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AI Individualism: Transforming Social Structures in the Age of Social Artificial Intelligence

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The introduction of the internet and social media has significantly shifted social practices and the foundations of social capital, making people less constrained by time, space, and close-knit communities for their social interactions. This transformation is evolving further with the growing adoption of social artificial intelligence and socially oriented human-AI interactions. However, little is known about the impact of social AI on the social structures of society, and there is a lack of conceptual frameworks to describe this ongoing transformation. This article addresses this gap by introducing the concept of “AI individualism,” building on Wellman’s notion of “networked individualism.” It examines relevant concepts, empirical evidence, technical features, and trends within social AI. Networked individualism describes an internet-driven shift from traditional group-oriented structures to dispersed, individually focused networks, where people can tailor their own social support and access more novel and varied information from these networks. AI individualism predicts a further transformation, where people become less dependent on human interactions, relying more on social AI for tailored information, relational experiences, practical help, and emotional support. This shift may change social structures by enhancing individual control over social support and fundamentally altering human interaction, connectivity, and social capital. As people increasingly turn to social AI for support and interaction, social connections may become more individualized and less community-based. A key takeaway is that while networked individualism is seen as reducing the importance of strong ties, AI individualism may potentially reduce the importance of weak ties as these may in part be substituted by social AI. The conceptualization of AI individualism, outlined in this article, can provide a framework for future research to understand the social implications of social AI.

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Internet social media have emerged as important contexts for friendship and social development during adolescence and the transition to adulthood. In this review, we consider how young people’s friendships via social networking sites reflect broader sociocultural shifts away from tight knit, face-to-face communities to “networked individualism,” a system of sociality that places the individual at the center of personally tailored social networks unencumbered by physical limitations (Wellman, Digital cities II: Computational and Sociological Approaches, 2002, pp. 10–25). In line with networked individualism, we propose that customized sociality is a principle cohering many of the features of friendship on social networking sites. Research suggests that adolescents and emerging adults have at their disposal convenient and efficient tools for relatedness, and at the same time, increased options for autonomy. Alongside these changes are new opportunities and risks for happiness in the journey to adulthood. Among the opportunities are increased convenience for cultivating closeness with friends and enhanced access to social information and social capital, which lend themselves to forms of social support conducive to happiness in a mobile world. The risks youth face include the allure of transient pleasures of instant gratification friendship and social snacking, increased demands to negotiate promotional self-presentations broadcasted by shallow networks of contacts, and the challenge to cultivate happiness in a social world that seems to increasingly define self-worth and life satisfaction based on image, success, and popularity.
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A multidisciplinary examination of the interplay between social capital—the value derived from social ties—and information technology. The concept of social capital, or the value that can be derived from social ties created by goodwill, mutual support, shared language, common beliefs, and a sense of mutual obligation, has been applied to a number of fields, from sociology to management. It is only lately, however, that researchers in information technology and knowledge management have begun to explore the idea of social capital in relation to their fields. This collection of thirteen essays by computer scientists, sociologists, communication specialists, economists, and others presents a multidisciplinary look at this particular intersection of information technology and social science and the need to adopt a sociotechnical perspective.For the most part the contributors take a positive view of the interplay of social capital, knowledge sharing, and community building. Some essays look at specific instances, including the on-line and face-to-face relationships of a community of athletes, the building of social capital among Iranian NGOs, and the Internet-based communities created by the open-source movement, while others discuss more general ideas of civic and personal communities. The last four essays examine computer applications that augment social capital, including topic- and member-centered communications spaces such as the Expert Finder and the Loops system and virtual repositories of knowledge such as the Answer Garden and Pearls of Wisdom.
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Reassembling the Social is a fundamental challenge from one of the world’s leading social theorists to how we understand society and the ‘social ‘. Bruno Latour’s contention is that the word ‘social’, as used by Social Scientists, has become laden with assumptions to the point where it has become misnomer. When the adjective is applied to a phenomenon, it is used to indicate a stablilized state of affairs, a bundle of ties that in due course may be used to account for another phenomenon. But Latour also finds the word used as if it described a type of material, in a comparable way to an adjective such as ‘wooden’ or ‘steely ‘. Rather than simply indicating what is already assembled together, it is now used in a way that makes assumptions about the nature of what is assembled. It has become a word that designates two distinct things: a process of assembling; and a type of material, distinct from others. Latour shows why ‘the social’ cannot be thought of as a kind of material or domain, and disputes attempts to provide a ‘social explanations’ of other states of affairs. While these attempts have been productive (and probably necessary) in the past, the very success of the social sciences mean that they are largely no longer so. At the present stage it is no longer possible to inspect the precise constituents entering the social domain. Latour returns to the original meaning of ‘the social’ to redefine the notion, and allow it to trace connections again. It will then be possible to resume the traditional goal of the social sciences, but using more refined tools. Drawing on his extensive work examining the ‘assemblages’ of nature, Latour finds it necessary to scrutinize thoroughly the exact content of what is assembled under the umbrella of Society. This approach, a ‘sociology of associations’, has become known as Actor-Network-Theory, and this book is an essential introduction both for those seeking to understand Actor-Network Theory, or the ideas of one of its most influential proponents.
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Journal of Democracy 6.1 (1995) 65-78 As featured on National Public Radio, The New York Times, and in other major media, we offer this sold-out, much-discussed Journal of Democracy article by Robert Putnam, "Bowling Alone." You can also find information at DemocracyNet about the Journal of Democracy and its sponsor, the National Endowment for Democracy. Many students of the new democracies that have emerged over the past decade and a half have emphasized the importance of a strong and active civil society to the consolidation of democracy. Especially with regard to the postcommunist countries, scholars and democratic activists alike have lamented the absence or obliteration of traditions of independent civic engagement and a widespread tendency toward passive reliance on the state. To those concerned with the weakness of civil societies in the developing or postcommunist world, the advanced Western democracies and above all the United States have typically been taken as models to be emulated. There is striking evidence, however, that the vibrancy of American civil society has notably declined over the past several decades. Ever since the publication of Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, the United States has played a central role in systematic studies of the links between democracy and civil society. Although this is in part because trends in American life are often regarded as harbingers of social modernization, it is also because America has traditionally been considered unusually "civic" (a reputation that, as we shall later see, has not been entirely unjustified). When Tocqueville visited the United States in the 1830s, it was the Americans' propensity for civic association that most impressed him as the key to their unprecedented ability to make democracy work. "Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition," he observed, "are forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different types -- religious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America." Recently, American social scientists of a neo-Tocquevillean bent have unearthed a wide range of empirical evidence that the quality of public life and the performance of social institutions (and not only in America) are indeed powerfully influenced by norms and networks of civic engagement. Researchers in such fields as education, urban poverty, unemployment, the control of crime and drug abuse, and even health have discovered that successful outcomes are more likely in civically engaged communities. Similarly, research on the varying economic attainments of different ethnic groups in the United States has demonstrated the importance of social bonds within each group. These results are consistent with research in a wide range of settings that demonstrates the vital importance of social networks for job placement and many other economic outcomes. Meanwhile, a seemingly unrelated body of research on the sociology of economic development has also focused attention on the role of social networks. Some of this work is situated in the developing countries, and some of it elucidates the peculiarly successful "network capitalism" of East Asia. Even in less exotic Western economies, however, researchers have discovered highly efficient, highly flexible "industrial districts" based on networks of collaboration among workers and small entrepreneurs. Far from being paleoindustrial anachronisms, these dense interpersonal and interorganizational networks undergird ultramodern industries, from the high tech of Silicon Valley to the high fashion of Benetton. The norms and networks of civic engagement also powerfully affect the performance of representative government. That, at least, was the central conclusion of my own 20-year, quasi-experimental study of subnational governments in different regions of Italy. Although all these regional governments seemed identical on paper, their levels of effectiveness varied dramatically. Systematic inquiry showed that the quality of governance was determined by longstanding traditions of civic engagement (or its absence). Voter turnout, newspaper readership, membership in choral societies and football clubs -- these were the hallmarks of a successful region. In fact, historical analysis suggested that these networks of organized reciprocity and civic solidarity...