicista] association founded in 2001 whose
objective “is to achieve the secularity of the state and its institutions”
5
—observed that
“the younger generation is not in these associations”, while Jordi, a leader of prominent
atheist organizations, described the history of these organizations as “a failure” [E18]. To
understand this lack of engagement, these statements can be contextualized with previous
qualitative studies, such as that of Pérez-Agote (2012), which revealed differences between
classic forms of irreligion in working-class neighborhoods in Madrid (characterized by
strong anti-clericalism) and groups of public university young students, where irreligion
manifests in more nuanced ways.
Religions 2025,16, 417 10 of 25
4.1.2. Non-Religion as an Increasing Religious Void (Areligion)?
The analysis of the statistical data and the results of the qualitative work also lead
to another interesting dynamic for understanding non-religion in Spain: together with
irreligion, in recent decades areligion has become consolidated in Spain, i.e. the absence, the
void of religion (Díaz Salazar 1994). Both irreligion and areligion fall under the umbrella of
non-religion and are not incompatible with each other: irreligion refers more to a (negative)
position towards religion, while areligion refers to the absence of religion (Lee 2015)—either
of religious feeling (religiosity) or of knowledge of the symbolic and cultural codes of
religions—which may be associated with indifference towards all religious matters. In this
respect, a significant increase in the proportion of the Spanish population who self-identify
as “neither religious nor spiritual” has been observed in the two most recent CIS studies
conducted within the framework of the ISSP. The figure increased from 21.7% in 2008 to
30.2% in 2017 of the total Spanish population (CIS 2017).
To understand the rise of areligion, we must consider significant changes in social-
ization. Primary socialization—a foundational process with far-reaching implications for
religious identity—has shifted dramatically. During the first half of the 20th century, secular-
ization in Spain took place within a Catholic cultural framework, which largely determined
the processes of socialization. This can be clearly seen in how—despite the progress of the
secularization process—issues such as self-identification as Catholic or participation in rites
such as religious marriage or baptisms continued to show very high figures until the end
of the 20th century. In 2000, 76% of all marriages in Spain were still performed according to
the Catholic rite (a figure that by 2022 had plummeted to 19% (Leguina and Macarrón 2023).
Between 1998 and 2018, Herranz-de-Rafael and Fernández-Prados (2024) point out that
Spain experienced a decline in religious socialization factors, such as parental religiosity
and religious practices in childhood, with profound impacts on the sustainability of the
Catholic culture that until recently had accompanied the process of secularization. Proof of
this are the clear generational differences in terms of religious socialization: in 2018, only
2.3% of people over 65 stated that they had not received religious education, compared
with 14.3% of young people. Furthermore, in 2013, 61% of Spaniards under 35 did not
express their intention to provide their children with a religious education (Observatory of
Religious Pluralism in Spain 2013). This trend is reflected in the interviews that comprise
this study. While those over 50 years old often recount some level of Catholic socialization,
younger participants frequently report weak or non-religious upbringing, which means
that even those who have had some contact with Catholicism have neither considered
themselves believers nor felt part of the religious community For example, Andrés explains,
“Yes, I was baptized and had my first communion, but religion never played an important
role in my upbringing” [E1]. Although he thinks that Catholicism forms an essential part
of Spanish identity, he is unfamiliar with the main tenets of this religion and declares that
he has never developed a religious attitude.
Non-religious socialization (and to a certain extent also very weak religious social-
ization, which in many cases—as we saw in the previous testimony—results in similar
outcomes) appears to be a key factor in shaping religiosity/spirituality, as confirmed
by studies linking religious socialization to differences between “non-religious without
spiritual beliefs” and “spiritual non-religious” individuals (Bullivant 2022;Beider 2023).
Moreover, the decline of religious socialization contributes to a phenomenon described in
Spain as Catholic exculturation (Pérez-Agote 2014), which can be interpreted as a process
of de-Christianization. This trend, closely linked to the declining importance of religion
in socialization, is evident in the disengagement from (and in many cases ignorance of)
the cultural and symbolic universe of Catholicism among the younger generations. For
instance, Inés, a young student from Madrid, recounts, “When I was a child, I remember
Religions 2025,16, 417 11 of 25
visiting a church at the Valle de los Caídos and feeling indifferent, not knowing who the
statues of Mary and Jesus represented. I had no idea who these people were” [E20]. Most
interviewees did not receive an anti-religious education but rather one in which religion
was entirely absent. However, this absence of religious education does not imply a lack of
interest in the topic. Many participants described developing curiosity about religion later
in life through secondary socialization.
Despite the evidence on non-religious socialization pointing towards a more intense
consolidation of the “exit from religion” in secularized societies, such as Spain, the qualita-
tive work also raises a question. Indeed, it could be argued that this life trajectory further
away from religion also explains the emergence of a new perspective on religion in Spain,
which could be described as more exculturated but also more genuine to the religion.
Such a phenomenon could be interpreted as the consolidation of a postsecular approach
to religion in Spain, a shift from the historical paradigm characterized by the enduring
struggle between Catholicism and secularism (Díaz Salazar 2007, p. 9). It is noteworthy
that among the older interviewees, there is a more negative view of religion, which they
also connect to their socialization processes and the intense weight of the religious factor
in them, sometimes valued as a negative experience [Francesc, E21]. As Jordi, who has
previously been identified as the current leader of an atheist association, declared: “I was
surrounded by a deeply religious environment. While this may appear to be a favorable
circumstance for the church, it has proven to be disadvantageous for them: I knew them
well from the inside” [E18]. Carmen also points out that she had a strong religious upbring-
ing, her mother’s family being “ultra-religious, Christian, Catholic and Apostolic” [E7]. In
contrast, among the youngest, surrounded by a paucity of knowledge regarding religion, a
mixture of distance, indifference, and curiosity about religions can be observed [Joan, E8;
Inés, E20].
4.1.3. On the Porous Boundaries Between Religion and Non-Religion: The Hybrid Nones
So far, we have observed that the growth of non-religion in Spanish society can be un-
derstood through two key dynamics: the expansion of a more superficial form of irreligion
and the consolidation of areligion, particularly through the process of exculturation, most
evident among younger generations.
Alongside these trends, data from the CIS (2008,2017) studies within the ISSP frame-
work highlight a third dynamic crucial for understanding Spain’s socioreligious context
and, more specifically, the reality of nones: hybridization. This refers to the blurring of
boundaries between the secular and the sacred, between belief and belonging, and between
religion and non-religion.
Two specific hybridization profiles, which find correlates with Davie’s (2006) dis-
cussion of belongers not believers and believers not belongers, are particularly relevant to
understanding the changing socioreligious landscape in Spain: people who consider them-
selves religious but not spiritual, and spiritual non-religious people. Statistical evidence
from 2008 to 2017 (Table 1) reveals a 3.1% decrease in the former group, reflecting the
ongoing process of exculturation. Conversely, the latter group has grown modestly (+2.1%),
although this growth is smaller than that observed among those who are neither religious
nor spiritual. Despite these shifts, three points are worth emphasizing. First, hybridiza-
tion emerges as the dominant dynamic shaping Spain’s socioreligious landscape. Nearly
half of the Spanish population (49.9%) falls into one of these hybrid profiles as a result
of combining “religious but not spiritual” and “spiritual but not religious”. Within the
non-religious sector, hybridization plays an essential role, with more than a third (37%) of
non-religious individuals believing in “a higher power or spiritual force in the universe”,
while 39% report believing they have “a soul” in addition to their physical. This highlights
Religions 2025,16, 417 12 of 25
the importance of “believing without belonging” within the non-religious sector (Díaz de
Rada and Gil-Gimeno 2023).
Table 1. Definition of the spirituality and/or religiosity of the person interviewed (% of total
respondents) (CIS 2008,2017).
Definition of Spirituality/Religiosity 2008 2017
I am a follower of a religion and I consider myself a spiritual
person, interested in the sacred or the supernatural 20.1 15.9
I am a follower of a religion, but I do not consider myself a spiritual
person interested in the sacred or the supernatural 36.2 33.1
I am not a follower of any religion, but I consider myself a spiritual
person interested in the sacred or the supernatural 14.7 16.8
I am not a follower of any religion and I do not consider myself a
spiritual person interested in the sacred or the supernatural 21.7 30.2
I cannot choose 6.3 3.1
NA 1.1 0.9
Second, although the growth of the spiritual but not religious population between
2008 and 2017 is modest overall, it is far more pronounced among younger generations
(Figure 1). This generational trend is complemented by a shift in spiritual orientation during
adulthood (see also Figure 1). While 2007 data show a clear decline in spirituality as age
increases, the 2017 data reveal a resurgence of spirituality among individuals aged 45–54.
This trend aligns with studies on unaffiliated spiritualities, which often see middle-aged
adults as their primary participants (Cornejo Valle and Blázquez Rodríguez 2024).
Religions 2025, 16, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 25
39% report believing they have “a soul” in addition to their physical. This highlights the
importance of “believing without belonging” within the non-religious sector (Díaz de
Rada and Gil-Gimeno 2023).
Table 1. Definition of the spirituality and/or religiosity of the person interviewed (% of total re-
spondents) (CIS 2008, 2017).
Definition of Spirituality/Religiosity 20082017
I am a follower of a religion and I consider myself a spiritual person, interested
in the sacred or the supernatural 20.1 15.9
I am a follower of a religion, but I do not consider myself a spiritual person in-
terested in the sacred or the supernatural 36.2 33.1
I am not a follower of any religion, but I consider myself a spiritual person in-
terested in the sacred or the supernatural 14.7 16.8
I am not a follower of any religion and I do not consider myself a spiritual per-
son interested in the sacred or the supernatural 21.7 30.2
I cannot choose 6.3 3.1
NA 1.1 0.9
Second, although the growth of the spiritual but not religious population between
2008 and 2017 is modest overall, it is far more pronounced among younger generations
(Figure 1). This generational trend is complemented by a shift in spiritual orientation dur-
ing adulthood (see also Figure 1). While 2007 data show a clear decline in spirituality as
age increases, the 2017 data reveal a resurgence of spirituality among individuals aged
45–54. This trend aligns with studies on unaffiliated spiritualities, which often see middle-
aged adults as their primary participants (Cornejo Valle and Blázquez Rodríguez 2024).
Figure 1. Change between 2008 and 2017 in responses to the question “I am not a follower of any
religion, but I consider myself interested in the sacred/supernatural” (percentage of the respondents
by age cohort) (CIS 2008, 2017).
Third, while the “religious but not spiritual” group has declined, it remains the most
chosen hybrid identity in 2017. This demonstrates the enduring influence of cultural–reli-
gious elements in Spain, even as exculturation progresses. This also finds concomitances
with other contexts (Mauritsen et al. 2023) such as Ireland, where an accelerated and re-
cent process of secularization that is leading to “leaving Catholicism” is compatible with
the presence of aspects of this religion when defining cultural or national identities
21.9 18.1
16.8 17.8
11.5
6.6
28.8
16.7
18.3 20 17.4
7.5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
18−24 25−34 35−44 45−54 55−64 ≥ 65
% Percentage over total by cohort
Age cohort
I am not a follower of any religion, but I consider myself a spiritual
person interested in the sacred or the supernatural
2008 2017
Figure 1. Change between 2008 and 2017 in responses to the question “I am not a follower of any
religion, but I consider myself interested in the sacred/supernatural” (percentage of the respondents
by age cohort) (CIS 2008,2017).
Third, while the “religious but not spiritual” group has declined, it remains the most
chosen hybrid identity in 2017. This demonstrates the enduring influence of cultural–
religious elements in Spain, even as exculturation progresses. This also finds concomitances
with other contexts (Mauritsen et al. 2023) such as Ireland, where an accelerated and recent
Religions 2025,16, 417 13 of 25
process of secularization that is leading to “leaving Catholicism” is compatible with the
presence of aspects of this religion when defining cultural or national identities (Turpin
2020). For many Spaniards, cultural understandings of religion, particularly Catholicism,
continue to hold significant sway, not only in spiritual but also in identity and cultural
domains. This underscores the continued relevance of religious traditions as cultural
markers (Mauritsen et al. 2023), even among those who do not actively engage with religion
and nones.
The present qualitative exploration also adds depth to these statistical insights, re-
vealing the nuanced ways in which hybridization characterizes both the broader Spanish
socioreligious landscape and the experiences of non-religious individuals. Several intervie-
wees expressed frustration with fixed categories such as atheist, agnostic, or non-believer,
considering them outdated or overly rigid. Faced with a reality of the nones that is often
ambiguous in the rejections and acceptances of religion (Smith 2011), the formulation of
quantitative questionnaires continues to focus on the denial of religious beliefs in defining
realities such as atheism
6
, which can generate rejection by respondents when choosing
these categories because they consider them a reduction of their worldview. Carmen, for
instance, noted that “these concepts are old-fashioned” [E7]. For others, terms such as
spiritual and atheist, which are traditionally seen as oppositional, coexist harmoniously.
Ainhoa describes herself as a “spiritual atheist” [E5], Jaime identifies as “agnostic with a
desire for spirituality” [E2], and Jesús states he is “rationally agnostic, spiritually Christian”
[E9]. While these responses may appear paradoxical, they reflect the flexibility with which
individuals redefine these categories to suit their lived experiences.
The discrepancy between theoretical frameworks and social realities signifies that
conventional labels, such as “atheist” or “agnostic”, frequently fall short of capturing the
intricacies of non-religious identities. The interviewees’ responses, though seemingly con-
tradictory (e.g., atheist and spiritual; agnostic and Christian), underscore the fact that terms
like “atheist” or “agnostic” can hold divergent connotations for individuals. The qualitative
findings demonstrate that these categories are not uniformly interpreted in actual practice
(lived non-religion); rather, they are infused with novel meanings and experiences by the
individual, thereby challenging their interpretation at a quantitative level.
To conclude this third dynamic, it can be posited that it is ultimately the subject—both
self-identified religious and non-religious individuals—who imbues their worldview with
meaning. In this late modernity, the dynamics of hybridization (Latour 1993) occupy a
fundamental place in the composition of social reality, including in the non-religious sector,
as is explored in more detail in the following section.
4.2. Culturally Religious Nones and Spiritual Nones: Two Ideal Types for Exploring the Complex
Boundaries Between Religion and Non-Religion
Both the data on “religious not spiritual” and “spiritual not religious”, as well as the
interviews conducted, reveal two key elements where the boundaries between the religious
and the secular become blurred: the interpretation of religion from a cultural perspective
and spirituality disconnected from religious affiliation. Based on the qualitative exploration
and theoretical framework that underpin the present study, it is proposed that two ideal
types particularly embody this hybridization: culturally religious nones and spiritual but
not religious nones. In this section, we explore these types to further investigate the fluid
boundaries between religion and non-religion in the context of the growing nones in Spain.
4.2.1. Culturally Religious Nones
In societies like Spain, the process of mass secularization is relatively recent (Ruiz
Andrés 2022b). Historically, religion has played a dominant role, deeply intertwined
with culture and identity (Álvarez Junco 2001). As highlighted in the previous section,
Religions 2025,16, 417 14 of 25
while the erosion of Catholic culture is especially pronounced among younger generations,
Catholicism continues to exert a significant influence on Spanish traditions and culture, as
well as on local, regional, and national identities. As Inés, a young student from Madrid,
points out [E20], even with a non-religious upbringing, “sooner or later, you end up finding
yourself with religion, and it raises questions”.
Culturally religious nones are characterized by a lack of religious identification or
belief (unbelief/disbelief) while maintaining a cultural and/or identity-based connection
to religion (Mauritsen et al. 2023;Kasselstrand 2015). Specifically, they relate to Catholicism,
given its historical weight in Spain. Unlike “belongers not believers” or “religious not
spiritual”, the interviewees do not self-identify as Catholics. Instead, they are nones who
acknowledge being culturally religious in interviews. More accurately, they could be
described as “neither belongers nor believers but culturally religious”.
This cultural connection to religion manifests in three distinct ways, which can overlap
or appear separately:
•
In some cases, like that of Andrés [E1], Catholicism is associated with a broader
notion of civilization. From his point of view, the way of life and worldview in
countries like Spain are inextricably linked to Catholicism. Although non-religious,
he advocates for defending Spain’s Christian character, often opposing the arrival of
other religious traditions, such as Islam. In Spain there are platforms and spaces—
particularly online—that disseminate this perspective, often based on the concept of
“Catholic atheism” by the philosopher Gustavo Bueno (2007)
7
. This approach aligns
with the 37% of Spaniards who, according to Pew Research Center (2018), view Islam
as incompatible with Spain’s national values and—as happens in other contexts—this
cultural–identitarian vision of religion has potential political implications, coming to
the fore in the discourse of the radical right (Joppke 2018;Forlenza 2018).
•
Other interviewees acknowledge Catholicism as a fundamental part of their worldview
due to its historical and cultural significance in their lives and Spain’s history. These
individuals do not adopt an ideological stance, nor do they identify as believers.
While they remain critical of the Church, they value Catholicism’s cultural, social, and
spiritual contributions to society as can be seen in the testimonies of Francesco [E3]
and Jesús [E9].
•
Another form of cultural connection is participation in religious events without identi-
fying as religious or holding religious beliefs. This profile aligns with what Zuckerman
et al. 2016) call “ritual atheists.” Due to Spain’s history, many traditions and folklore
remain deeply tied to Catholicism. Events like pilgrimages and processions, including
Holy Week in cities like Seville, serve as both religious rites and total social events
(Moreno 2008). Non-religious participants cite cultural, familial, aesthetic, or social
reasons for their involvement. For example, José described Holy Week in Andalusia
as transcending religion: “It is not only a religious act but also a ceremonial, congrega-
tional, social, and artistic act” [E17]. His testimony shows how the mixture between the
transversal nature of these events and the subjectivism inherent to the contemporary
socioreligious landscape allows each participant to interpret and experience religious
rites “in their own way”.
4.2.2. Spiritual Nones
In contrast to the case of culturally religious nones, spiritual nones do not necessarily
embody a sense of disbelief; rather, their position is characterized by a clear demarcation
of their identity as being outside the confines of institutionalized religion (non-religion).
This stance is founded on the premise that the rejection of religious identification does not
necessarily entail the dismissal of the spiritual search.
Religions 2025,16, 417 15 of 25
The amalgamation of rejection of religion (or at least certain aspects of it) and the
adoption of a spiritual stance is evident among the subjects interviewed in this study.
Teresa, a young woman born in Madrid in 2000, aligns with the prevalent narrative of
irreligion, emphasizing in her interview that the Church functions as a “business” [E6].
Ainhoa, born in 1991 and from Bilbao, states that although she no longer harbors animosity
towards the Church, God and the Church have always been distinct entities for her [E5].
However, all the spiritual nones that I have interviewed not only discuss this rejection
of Catholicism but also demonstrate in their statements how, from a certain point in their
lives—which may be earlier or later—they discover another way of living, which they
link to the concept of spirituality. The prevailing narrative suggests that a confluence
of factors, including a general sense of discontent with various aspects of life and the
emergence of existential inquiries for which religions have been left unanswered, has
prompted these individuals to seek answers within the domain of spirituality. This notion
is further elaborated during the fieldwork when the interviewees juxtapose their spiritual
quest with their “malaises of immanence” (Taylor 2014, pp. 29–30): Teresa discusses how
dance, interpreted from a spiritual perspective, serves as a means of alleviating the daily
stresses and negativities that accumulate [E6]. In the case of Rocío, a nurse, when reflecting
on her spiritual quest, she underscores the profound impact of two seminal events on her
journey: her divorce and her professional experiences during the period of the pandemic
in a Madrid hospital, where she confronted death daily [E10].
Nevertheless, despite the presence of certain similarities, particularly regarding their
openness to the spiritual, there are also significant differences between the subjects of this
study. In this respect, it is interesting to read the information from the interviews in light
of the conclusions of the report by Mónica Cornejo Valle and Blázquez Rodríguez (2024),
in which a sample of more than 700 spiritual services not linked to a denomination in the
Community of Madrid was analyzed, making a notable contribution to the understanding
of unaffiliated spiritualities in Spain.
Firstly, and following the findings of the aforementioned work, among the inter-
viewees, we can distinguish between people with a more secular understanding of the
spiritual—that is to say, who observe spirituality as a resource for well-being [Ainhoa, E5],
as aesthetic contemplation [Jaime, E2], or as a part of an existential culture in which spiritu-
ality is not a primary feature—and others who develop a spiritual worldview structured
mainly around the idea of forces and energies. As Cornejo Valle and Blázquez Rodríguez
(2024) observe, in the sphere of unaffiliated spiritualities, there prevails a monistic under-
standing of reality, organized around the concept of energy. In the present study, this is
exemplified by Montse, who, while asserting an absence of religious affiliation, concomi-
tantly emphasizes a predilection for “beliefs in energies, nature, and a myriad of other
phenomena” [E12].
In analyzing the responses provided by the interviewees, it is evident that the concept
of spirituality is frequently characterized by a blend of psychological and natural elements,
thereby engendering a holistic and interconnected comprehension of the cosmos. Nature
occupies a central position in this regard, becoming one of the quintessential spaces of
resonance (Rosa 2019), as has also been observed in other studies (Hancock 2024;Banham
2024). For instance, when questioned about his own spirituality, Jaime observes that
“in the United States, in a natural park, I began to examine the rocks and experienced
a sensation that they possessed spirits, that they were animated” [E2]. However, when
considering the embodiment of this spirituality, a diverse array of practices, symbolic
resources, and concepts from various traditions emerge. During my research for this study,
I came across references to practices such as Kizomba, yoga, moon rituals, and even drugs.
A salient observation is the pragmatic nature of these practices, wherein efficacious rites
Religions 2025,16, 417 16 of 25
and practices are selected regardless of their traditional origins, resulting in the eclecticism
that characterizes unaffiliated spiritualities (Cornejo Valle and Blázquez Rodríguez 2024).
A third difference between the interviewees pertains to the significance attributed
to this spirituality. In some cases, the spiritual notions of the interviewees occupy a very
peripheral position in their lives [Ainhoa, E5], almost verging on irrelevance and only
used to indicate a vague openness to the spiritual dimension. However, in other cases,
spirituality constitutes a central space in the existence of the interviewees [Luna, E11].
In summary, the exploration of the two ideal types (Weber [1922] 2014) presented
through qualitative work—culturally religious nones and spiritual nones—allows us to
understand the non-religious landscape in Spain with greater nuance. Together with the
consolidation of areligion and irreligion, there is a hybridization that defines both the
religious and non-religious sectors. Consequently, these two profiles, termed ‘hybrid’,
facilitate an exploration of the reality experienced by a significant segment of nones, whose
perceptions of religion and non-religion, secular and sacred, are characterized by fluid
boundaries. These individuals self-identify as non-religious and perceive themselves as
residing outside the confines of religion, at least in its institutional form. However, they
simultaneously demonstrate that a considerable proportion of nones do not occupy a
strictly “outside” position within the religious field. Instead, they inhabit a middle ground,
a “secular paradox” (Blankholm 2022), in which the rejection of religion may actually entail
a religious/re-signification, thereby situating them as actors within the religious field rather
than as outsiders.
5. Conclusions
In the present article, the primary conclusions of an ongoing research project on nones
in Spain are presented. The objectives of this article were twofold: firstly, to provide a
pioneering overview of the growth of nones in Spain through an in-depth qualitative study;
secondly, to offer an analysis in which—following the reflections of the main studies on
the subject and the invitation of this special issue to adopt a postsecular perspective on
the socioreligious dynamics of contemporary societies—we explore the complexity and
diversity of non-religion, as well as the ambiguity of the boundaries between religion and
secularity that are revealed in this sector.
To this end, three dynamics were explored during the discussion (irreligion, areli-
gion, and hybridization)—which also allowed us to talk about other overlapping trends
(religious socialization, atheist activism, superficial irreligion, exculturation)—that give
us a more precise picture of the main tendencies behind the rise of nones. Similarly,
and although we have explored the blurred boundaries of non-religion throughout the
paper—problematizing the meaning of irreligion and areligion—it is in the
hybridization—and through the presentation of two ideal types, culturally religious nones,
and spiritual nones—that we have examined in detail the porous boundaries between
religion and non-religion, which, according to the literature, are found in two particularly
crucial areas, culture, and spirituality.
In addition to having fulfilled the proposed objectives, at this concluding moment, it
is pertinent to point out four key ideas that this article has highlighted and that constitute
both themes for further deepening the debate on non-religion (both at the theoretical level
and in Spain) and lines from which to rethink the questions of the special issue in which
this article is framed.
First, subjectivism is a reality present in all socioreligious dynamics, including the
nones (Zuckerman et al. 2016), which means that categories such as non-religion must be
approached with sufficient nuance to reflect this diversity of tendencies and positions. The
trends studied (areligion, irreligion, and hybridization) cannot be understood without this
Religions 2025,16, 417 17 of 25
variable of subjectivism, which makes any attempt to draw up ideal types a limited exercise
and should be seen as a first approach to understanding the plurality of non-religion.
From this perspective, we can also understand the discrepancy between the categories we
continue to use to deal with non-religious reality (atheist, agnostic, non-believer) and the
identities of the actors, which are more fluid, subjective, and dynamic. In this respect, it is
necessary to continue exploring—both in the field and theoretically—what it means to be a
none in the sociohistorical reality of different contexts, and to further research the different
significations and expressions of non-religion.
Second, this paper has emphasized an ideal type of non-religious person that has
been scarcely explored in the Spanish academic literature: the culturally religious none,
which connects with the more developed reflection on this subject in other contexts (Mau-
ritsen et al. 2023;Kasselstrand 2015). Although it certainly seems that “spiritual but not
religious” is statistically gaining ground among the younger sectors, the importance of the
cultural understanding of the religious remains crucial in shaping the hybrid reality. In
this respect, it is necessary to analyze the impact of the process of exculturation on this
cultural hybridization, leaving open the question of whether this vanishing of the Catholic
cultural background will cause the cultural religious dimension to lose the transversal
nature that it still retains in societies such as Spain and be more clearly incorporated into the
phenomenon of polarization, as observed in the declarations of some of our interviewees
and in the utilization of the cultural–religious discursivities in Spanish political debate
(Cordero 2014;Ruiz Andrés 2022a). Or, on the contrary, if exculturation does not necessarily
mean the end of the transversality of this cultural–religious factor, it may lead to a broader
process of re-signification of the Catholic cultural roots that underlie events, traditions,
and identities. Similarly, special attention should be paid to the impact of the decline of
religious socialization on non-religious spirituality, as studies from other contexts point out
(Beider 2023).
Thirdly, the dynamics highlighted in this paper (irreligion, areligion, and hybridiza-
tion) show us how the non-religious sector comprises at least three positions regarding
the religious field: dialectic (irreligion), exit (areligion) and reconfiguration (hybridiza-
tion). These three dynamics raise the question of whether we find in non-religion both
the emergence of a non-religious field and the involvement of some of these sectors in the
reconfiguration of the religious field in contexts of advanced secularity. This would mean
complementing the study of the non-religious field with a joint analysis of the profound
transformations of the religious field, understanding that some non-religious people are
paradoxically actors in this evolving religious field.
All the lines proposed in these conclusions leave a question in the air: are these
contradictions of the nones just an intermediate phase that will lead to greater secularization
or, on the contrary, are we dealing above all with a metamorphosis of the religious in
advanced modernity? This is undoubtedly an inquiry that, rather than being answered,
constitutes a line to be traced as future events unfold. This study posits that in contemporary
Spain, both processes–religious reconfiguration and the acceleration of secularisation–are
occurring simultaneously.
Likewise, all these lines highlighted in the conclusions link the Spanish case to other
contexts in our world. Although the present article has constantly kept an eye on other
scenarios, this comparative perspective deserves further research as it will not only allow
us to better connect the Spanish case with the experiences of other countries but will also
contribute to a greater knowledge of nones at the global level.
Finally, this article reveals the importance of the dialogue between the postsecular
debate and research on non-religion, as well as the path to future research from the exchange
between both discussions.
Religions 2025,16, 417 18 of 25
On the one hand, the postsecular perspective allows us to understand the trans-
formations experienced by the non-religious sector within the broader macro-context
of postsecularization, in which—to return to the quote included in the theoretical
section—“secular and non-secular principles—beyond others—circulate simultaneously
through social relations” (Beaumont et al. 2020, p. 2). Thus, non-religion constitutes neither
the culmination of a linear theory of secularization nor an exception within contemporary
societies but rather becomes a privileged space for studying the socioreligious dynamics
of secular contexts. The fact that two of the trends of hybridization (culturalization and
spirituality) can be applied to the study of both religious and non-religious profiles points
in this direction and makes us wonder whether, paradoxically, a significant part of the
dynamics of socioreligious transformation in this context is being experienced in a sector
identified a priori as non-religious.
On the other hand, the analysis of non-religion also contributes to the ongoing reflec-
tion on postsecularization. The Habermasian commitment to the debate, which has been
the pivotal axis of the discussion, emerged twenty years ago in response to the inadequacies
in the dialogue between secularity and religions (Habermas 2006). Two decades later, the
study of non-religion reveals that the boundaries between the two sides (religions and
secularity) are porous and that the postsecular effort to understand religions from plurality
needs to be extended to the non-religious sector, which often continues to be subsumed
within the broader category of the “secular” (Cotter 2020). Consequently, the nones are not
merely “the other” in interaction with religions, but rather, they are an essential piece in the
puzzle of contemporary socioreligious transformations and crucial actors for the necessary
dialogue between all the convictions that pave the way from the postsecular consciousness
in sociological analyses towards the achievement of a postsecular society.
Funding: This publication/etc. is part of the project PID2022-139462NB-I00 funded by MCIN/AEI/
10.13039/501100011033 and by ERDF A way of making Europe.
Institutional Review Board Statement: The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration
of Helsinki and the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Union (2016/679).
Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in this study.
Data Availability Statement: Publicly available datasets and information from reports were analyzed
in this study. These data can be found in the sources listed below: https://www.cis.es/detalle-ficha-
estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=1290;https://www.cis.es/es/detalle-ficha-estudio?idEstudio=
1375;https://www.cis.es/detalle-ficha-estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=10382;https://www.cis.
es/detalle-ficha-estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=14366;https://www.cis.es/ca/detalle-ficha-
estudio?idEstudio=14828;https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/05/29/being-christian-in-
western-europe/;https://observatorioreligion.es/upload/74/95/II_Encuesta_sobre_opiniones_y_
actitudes_de_los_espanoles_ante_la_dimension_cotidiana_de_la_religiosidad_y_su_gestion_publica.
pdf (accessed on 25 January 2025).
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
Religions 2025,16, 417 19 of 25
Appendix A
Table A1. Participants in the qualitative research project on non-religion Spain.
Reference
Code
Name
(Anonymized) Brief Description Date
E1 Andrés Male, born in Ciudad Real in 1991. Resident in
Madrid (Spain) 1 November 2023
E2 Jaime Male, born in Madrid in 1987. Resident in Madrid (Spain) 15 November 2023
E3 Francesco Male, born in Turin (Italy) in June 1979. Resident in
Madrid (Spain) 22 November 2023
E4 Wei Male, born in Madrid in 2000. Resident in Madrid (Spain) 29 November 2023
E5 Ainhoa
Female, born in Bilbao in 1991. Resident in Pamplona (Spain)
5 December 2023
E6 Teresa
Female, born in Madrid in 2000. Resident in Madrid (Spain)
8 December 2023
E7 Carmen Female, born in Palencia in 1957. Resident in
Palencia (Spain) 16 December 2023
E8 Joan Male, born in Tarragona in 1992. Resident in
Barcelona (Spain). 22 December 2023
E9 Jesús Male, born in Torrejón de Ardoz in 1999. Resident in
Torrejón de Ardoz (Spain). 15 January 2024
E10 Rocío Female, born in a village in Segovia in 1982. Resident in
Madrid (Spain) 25 January 2024
E11 Luna Female, born in Sabadell (Barcelona) in 1987. She lives in a
village in the province of Barcelona (Spain). 29 January 2024
E12 Montse Female, born in Barcelona in 1989. She lives in a village in
Catalonia (Spain). 26 February 2024
E13 Nabil Male, born in Comunidad Valenciana in 1995. He lives in
Comunidad Valenciana (Spain). 19 April 2024
E14 Tomás Male, born in Murcia in 1989. Resident in Madrid, (Spain) 9 October 2024
E15 Eduardo Male, born in Valencia in 1950. Resident in Valencia (Spain) 14 October 2024
E16 Rubén Male, born in 1982 in the region of Murcia. Resident in
Murcia (Spain) 24 October 2024
E17 José Male, born in Seville in 2002. He lives in a town of the
province of Seville (Spain). 3 December 2024
E18 Jordi Male, born in Barcelona in 1947. Resident in Barcelona 11 December 2024
E19 Ana
Woman, born in a municipality of Asturias in 1968. Resident
in Madrid 18 December 2024
E20 Inés Female, born in Madrid in 2002. Resident in Madrid. 15 January 2025
E21 Francesc Male, born in Barcelona in 1952. Resident in a village
in Catalonia 29 January 2025
E22 Paula Female, born in Madrid in 2002. Resident in Madrid. 4 February 2025
Religions 2025,16, 417 20 of 25
Appendix B
Table A2. Religiosity of respondent * sex of respondent (CIS 2024).
Man Woman Total
Practicing Catholic 13.8 21.5 17.8
Non-practicing Catholic 35.4 37.7 36.6
Believer of another religion 3.9 2.5 3.2
Agnostic (neither denies nor excludes the
existence of God) 14.4 10 12.1
Indifferent, non-believer 12.7 12.7 12.7
Atheist (denies the existence of God) 18 14.4 16.1
N.C. 1.8 1.3 1.5
(N) 1938 2069 4007
Total non-religion 45.1 37.1 40.9
Table A3. Religiosity of the interviewee by age (%) (CIS 2024).
18–24 25–34 35–44 45–54 55–64 65–74 75 y + Total
Practicing Catholic 7.6 6.5 12.3 13.4 20 21.1 42.5 17.8
Non-practicing Catholic 29.7 28.1 31.6 40 39.3 44 39.4 36.6
Believer of another religion 3.9 6 3.7 3.4 2.5 1.9 1 3.2
Agnostic (neither denies nor
excludes the existence of God) 20.4 13.4 12.6 12.8 12.6 10.4 5 12.1
Indifferent, non-believer 13.5 17.1 14.7 12.8 12.9 10.1 7.3 12.7
Atheist (denies the existence of
God) 24.2 27.7 23.3 16.5 10.5 10.6 3.2 16.1
N.C. 0.8 1.1 1.7 1.1 2.2 1.9 1.6 1.5
(N) 330 487 686 785 689 511 520 4007
Total non-religion 58.1 58.2 50.6 42.1 36 31.1 15.5 40.9
Religions 2025,16, 417 21 of 25
Table A4. Religiosity interviewee, by Comunidad Autónoma (%) (CIS 2024).
Andalucía Aragon Asturias (Principality
of)
Balears
(Illes)
Canary
Islands Cantabria Castilla-La Mancha Castilla y
León Catalonia
Practicing Catholic 19.2 17.1 22 15.8 16.5 15.1 28.2 24.4 9.1
Non-practicing
Catholic 39.9 36.1 35.8 36.8 42.8 29.6 35.5 38.8 31.4
Believer of another
religion 2.4 6.6 2.4 13.9 2.3 0 4.7 0.5 4.1
Agnostic (neither
denies nor excludes
the existence of God) 10.5 19.4 6.3 7.5 9.6 10.3 10.2 8 16.1
Indifferent,
non-believer 11.2 9.3 15 7 12.2 28.5 5.7 10.4 14.9
Atheist (denies the
existence of God) 14.3 11.5 18 17.6 15.8 13.6 11.2 17.4 22.5
N.C. 2.5 0 0.4 1.5 0.7 2.8 4.5 0.4 2
(N) 740 103 89 142 196 58 230 236 561
Valencian
Community Extremadura Galicia Madrid
(Commu-
nity of)
Murcia
(Region of)
Navarra
(Comunidad
Foral de)
Basque
Country
Rioja (La)
Ceuta (Au-
tonomous
City of)
Melilla (Au-
tonomous
City of) Total
Practicing Catholic 14.5 27.7 14.6 15 22.2 25 24.1 21.2 23.9 18.4 17.8
Non-practicing
Catholic 37.7 38.8 40.2 37.3 33.3 22.5 29.8 42.9 21.6 39.1 36.6
Believer of another
religion 2.7 0.5 2.3 2.8 4.7 0.8 1.2 0.4 21.1 20.9 3.2
Agnostic (neither
denies nor excludes
the existence of God) 11.3 17.1 10.2 14.2 10.5 14.7 15.8 15.9 0 4 12.1
Indifferent,
non-believer 14.9 7.2 18 12.8 10.8 13.8 15 11.7 29.1 10 12.7
Atheist (denies the
existence of God) 18.2 8.2 13 17.1 17.7 19.1 13.5 7.9 4.2 7.6 16.1
N.C. 0.7 0.6 1.6 0.6 0.7 4.1 0.5 0 0 0 1.5
(N) 405 123 261 437 123 60 204 31 4 5 4007
Religions 2025,16, 417 22 of 25
Table A5. Religiosity of respondent by studies level (%) (CIS 2024).
No Formal
Education Primary
Secondary
1st Stage
Secondary
2nd Stage F.P. University Others N.C. Total
Practicing
Catholic 18.2 41.2 18.9 12.5 10 15.2 0 28.2 17.8
Non-practicing
Catholic 54.7 35.2 40.6 36.5 38.4 28.7 63.5 33.2 36.6
Believer of
another religion 5.8 2.6 3.6 2.6 4.9 2 0 0 3.2
Agnostic (neither
denies nor
excludes the
existence of God)
0 7.1 10.2 15.7 11.6 16.5 0 0 12.1
Indifferent,
non-believer 15 5.5 10.2 13.6 15.4 15.2 36.5 21.1 12.7
Atheist (denies
the existence of
God) 3 4.9 15.2 18.1 18.7 21.3 0 0 16.1
N.C. 3.3 3.4 1.3 1 0.9 1.1 0 17.5 1.5
(N) 184 383 1153 636 535 1084 11 22 4007
Total
non-religion 18 17.5 35.6 47.4 45.7 53 40.9
Table A6. Respondent’s religiosity by party vote in the 2023 general election (%) (CIS 2024).
PP
PSOE VOX
Add
ERC Junts
EH
Bildu
EAJ-
PNV Other
Matches
Null+
White
Did
Not
Vote
No Condi-
tions for
Voting
N.R+
N.C.
Total
Practicing
Catholic 35.3 11.1 22.1 3 7 16.8 0 37.6 9.8 13.1 14.1 8 27.2 17.8
Non-practicing
Catholic 47.8 37.9 46.5 11.8 36.7 33.9 17.8 28.7 28.8 34 34.1 37 38.8 36.6
Believer of
another religion 0.7 2.2 5.7 1.1 0 1.8 7.3 0 6.6 5.1 7.5 5.8 1.4 3.2
Agnostic
(neither denies
nor excludes the
existence of
God)
4.2 16 7.5 19.3 19.9 11 32.4 15.7 13 23 10 21.3 9.3 12.1
Indifferent,
non-believer 5.3 15.2 11.1 17.3 12.5 12.2 18 9.8 14.5 10.6 16.5 7.9 10.8 12.7
Atheist (denies
the existence of
God) 5.5 17 6.9 47.3 22.7 24.4 24.5 8.2 25.5 12.9 14.1 16.6 9.2 16.1
N.C. 1.3 0.6 0.2 0.3 1.2 0 0 0 1.8 1.3 3.8 3.5 3.4 1.5
(N) 747
1036
327 397 46 53 34 27 139 118 643 60 380
4007
Total
non-religion 15 48.2 25.2 83.9 55.1 47.6 74.9 33.7 53 46.5 40.6 45.8 40.9
Notes
1
Based on Lee’s (2015, p. 85) definition of secularity “as a turn away from religion so that the religious becomes a
secondary concern”.
2
More information on the sociodemographic data of the interviewees can be found in Appendix A. To refer to the content of the
interviews throughout the article, I will use the anonymized name and/or interview code that is given in Table A1.
3More details on the data in Tables A2–A6 are included in Appendix B.
4
While in 1998 and 2008 the CIS-ISSP survey allowed the choice of responses “no religion” and “atheist”, in 2017, these were
reduced to “no religion”.
5Cf. Available online: https://laicismo.org/quienes-somos/ (accessed on 21 January 2025).
6
In the case of the CIS studies, which constitute a fundamental source for this article, alongside the option “ateo” [atheist], CIS
includes the following clarification of the word in the questionnaire: niegan la existencia de Dios [they deny the existence of God].
7
It is interesting to note that Gustavo Bueno was honorary president of DENAES [Defensa de la Nación Española, “Defence of the
Spanish Nation”], which was founded—among others—by Santiago Abascal, leader of the far-right party Vox in Spain. See
https://nacionespanola.org/actualidad/fallece-el-filosofo-gustavo-bueno/ (accessed on 25 January 2025).
Religions 2025,16, 417 23 of 25
References
Astor, Avi, Rosa Martínez-Cuadros, and Víctor Albert-Blanco. 2023. Religious representation and performative citizenship: The civic
dimensions of Shia lamentation rituals in Barcelona. Social Compass 70: 20–37. [CrossRef]
Álvarez Junco, José. 2001. Mater Dolorosa: La idea de España en el siglo XIX. Madrid: Taurus.
Banham, Rebecca. 2024. Encountering Forests with Purpose: The Role of Routine and Ritual in (a) Nonreligious Practice. Journal for the
Academic Study of Religion 37: 339–60. [CrossRef]
Beaumont, Justin, Klaus Eder, and Eduardo Mendieta. 2020. Reflexive secularization? concepts, processes, and antagonisms of
postsecularity. European Journal of Social Theory 23: 291–309. [CrossRef]
Becci, Irene. 2018. Religious Superdiversity and Gray Zones in Public Total Institutions. Journal of Religion in Europe 11: 123–37.
[CrossRef]
Beider, Nadia. 2023. Religious residue: The impact of childhood religious socialization on the religiosity of nones in France, Germany,
Great Britain, and Sweden. The British Journal of Sociology 74: 50–68. [CrossRef]
Berger, Peter. 1967. The Sacred Canopy: Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion. Garden City: Doubleday.
Berger, Peter. 2016. Los numerosos altares de la modernidad: En busca de un paradigma para la religión en una época pluralista. Salamanca: Sígueme.
Berger, Peter, and Thomas Luckmann. 1979. La construcción social de la realidad. Buenos Aires: Amorrortu.
Beriain, Josetxo. 2012. Tiempos de postsecularidad: Desafíos de pluralismo para la teoría. In Dialécticas de la postsecularidad. Pluralismo
y corrientes de secularización. Edited by Ignacio Sánchez de la Yncera and Marta Rodríguez Fouz. Barcelona: Anthropos, pp. 31–92.
Beyer, Peter. 2021. Theoretical and Methodological Background to Understandings of (Non)religion’. In Nonreligious Imaginaries of
World Repairing. Edited by Lori G. Beaman and Timothy Stacey. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 19–28.
Blankholm, Joseph. 2022. The Secular Paradox. On the Religiosity of Not Religious. New York: New York University Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 2000. Cosas Dichas. Barcelona: Gedisa.
Bravo Vega, Fabián. 2024. ‘No-religión’ y ‘religiosidad liminal’: Propuestas investigativas para el estudio de la desafección religiosa
institucional en América Latina. ’Ilu. Revista de Ciencias de Las Religiones 29: e90731. [CrossRef]
Bréchon, Pierre. 2020. Sociologie de l’athéisme et de l’indifférence religieuse. In Indifférence religieuse ou athéisme militant? Penser l’irréligion
aujourd’hui. Edited by Pierre Bréchon and Anne-Laure Zwilling. Fontaine: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, pp. 53–69.
Bruce, Steve. 2002. God Is Dead: Secularization in the West. Oxford: Blackwell.
Bueno, Gustavo. 2007. La fe del ateo: Las verdaderas razones del enfrentamiento de la Iglesia con el gobierno socialista. Madrid: Temas de Hoy.
Bullivant, Stephen. 2022. Nonverts. The Making of Ex-Christian America. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bullivant, Stephen, Miguel Farias, Jonathan Lanman, and Lois Lee. 2019. Understanding Unbelief. Atheists and Agnostics Around the
World. Interim Findings from 2019 Research in Brazil, China, Denmark, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Available
online: https://kar.kent.ac.uk/78815/ (accessed on 20 January 2025).
Campbell, Colin. 1977. Hacia una sociología de la irreligión. Madrid: Editorial Tecnos.
Casanova, José. 1994. Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Casula, Mattia. 2015. Between Secularization and Desecularization. What Future does Religion have in a Globalized World? Religioni e
SocietàXXX: 49–61.
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). 1998. Religión (I) (International Social Survey Programme). Estudio 2301. Available
online: https://www.cis.es/detalle-ficha-estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=1290 (accessed on 18 December 2024).
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). 2000. Barómetro de marzo 2000: Cultura política. Estudio 2387. Available online:
https://www.cis.es/es/detalle-ficha-estudio?idEstudio=1375 (accessed on 18 December 2024).
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). 2008. Religión (II) (International Social Survey Programme). Estudio 2776. Available
online: https://www.cis.es/detalle-ficha-estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=10382 (accessed on 18 December 2024).
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). 2017. Redes sociales I/Religión (III) (International Social Survey Programme). Estudio 3197.
Available online: https://www.cis.es/detalle-ficha-estudio?origen=estudio&idEstudio=14366 (accessed on 18 December 2024).
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). 2024. Barómetro de julio de 2024. Estudio 3468. Available online: https://www.cis.es/ca/
detalle-ficha-estudio?idEstudio=14828 (accessed on 18 December 2024).
Cordero, Guillermo. 2014. La activación del voto religioso en España (1979–2011). Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas
147: 3–20. [CrossRef]
Cornejo Valle, Mónica, and Maribel Blázquez Rodríguez. 2024. Espiritualidad sin religión: Características de la espiritualidad no
afiliada en Madrid. Cuestiones de Pluralismo 4. [CrossRef]
Cotter, Christopher R. 2020. The Critical Study of Non-Religion: Discourse, Identification and Locality. London: Bloomsbury Academic.
Da Costa, Néstor, Gustavo Morello, Hugo Rabbia, and Catalina Romero. 2021. Exploring the Nonaffiliated in South America. Journal of
the American Academy of Religion 89: 562–87.
Davie, Grace. 2006. Religion in Europe in the 21st Century: The Factors to Take into Account. European Journal of Sociology 47: 271–96.
[CrossRef]
Day, Abby. 2010. Researching Belief without Asking Religious Questions. Fieldwork in Religion 4: 86–104. [CrossRef]
Religions 2025,16, 417 24 of 25
De la Cueva, Julio, and Feliciano Montero. 2007. Introducción: Clericalismo y anticlericalismo en la España contemporánea. In La secularización
conflictiva en España (1898–1931). Edited by Julio de la Cueva and Feliciano Montero. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, pp. 9–22.
Díaz de Rada, Vidal, and Javier Gil-Gimeno. 2023. Have the Inhabitants of France, Great Britain, Spain, and the US Been Secularized?
An Analysis Comparing the Religious Data in These Countries. Religions 14: 1005. [CrossRef]
Díaz Salazar, Rafael. 1994. La religión vacía. Una análisis de la transición religiosa en Occidente. In Formas modernas de religión. Edited
by Rafael Díaz-Salazar, Salvador Giner and Fernando Velasco. Madrid: Alianza, pp. 71–114.
Díaz Salazar, Rafael. 2007. España laica: Ciudadanía plural y convivencia nacional. Madrid: Espasa.
Esposito, Jennifer, and Venus Evans-Winters. 2022. Introduction to Intersectional Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks: SAGE.
Forlenza, Rosario. 2018. ‘Abendland in Christian hands’ Religion and populism in contemporary European politics. In Populism and
the Crisis of Democracy. Migration, Gender and Religion. Edited by Gregor Fitzi, Juergen Mackert and Bryan Turner. New York:
Routledge, vol. 3, pp. 133–49.
Furseth, Inger. 2018. Secularization, Deprivatization, or Religious Complexity? In Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere Comparing
Nordic Countries. Edited by Inger Furseth. Cham: Springer, pp. 291–312.
García Martín, Joseba, and Ignacia Perugorría. 2024. Fighting against assisted dying in Spain: Catholic-inspired civic mobilization
during the COVID-19 pandemic. Politics and Religion 17: 315–40. [CrossRef]
Giddens, Anthony, and Philip W. Sutton. 2021. Sociology. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Glock, Charles Y. 1971. Sobre las dimensiones de la religiosidad. In Introducción a la sociología de la religión. Edited by Joachim Matthes.
Madrid: Alianza Editorial, pp. 166–88.
Gray, John. 2019. Siete tipos de ateísmo. Madrid: Sexto Piso.
Habermas, Jürgen. 2006. Entre naturalismo y religión. Barcelona: Paidós Ibérica.
Habermas, Jürgen. 2008. Apostillas sobre una sociedad postsecular. Revista Colombiana de Sociología 31: 169–83.
Hancock, Rosemary. 2024. ‘Lived’ Environmentalism: Lifestyle Politics or Nonreligious Worldview? Journal for the Academic Study of
Religion 37: 274–96. [CrossRef]
Herranz-de-Rafael, Gonzalo, and Juan S. Fernández-Prados. 2024. Religious Beliefs and Socialization: An Empirical Study on the
Transformation of Religiosity in Spain from 1998 to 2018. Religions 15: 848. [CrossRef]
Inglehart, Ronald F. 2020. Giving Up on God The Global Decline of Religion. Foreign Affairs. August 11. Available online: https:
//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2020-08-11/religion-giving-god (accessed on 11 December 2024).
Joppke, Christian Georg. 2018. Culturalizing religion in Western Europe: Patterns and puzzles. Social Compass 65: 234–46.
Kasselstrand, Isabella. 2015. Nonbelievers in the Church: A Study of Cultural Religion in Sweden. Sociology of Religion 76: 275–94.
[CrossRef]
Latour, Bruno. 1993. Nunca hemos sido modernos: Ensayo de antropología simétrica. Madrid: Debate.
Lee, Lois. 2015. Recognizing the Non-Religious: Reimagining the Secular. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lee, Lois. 2016. Non-religion. In The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion. Edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, pp. 84–94.
Leguina, Joaquín, and Alejandro Macarrón. 2023. Transformación y crisis de la institución matrimonial en España, Observatorio
Demográfico/CEU–CEFAS. Available online: https://cefas.ceu.es/wp-content/uploads/Informe-Nupcialidad-Observatorio-
Demografico.pdf (accessed on 15 March 2025).
Luckmann, Thomas. 1973. La religión invisible: El problema de la religión en la sociedad moderna. Salamanca: Sígueme.
Luhmann, Niklas. 2007. La religión de la sociedad. Madrid: Editorial Trotta.
Mauritsen, Anne Lundahl, Jørn Borup, Marie Vejrup Nielsen, and Benjamin Grant Purzycki. 2023. Cultural Religion: Patterns of
Contemporary Majority Religion in Denmark. Journal of Contemporary Religion 38: 261–81. [CrossRef]
Mauss, Armand L. 1969. Dimensions of Religious Defection. Review of Religious Research 10: 128–35.
Moreno, Isidoro. 2008. La Semana Santa andaluza como “hecho social total” y marcador cultural: Continuidades, refuncionalizaciones
y resignificaciones. In La Semana Santa: Antropología y religión en Latinoamérica. Edited by José Luis Alonso Ponga, David Álvarez
Cineira, María Pilar Panero García and Pablo Tirado Marro. Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Valladolid, pp. 193–205.
Murphy, James, Fergal W. Jones, and Dennis Nigbur. 2023. Seeing is Believing: An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of the
Experiences of the “Spiritual But Not Religious” in Britain. Secularism and Nonreligion 12: 2. [CrossRef]
Navarra Ordoño, Andreu. 2019. El ateísmo. La aventura de pensar libremente en España. Madrid: Cátedra.
Observatorio del Pluralismo Religioso en España. 2013. II Encuesta sobre opiniones y actitudes de los españoles ante la dimen-
sión cotidiana de la religiosidad y su gestión pública. Madrid: Observatorio del Pluralismo Religioso en España. Available
online: https://observatorioreligion.es/upload/74/95/II_Encuesta_sobre_opiniones_y_actitudes_de_los_espanoles_ante_la_
dimension_cotidiana_de_la_religiosidad_y_su_gestion_publica.pdf (accessed on 19 December 2024).
Pew Research Center. 2018. Being Christian in Western Europe. Available online: https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2018/05/29
/being-christian-in-western-europe/ (accessed on 15 January 2025).
Pérez-Agote, Alfonso. 2012. Cambio religioso en España: Los avatares de la secularización. Madrid: CIS.
Religions 2025,16, 417 25 of 25
Pérez-Agote, Alfonso. 2014. The notion of secularization: Drawing the boundaries of its contemporary scientific validity. Current
Sociology 62: 886–904.
Portier, Philippe. 2020. Conclusion. Une sociologie de l’arreligion contemporaine. In Indifférence religieuse ou athéisme militant?
Penser l’irréligion aujourd’hui. Edited by Pierre Bréchon and Anne-Laure Zwilling. Fontaine: Presses universitaires de Grenoble,
pp. 157–69.
Quack, Johannes, and Cora Schuh. 2017. Conceptualising Religious Indifferences in Relation to Religion and Nonreligion. In Religious
Indifference. New Perspectives from Studies on Secularization and Nonreligion. Edited by Johannes Quack and Cora Schuh. Cham:
Springer, pp. 1–24.
Rosa, Hartmut. 2019. Resonancia. Una sociología de la relación con el mundo. Buenos Aires and Madrid: Katz.
Ruiz Andrés, Rafael. 2022a. Historical Sociology and Secularisation: The Political Use of ‘Culturalised Religion’ by the Radical Right in
Spain. Journal of Historical Sociology 35: 250–63. [CrossRef]
Ruiz Andrés, Rafael. 2022b. La secularización en España. Rupturas y cambios religiosos desde la sociología histórica. Madrid: Cátedra.
Ruiz Andrés, Rafael. 2022c. La postsecularización. Un nuevo paradigma en sociología de la religión. Política y Sociedad 59: e72876.
[CrossRef]
Ruiz Andrés, Rafael. 2024. La no-religión: Una realidad creciente y plural en España. Cuestiones de pluralismo 4. [CrossRef]
Ruiz Andrés, Rafael, and Zakaria Sajir. 2023. Desinformación e islamofobia en tiempos de infodemia. Un análisis sociológico desde
España. Revista Internacional de Sociología 81: e236. [CrossRef]
Sajir, Zakaria. 2023. A Post-Secular Approach to Managing Diversity in Liberal Democracies: Exploring the Interplay of Human Rights,
Religious Identity, and Inclusive Governance in Western Societies. Religions 14: 1325. [CrossRef]
Sajir, Zakaria, and Rafael Ruiz Andrés, eds. 2025. Religious Diversity in Post Secular Societies Conceptual Foundations, Public Management
and Upcoming Prospects. Cham: Springer.
Salguero, Óscar, and Hutan Hejazi. 2020. El islam en el espacio público madrileño. Disparidades. Revista de Antropología 75: e011.
[CrossRef]
Saroglou, Vassilis. 2014. Conclusion: Understanding religion and irreligion. In Religion, Personality, and Social Behavior. Edited by
Vassilis Saroglou. New York: Psychology Press, pp. 361–91.
Silverman, David. 2020. Interpreting Qualitative Data. London: SAGE.
Smith, Jesse M. 2011. Becoming an Atheist in America: Constructing Identity and Meaning from the Rejection of Theism. Sociology of
Religion 72: 215–37. [CrossRef]
Taves, Ann. 2020. From religious studies to worldview studies. Religions 50: 137–47. [CrossRef]
Taylor, Charles. 2014. La era secular. Barcelona: Gedisa, vol. II.
Taylor, Steven J., Robert Bodgan, and Majorie L. De Vault. 2016. Introduction to Qualitative Research Methods. A Guidebook and Resource.
Hoboken: Wiley.
Thiessen, Joel, and Sarah Wilkins-Laflamme. 2020. None of the Above: Nonreligious Identity in the US and Canada. New York: New York
University Press.
Torres Macías, Augusto. 2021. Las organizaciones de descreídos en habla hispana. Balajú. Revista de cultura y comunicación de la
Universidad Veracruzana 15: 25–55. [CrossRef]
Tschannen, Olivier. 1991. The Secularization Paradigm: A Systematization. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30: 395–415.
[CrossRef]
Turner, Brian S. 2010. Religion in a Post-secular Society. In The New Blackwell Companion to The Sociology of Religion. Edited by Brian S.
Turner. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 649–67.
Turpin, Hugh. 2020. Leaving Roman Catholicism. In Handbook of Leaving Religion. Edited by Daniel Enstedt, Göran Larsson and Teemu
T. Mantsinen. Leiden: Brill, pp. 186–99.
Uriarte, Luzio. 2017. La “no-religión” y su vivencia. Estudos de Religião31: 207–31. [CrossRef]
Waite, Hannah. 2022. The Nones: Who Are They and What Do They Believe? London: Theos.
Weber, Max. 2014. Conceptos sociológicos fundamentales. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. First published 1922.
Zuckerman, Phil, Luke W. Galen, and Frank Pasquale. 2016. The Nonreligious. Understanding Secular People and Societies. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual
author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to
people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.
Content uploaded by Rafael Ruiz Andrés
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Rafael Ruiz Andrés on Mar 30, 2025
Content may be subject to copyright.
