Content uploaded by Neha Mungekar
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Neha Mungekar on Apr 06, 2025
Content may be subject to copyright.
Repairing urban water governance through informality: comparing governance
capacities for reparation in Indian cities
Neha Mungekar a,b,*, Katharina Hölscher c, Annelli Janssen aand Derk Loorbach a
a
Dutch Research Institute for Transitions (DRIFT), Erasmus University Rotterdam, PO 1738, Room T16-53, 3000 DR Rotterdam, The Netherlands
b
Erasmus School of Social and Behavioural Sciences (ESSB), Erasmus University Rotterdam, 3062 PA Rotterdam, The Netherlands
c
Spatial Planning and International Development Sections, Department of Human Geography and Spatial Planning, Faculty of Geosciences,
Utrecht University, Princetonlaan 8a, 3584 CB Utrecht, The Netherlands
*Corresponding author. E-mail: mungekar@drift.eur.nl
NM, 0000-0002-4663-0716; KH, 0000-0002-4504-3368; AJ, 0000-0003-0592-4803; DL, 0000-0002-4422-0019
ABSTRACT
Addressing water challenges in resource-constrained ‘Southern’cities requires ‘reparation’, a transformative governance
approach rooted in restorative justice. In India, formal governance often struggles to tackle social stratification and colonial lega-
cies effectively, sometimes even reinforcing them. This study compares how informality can foster reparative transformation
towards the water-sensitive city approach, further referred to as ‘water sensitivity’in secondary cities like Bhuj and Bhopal.
Our findings reveal that informal strategies foster consolidative and jugaadu (innovation within constraints) capacities, which
help reveal the multifaceted nature of water problems, dismantle hierarchical power structures, promote care, and enable
the improvisations crucial for reparation. However, informality also risks perpetuating existing inequalities and may overlook
long-term environmental sustainability without a clear normative focus on reparation. To address this, combining informal
approaches within formal regulatory frameworks mitigates the instability and lack of sustainability inherent in informality.
While informal strategies provide flexibility and innovation, formal frameworks offer the necessary stability, legitimacy, and con-
tinuity, ensuring the embedding of reparative efforts in the socio-cultural fabric. In conclusion, informality is critical to reparative
efforts as it facilitates the incorporation of transdisciplinary perspectives from non-experts and sustains necessary improvisa-
tions through fostering a sense of care, ultimately advancing water-sensitive governance.
Key words: Cities, Global South, Governance capacities, Informality, Reparative transformation, Water-sensitive city (WSC)
HIGHLIGHTS
•Informality fosters collaboration between marginalised communities and authorities, bringing forward often overlooked per-
spectives.
•The study presents the transformative potential of informality to enable reparation towards water sensitivity.
•Reparative capacities support self-organisation and frugal innovation for water-sensitive solutions.
•The study integrates restorative justice principles.
1. INTRODUCTION
Cities in the Global South are increasingly adopting the water-sensitive city (WSC) approach to address the esca-
lating challenges of providing reliable, safe, and equitable water services (Mguni et al., 2022). These challenges
are exacerbated by climate change, deteriorating infrastructure, and rapid urbanisation, which significantly
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence (CC BY 4.0), which permits copying,
adaptation and redistribution, provided the original work is properly cited (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
© 2025 The Authors Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 1 doi: 10.2166/wp.2025.273
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
strain efforts to protect ecological resources and serve marginalised communities (Bichai & Flamini, 2017). These
issues are particularly pronounced in secondary cities, where infrastructure development often lags behind popu-
lation growth (Marais & Cloete, 2017). In response, existing water management models, rooted in the ‘modern
infrastructure ideal,’tend to prioritise filling these infrastructural gaps (Bichai & Flamini, 2017). However,
these technocratic and standardised solutions often remain disconnected from local ecological needs, overlook
systemic issues, and fail to address deeply rooted social inequalities that influence access to water resources
(Kaika, 2004).
In contrast, water sensitivity envisions a future where water resilience becomes a catalyst for societal transform-
ation, advocating for decentralised, integrated approaches that not only meet technical needs but also require and
promote social change (Bichai & Flamini, 2017). These approaches engage with the socio-political and historical
injustices of the colonial past, demanding more democratic and inclusive governance (Mguni et al., 2022). How-
ever, transforming towards water sensitivity, especially in resource-constrained and socially complex settings like
Indian cities, requires governance approaches that address infrastructural, cultural, and institutional shifts. This
should emphasise a pragmatic approach to adapting to resource limitations and social complexities rather than
introducing entirely new structures and values that could become cumbersome and potentially cause more harm
(Giordano & Shah, 2014).
Reparative governance, as we define it in this context, is a form of transformative governance crucial for addres-
sing the socio-political inequities and historical injustices entrenched in colonial legacies that persist not only in
imported infrastructures but also in institutions, perpetuating social and ecological problems that conventional
approaches often overlook. By intertwining transformation with restorative justice, reparative governance
actively works to rectify longstanding injustices, ensuring that the benefits of transformation are equitably distrib-
uted and sustainable across generations (Broto et al., 2021). Without such an approach, efforts to implement
water-sensitive management risk falling into the trap of superficial changes –often termed greenwashing –
where the root socio-political issues remain unaddressed, or even exacerbated, by reinforcing the status quo
with new, exclusionary value systems (Kaika, 2004). By focusing on incremental, context-sensitive change, repara-
tive governance aims to address the historical and socio-political inequities embedded in water governance,
thereby repairing the socio-political fabric and ensuring that the transformation is both just and enduring
across generations (Wahby, 2021).
Informality serves as the empirical context within which water governance operates in Indian cities, mainly
where formal structures are inadequate or disconnected from local realities (Roy, 2009;McFarlane, 2012). Recog-
nising how informality functions is essential for understanding how shifts towards reparative governance can be
facilitated, enabling transformation in resource-constrained and socially complex settings. In settings character-
ised by diverse social structures, historical legacies, and cultural norms, we examine water governance in Bhuj
and Bhopal to explore how informality functions as an organising logic within deliberately deregulated environ-
ments and supports reparative practices. These deregulated contexts demonstrate the strategic withdrawal of
regulatory power, shaping how resources are allocated, and authority is exercised, potentially enabling the par-
ticipation of non-state actors, such as local communities and informal networks (Roy, 2009).
A crucial question in advancing reparative governance is how informality can reconfigure power dynamics to
enable historically marginalised groups to gain a voice in decision-making, and how this approach can promote
equitable resource distribution through continuous negotiation and bargaining with entrenched governance struc-
tures. Unlike traditional governance, which often relies on rigid, technocratic methods, informality fosters co-
production through ‘hybrid’systems that blend formal and informal practices, making governance more ‘fluid’
and responsive to local needs (Ahlers et al., 2014;Wahby, 2021). However, informality is not always equitable
or just –it can provide adaptive solutions where formal systems fall short, but it also risks entrenching patronage,
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 2
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
reinforcing pre-existing hierarchies, or creating new exclusions (Funder & Marani, 2015). While we acknowledge
these potential pitfalls, our focus is on examining how informality’s qualities can be leveraged in secondary
Indian cities like Bhuj and Bhopal to balance adaptability and equity while critically engaging with the risks it
poses in shaping governance outcomes. Although the previous studies have highlighted the transformative poten-
tial of informality, less attention has been given to understanding how actors’agency within informal governance
arrangements mobilises resources, facilitates participation in decision-making, and drives knowledge production
and dissemination to achieve reparation. To address this gap, we assess these dynamics through the lens of gov-
ernance capacity, extending the work of Hölscher et al., (2019) to study how informal practices are enacted –
examining how and by whom informality is driven, the conditions it creates for organisation, innovation, and
flexibility, and whether these conditions enable reparative outcomes by addressing socio-political inequities
and historical injustices. This agency-focused perspective also allows for exploring the conscious and subcon-
scious motivations behind informal actions, enabling an assessment of whether the intentionality driving these
practices aligns with the objectives of reparation. In addition to examining the underlying motivations and inten-
tions governing actions, an agency-focused approach illuminates how individuals and groups strategically
negotiate formal structures to achieve reparative outcomes within the contextual constraints of their environ-
ments (Cleaver, 2002). By investigating how informality contributes to the development of consolidative and
jugaadu capacities, this study offers a comparative analysis of informal governance’s potential to drive reparative
governance and achieve water sensitivity in cities like Bhuj and Bhopal.
Comparing Bhuj and Bhopal –two cities facing distinct geographical and climatic challenges –allows us to
assess how informal governance can address persistent water governance challenges to achieve water sensi-
tivity. Bhuj, grappling with water scarcity and salination, and Bhopal, struggling with unequal access to
clean water and risks of contamination, reflect governance structures common in other secondary cities.
Despite their differences, our study explores whether hybrid formal–informal governance models can address
these challenges, contributing to a broader understanding of the potential for informality in facilitating repara-
tion towards water sensitivity.
The remainder of this paper is structured as follows: we first outline the capacities framework and how inform-
ality supports reparation, followed by our methodology. We then apply the framework to illustrate the reparative
capacities in Bhopal and Bhuj, concluding with a discussion on how informality has enhanced water sensitivity in
these contexts.
2. REPARATIVE GOVERNANCE AND INFORMALITY
This section presents our reparative governance capacities framework, aiming to investigate how informality con-
tributes to reparative efforts towards water sensitivity. We first define reparative governance in relation to water
sensitivity in Southern cities. The framework helps to describe how capacities are supported by informality to
facilitate reparative actions, which entails consolidation and jugaad (noun form for jugaadu) to enable reparation
for achieving water sensitivity.
2.1. Reparative urban water governance
Reparation, as a transformative approach, seeks to fundamentally reshape urban water governance systems by
addressing the complex, uncertain, and contested dynamics of urban transformations while being mindful of his-
torical injustices that should not be perpetuated (Broto et al., 2021). This approach is particularly relevant in
contexts like India, where historical legacies of inequality rooted in colonial exploitation, caste discrimination,
and religious divides continue to shape contemporary social and environmental challenges. In practice, repara-
tive water governance aspires to address systemic injustices by acknowledging and including historically
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 3
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
marginalised needs and practices by prioritising local and culturally contextual solutions. For instance, it would
focus on restoring ecological integrity, creating more equitable access to water resources, and prioritising just and
equitable goals in water management. Rather than merely restoring systems to their original state, reparation
focuses on fostering a sensibility towards long-term healing and amendment (Bhan, 2019;Broto et al., 2021).
Reparation is especially pertinent in urban water management, particularly in the pursuit of water sensitivity,
which requires managing water in an ecologically sustainable and socially equitable manner as described by
Bichai & Flamini (2017). Achieving such shifts in approaches often necessitates transformative processes that
can be resource-intensive, weaken accountability, and may exacerbate social divides if not carefully managed
(Giordano & Shah, 2014). For instance, initiatives aimed at greening urban areas, such as lakes, might inadver-
tently lead to gentrification, disproportionately affecting local indigenous populations (Kim & Jung, 2019).
Moreover, the transplantation of urban green space concepts from developed countries to tropical regions in
the Global South can prove unsustainable and exacerbate social divisions due to varied enforcement policies
regarding access. This underscores the need to integrate sustainability with justice goals, ensuring that efforts
do not result in exclusive and unequal outcomes.
Reparation emphasises healing, reconciliation, and mending of relationships, centring restorative justice as a
normative foundation while pursuing sustainability goals (Broto et al., 2021). In the context of water sensitivity,
it ensures that reparative water governance efforts actively work to include marginalised voices and bring forth
the subaltern frames of water challenges, thereby healing the divisions caused by past injustices while drawing on
cultural knowledge and local practices to ensure relevance without perpetuating harm. Care, as a critical societal
practice, facilitates this process by prioritising empathetic engagement and the sustained inclusion of these voices
in decision-making processes, embodying a commitment to reconfiguring the relationships that underpin water
governance (Conradi, 2015). Especially in secondary cities in India, where financial constraints, social stratifica-
tion, and colonial legacies create unique challenges, reparation is crucial in addressing the social inequities that
hinder water sensitivity goals.
2.2. Capacities for reparative governance
Addressing water challenges in the Global South, particularly in India, requires a governance approach that is
both adaptable and attuned to local contexts. With its inherent flexibility, informality offers a promising mechan-
ism for advancing reparative efforts in socio-environmentally complex and resource-constrained settings.
Reparation requires a governance model capable of navigating through cultural complexities and addressing his-
torical injustices –objectives that formal governance, often constrained by rigid and lengthy bureaucratic
frameworks, may struggle to achieve effectively. As Cleaver (2002) notes, formal governance structures tend to
rely on technocratic solutions that overlook the socially embedded nature of local practices. Similarly, McFarlane
(2012) argues that rigid distinctions between formal and informal governance can worsen inequalities, as formal
systems are often inadequate for meeting the evolving and context-specific needs of resource-constrained urban
environments.
However, while informality offers adaptability, it also carries risks, such as the potential to perpetuate
inequalities or be co-opted by powerful actors if not carefully managed (Funder & Marani, 2015). The effec-
tiveness of informality frequently depends on its integration with formal structures, which provide the
necessary legitimacy and accountability. Scholars illustrate a hybrid governance arrangement, wherein infor-
mal networks operate as ‘tentacles’that support and complement formal processes (Ahlers et al., 2014;
Wahby, 2021). This hybrid governance model proves particularly effective in contexts where formal govern-
ance alone is insufficient to address local complexities. Roy (2009) conceptualises this strategic blending of
formal and informal governance as ‘calculated informality,’occurring in deregulated environments, where
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 4
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
regulations are selectively and temporarily withdrawn. Given these dynamics, exploring how informality can
genuinely support reparative efforts in India’s resource-constrained secondary cities is crucial, as it could
highlight governance capacities for water-sensitive management, address historical injustices, and promote
long-term healing.
We identify two key governance capacities –consolidative and jugaadu –as essential for enabling reparative
governance, particularly in the context of informality. This framework, drawing inspiration from the transforma-
tive urban climate governance model developed by Hölscher et al., (2019), promises to address the specific
challenges of reparative urban water governance. The governance capacity framework offers a critical lens to
understand agency –how informality is enacted, the conditions it fosters, and the extent to which these con-
ditions facilitate reparative outcomes. By analysing governance through this capacity-focused perspective, we
gain insight into the mechanisms that underpin informal practices, including the ability to organise, innovate,
and remain flexible.
This approach highlights how actors strategically navigate within formal constraints to achieve reparative out-
comes, aligning their practices with broader goals of social justice and environmental sustainability. The
governance practices aimed at reparation seek to amend or heal urban water systems by proposing new con-
ditions for collaborative, democratic, and locally led solutions in resource-constrained environments.
Moreover, the governance capacity framework allows us to explore the actors’agency, revealing both conscious
and subconscious motivations behind their actions (Cleaver, 2002).
By focusing on consolidative and jugaadu capacities, our framework connects actors’activities with emerging
governance arrangements, offering insights into how informality can be harnessed to achieve reparative out-
comes and enhance water sensitivity in resource-constrained contexts.
2.2.1. Consolidative capacity
Consolidative capacity manifests in the ability of actors to strengthen or develop conditions for the self-organisa-
tion. This is especially notable when victims of past injustices organise with decision-makers working on long-
term future goals within complex cultural and social contexts, aiming towards healing through informal govern-
ance structures and processes. Consolidation hinges on merging separate entities into a cohesive whole while
preserving their unique identities and balancing individual and collective roles. Building on Hölscher et al.’s
(2019) concept of orchestrating capacity, Bhan (2019) further nuance consolidation, emphasising self-organisa-
tion in Southern contexts within available means and highlighting a capacity that transcends mere
coordination, focusing on healing rather than just task completion. Incorporating the attribute of healing into
reparation encourages sustained follow-up, holistic thinking, the inclusion of marginalised voices, and the ability
to understand viewpoints that have been dismissed earlier. This entails materialising restorative justice through
informality.
Enhancing consolidative capacity necessitates veering directionality –aligning individualistic actions with
overarching goals within institutional constraints (Dahlmann & Stubbs, 2023). Veering directionality fosters
a collective sense of care and responsibility, enhancing information sharing, intrinsic motivation, and a
shared sense of duty, thus cultivating a commitment that surpasses mere incentivisation and fosters emotional
and intellectual collaboration (Conradi, 2015). However, in contexts marked by distrust towards authority,
efforts may be perceived as individual tasks rather than part of a purposefully driven collective mission with-
out trust rebuilding. To mend trust and foster consolidative capacity, transparent communication, role and
intent clarification, the establishment of accessible (not necessarily formal) platforms, and showcasing of the
rationale behind governmental efforts are crucial (Leahy & Anderson, 2008). Establishing a middle ground
through pragmatic mediation creates essential frameworks, elucidating trade-offs, reinterpreting local norms,
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 5
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
and addressing translation challenges among diverse actors. This strategy, leveraging strategically positioned
brokers between communities and authorities with systemic awareness and inter-scalar connectivity, becomes
vital for facilitating agreements in contexts where policies are disconnected or socially contentious (Funder &
Marani, 2015).
2.2.2. Jugaadu capacity
Building upon transformative and unlocking capacities as articulated by Hölscher et al., (2019),jugaadu capacity
is further nuanced through the incorporation of frugality and local logic, epitomised by the term jugaad, loosely
translating to ‘innovative fix within constraints’in Hindi language. This capacity is characterised by the ability to
improvise through frugal, contextually viable methodologies, ideologies, and organisational structures aiming at
improvisations while dismantling colonial legacies to foster inclusivity and alternative approaches essential for
addressing water challenges. While the cost-effectiveness may raise questions about the novelty of the innovation,
its essence lies in prioritising timely adaptation and repurposing existing knowledge and worldviews as a conduit
for reparation. Furthermore, jugaadu capacity encourages a flexible and adaptive approach to governance, inte-
grating local knowledge and practices to address historical injustices, fostering long-term healing and
sustainability in water management practices.
Jugaadu capacity is further evident in efforts to pluralise knowledge by challenging entrenched disciplinary,
geographic, institutional, and epistemological hegemonies. It promotes engagement with diverse knowledge
forms, including marginalised ones, and scrutinises their synergies and trade-offs to establish channels for trans-
disciplinary exchanges (Yates et al., 2017). Frugality characterises this capacity as it is manifested through efforts
to create a safe space for deliberation, prioritisation, and identification of opportunities. This fosters persistent
optimism and courage to face uncertainties and fear of failure while reducing reliance on external justification
and using constraints as resources for reparation (Funder & Marani, 2015). Moreover, jugaadu capacity
embeds improvisations within the socio-political fabric by leveraging organic arrangements and trial-and-error
methodologies aimed at continuous adaptation, resulting in a sense of ownership towards the processes rather
than just focusing on the outputs themselves. This involves a cultural practice of collaborative decision-
making, which helps to break the rigidity of unsustainable practices while critically assessing and resisting top-
down approaches and creating space for more contextual approaches (Cleaver, 2002;Funder & Marani, 2015)
(Table 1).
3. METHODOLOGY
In this section, we begin by outlining the water challenges in Bhuj and Bhopal, followed by a discussion of their
water governance arrangement. We then outline how data were collected, and comparative analysis was
conducted.
3.1. Water challenges and water governance in Bhuj and Bhopal
The selection of Bhuj and Bhopal as case studies allows for an in-depth examination of the role of informality in
diverse physiographic settings –arid and tropical hinterlands –while highlighting the common governance chal-
lenges faced by secondary cities in India, thereby offering insights into broader patterns of informal governance.
Bhuj, a semi-arid secondary city on India’s border with Pakistan, has experienced rapid population growth,
nearly doubling to 188,236 by 2011, straining existing infrastructure (van der Meulen et al., 2023). Traditionally,
Bhuj managed its water needs through local practices due to its unique hydrogeology. However, population
growth necessitated the expansion of piped networks connected to the Narmada Canal, exacerbating issues of
over-extraction and aquifer salinity ingress (van der Meulen et al., 2023). Despite facing frequent natural disasters
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 6
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
and limited national support, residents have demonstrated resilience by independently organising resources,
including efforts to revive aquifers (Bajpai & Kothari, 2020). However, contradictory approaches by the govern-
ment aiming to increase water supply from external sources underscore the complexities of governance.
In contrast, Bhopal, a significantly larger city than Bhuj and the capital of Madhya Pradesh state, is home to
over 2.4 million people and boasts 18 significant water reservoirs (CAG India, 2021). While the Upper Lake pro-
vides about 25% of the city’s water supply, rapid urban expansion has led to water scarcity (Everard et al., 2020).
Authorities have addressed rising water demand by sourcing water from distant locations, yet the city grapples
with flooding risks and grave water quality issues exacerbated by contamination from the Union Carbide pesticide
plant leak (Everard et al., 2020;CAG India, 2021). Despite these challenges, there is a perceived water sufficiency
in Bhopal, reflecting a lack of academic focus and public awareness of its water challenges, thereby impacting
urban water policy and governance (Everard et al., 2020).
The water governance landscape in both cities mirrors the complexity of their physiographical challenges. In
Bhuj, the Bhuj Nagar Palika (Municipal Council) primarily oversees water supply operations but lacks autonomy,
adhering to directives from the state capital, Gandhinagar, thus perpetuating a centralised governance model
(Bajpai & Kothari, 2020). Even the elected councillors prioritise party agendas over representing local people’s
issues, showcasing top-down decision-making (Bajpai & Kothari, 2020). Similarly, in Bhopal, despite transition-
ing water supply management to the Bhopal Nagar Nigam (Municipal Corporation), influence from the state’s
Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) complicates governance efforts, highlighting centralisation
issues and limited delegation of significant responsibilities (CAG India, 2021).
Amid escalating water challenges and rigid top-down governance structures, hybrid informal water governance
has emerged, fostering innovative approaches to address these issues. In Bhuj, despite formal governance, civil
society organisations (CSOs) like Homes in the City (HIC) have strengthened local governance and community
engagement alongside government initiatives (Bajpai & Kothari, 2020). Citizen-led efforts, operating outside
Table 1 |Conceptual framework on informal governance capacities to enable repair.
Governance capacity
to
enable repair Dimensions Contribution of informality
Consolidative
capacity
Veering directionality Fostering a collective sense of care and responsibility enhancing
information sharing, intrinsic motivation, and a shared sense of duty,
thus cultivating a commitment to align individualistic actions with
overarching goals within institutional constraints.
Rebuilding trust Utilising transparent communication and role clarification to mend
relationships, rebuilding trust towards government authorities, and
nurturing a sense of community.
Establishing Middle
Ground
Leveraging community-accepted brokers and creating space and
frameworks to elucidate trade-offs. Interpreting local norms and
addressing translation challenges for facilitating agreements (not
necessarily formal) in contentious settings.
Jugaadu capacity Pluralising knowledge Challenging entrenched disciplinary, geographic, institutional, and
epistemological hegemonies. Foster improvisation by scrutinising their
synergies trade-offs to establish channels for transdisciplinary exchanges.
Creating space to identify
opportunities
Fostering environments for deliberation and dissent, supporting creative
problem-solving, and encouraging continuous improvement.
Embedding Incorporating improvisations within the social and political landscape
through trial-and-error and organic adaptation.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 7
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
formal frameworks yet widely accepted, have driven rainwater harvesting (RWH), groundwater recharge, and
lake rejuvenation with tacit municipal support. Similarly, in Bhopal, NGOs have made sporadic efforts to
improve water access and address contamination issues. While water supply-focused NGOs collaborate with
local governments, those addressing water quality issues are marginalised and overlooked in formal policy docu-
ments like the Bhopal Master Plan and Smart City proposal, leading to a lack of recognition for the importance of
water quality. Consequently, informal efforts have emerged to fill this gap and address these critical issues, high-
lighting growing conflicts among governance actors.
The intended governance model to empower municipalities through decentralisation has frequently fallen short
in practice, revealing systemic issues in water resource governance in secondary cities. Despite efforts like estab-
lishing Ward Samiti (Ward Committee) to enhance citizen engagement, results have been limited, highlighting
the need for greater financial autonomy and institutional support (Bajpai & Kothari, 2020). As a result, inform-
ality has increasingly filled the gaps left by formal governance, making Bhuj and Bhopal compelling case studies
for exploring the dynamics of informality within the governance frameworks of secondary cities.
3.2. Data collection and comparative analysis
Our research employed a qualitative, comparative case study methodology, incorporating desk research, ethno-
graphic interviews, and observation to investigate how informality informs the governance capacities for
repairing water sensitivity. The desk research included analysis of policy documents across various levels (e.g.,
Master Plan, Smart City proposal, National Water Policy 2012, Bhopal-Blue Green Master Plan). This literature
on formal policy documents provided an understanding of the prescribed governance in the cities.
Field research in 2021 and 2022 utilised multi-sited ethnographic methods, combining 64 semi-structured inter-
views (32 in Bhopal and 32 in Bhuj) (detailed in Table 2) characterised by detailed descriptions and 10
observational notes. We enriched this robust dataset through cross-interview triangulation, observational insights,
and photographic narratives. Interviews spanned a broad spectrum of stakeholders, encompassing state and non-
state actors in various capacities within the city’s water management ecosystem. This included national and state
government officials, municipal officers of varying seniorities, NGO representatives, private sector actors such as
Table 2 |Detailed list of interviewees.
Interviewees, according to sector Interview period
Bhopal
Interviews –32
Observation notes
–7
Local City Government –8 (Engineers from different seniority –
Commissioner to Supervisor)
September–December
2021
February 2022
June 2022
National and State Government –3
NGOs and CSOs –7
Residents –5
Educational Institute –1
Private Organisations –5 (Hotel owner þPlanning Consultants þPrivate
water service providers)
Politicians –3
Bhuj
Interviews –32
Observation notes
–3
Local City Government –6 (Engineers from different seniority –Water
supply, storm water)
December 2021 to
January 2022
National and State Government –3
NGOs and CSOs –7
Residents –5
Educational Institute –1
Private Organisations –4 (Developers þPrivate water service providers)
Politicians –4
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 8
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
real estate agents and urban planning consultants, and academicians, providing a comprehensive view across
scales of engagement and decision-making processes.
The interview settings were strategically aligned with the participants’work environments or comfort zones,
ranging from conventional office spaces to more unique locations pertinent to their duties, including underwater
tanks or other city locales. This approach, including adjustments for pandemic-related constraints with some
online interviews, was designed to foster an atmosphere conducive to open, reflective dialogue, enabling partici-
pants to speak candidly about their roles and the realities of water management governance.
Our ethnographic methodology was underpinned by the intent to facilitate in-depth, open-ended discussions,
allowing for a thorough exploration of cultural practices, beliefs, and experiences from the participants’perspec-
tives. This was augmented by visual methods, notably photographic documentation, to capture and analyse forms
of informality in governance practices. Such visual and textual ethnographic data provided a unique lens to exam-
ine the undercurrents of informality, including tacit practices, unarticulated meanings, and subconscious
motivations within the governance framework.
The interviews began with participants describing their roles and challenges, typically framing water issues in a
politically correct, objective manner. Subsequent questions probed deeper, exploring how they addressed these
issues and re-defined their mandates and capabilities to overcome challenges. The progression of interviews
from initial descriptions of roles and challenges towards more intimate explorations of governance practices
and the embodiment of informality was deliberate. This methodological trajectory built trust and peeled back
layers of political correctness to reveal the nuanced operations of informality in governance. Through this com-
parative ethnographic lens, our analysis of Bhuj and Bhopal went beyond cataloguing divergent practices; it
critically examined each city’s governance strategies, contrasting them against one another.
Employing ATLAS.ti software for coding and analysis, we dissected the activities to decipher informal govern-
ance arrangements and their role in shaping consolidative and jugaadu capacities in each city. By abductive
coding, we iteratively refined themes and concepts, directly informing the development of a conceptual frame-
work grounded in the empirical realities of the case studies.
4. ILLUSTRATING THE ROLE OF INFORMALITY IN REPARATIVE CAPACITIES
This study explores the diverse manifestations of consolidative and jugaadu governance capacities in Bhuj and
Bhopal, demonstrating how informal practices interact with formal governance structures to address complex
water management issues. In both cities, consolidative capacity played a crucial role by enabling community sta-
keholders to participate and devise ways to mediate trust issues between authorities and citizens within existing
financial and cultural means, while influencing water governance processes despite scalability and recognition
challenges. On the other hand, jugaadu capacity emphasised improvising approaches that leveraged local knowl-
edge and actors’system awareness to navigate bureaucratic hurdles and institutionalise water-sensitive practices.
The contrasting approaches in Bhuj and Bhopal’s efforts to repair water governance and foster water sensitivity
are underscored by the development of conditions that enable both consolidative and jugaadu capacities.
4.1. Consolidative capacity in Bhuj and Bhopal
In the comparative study of Bhuj and Bhopal, consolidative capacity was demonstrated through efforts encoura-
ging self-organisation, especially those directly impacted by water issues. These efforts involved extending formal
authority to citizen-organised platforms facilitating collaborative decision-making with well-known CSOs and
community figures. The awareness generated motivated stakeholders to address less-prioritised water issues
and participate in discussions within institutional and fiscal constraints. These efforts helped diversify their under-
standing of the challenges. Efforts were driven by intrinsic motivation, personal networks, past experiences, and a
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 9
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
sense of ownership in their respective places. Personal association with the problem led citizens and government
actors to extend their roles to and undertake the roles of mediators to achieve long-term water goals. However,
limitations arose due to increased time for governance processes in secondary cities where city government actors
still depend on state authorities to validate the on-ground strategies.
In the absence of formal platforms for exercising holistic local governance in Bhuj, consolidative capacity was
manifested through efforts by the Urban Setu organisation (NGO) to lead the development of Ward Samiti (Ward
Committees) to address water challenges democratically. These ward committees facilitated holistic discussions
on local issues involving government authorities, political leaders, and community figures. These efforts have
attempted to localise power to the ground, enabling marginalised actors to contribute more actively to govern-
ance processes. However, maintaining consistent participation has proven difficult. Similarly, Bhopal’s efforts
to form Mohalla Samiti (Neighbourhood Committee) in marginalised areas have struggled with authority and
effectiveness. Unlike Bhuj’s cause-driven initiatives, Bhopal’s NGOs often focus on project-based activities.
1
Councillors in both cities have played crucial roles as intermediaries between citizens and government auth-
orities (Figure 1). In Bhuj, councillors participate in informal ward level meetings, lending formal authority to
these unofficial platforms and enabling credible decision-making.
2
In Bhopal, councillors leverage their official
capacities and social media platforms to promote community-oriented actions, supported by Member of the Leg-
islative Assembly (MLA) funding for swift project execution. However, they sometimes face pressures to align
with party agendas, which can compromise local needs.
The role of informality in acknowledging and organising under-prioritised issues is evident in both cities. In
Bhuj, CSOs have prioritised long-term initiatives like aquifer restoration, diverging from the government’s
3
short-term focus on installing standalone water tanks as a solution
4
to scarcity. This collective effort has fostered
Fig. 1 |In Bhopal, the establishment of Mohalla Samitis (Neighbourhood Committees) lacks authority and effectiveness.
Authorities or policy documents did not sufficiently address the protests on water contamination from the Union Carbide plant
spillage, forcing victims to turn to independent platforms to voice their concerns.
1
Interview: BHO_I_15_CS, 4/10/2021; Interview BHO_I_28_CS, 3/12/2021; Interview: BHO_I_31_CS, 30/6/2022.
2
Interview: BHU_I_14_PO, 22/12/2021.
3
Interview: BHU_I_24_G, 11/01/2022.
4
Interview: BHU_I_13_PO, 22/12/2021; Interview: BHU_I_14_PO, 22/12/2021.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 10
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
solidarity networks,
5
particularly among women’s groups, who integrate water management with broader
empowerment goals. For instance, the Kutch Mahila Vikas Sanghathan (KMVS) in Bhuj has made environ-
mental sustainability central to their mission, arguing that addressing water issues is essential for improving
women’s daily lives.
6
A representative from KMVS elucidated the rationale behind integrating these two focal
areas
7
:
‘…at every level, farming requires water, livestock requires water, and all are impacted. So, women understood
those things properly, and wherever there were water crises in the villages, women had taken the seat in front of
the administrative officers […] So giving that importance (to water issues), somewhere it came out from the
women only. When we are doing it, how to do it, so that our water will be saved, and we have our livelihood
also. So, these concepts emerged because of the women only.’
In Bhopal, activists have emphasised the urgency of addressing water contamination issues, striving to elevate
these concerns onto the formal policy agenda. This push has been stymied by a lack of shared vision and trans-
formational leadership within the government and a notable reluctance to confront the legacy of water
contamination from the Union Carbide plant spillage.
8
Consequently, government initiatives have been sporadic
and insufficient, failing to comprehensively address the root causes of water problems.
9
Reflecting on these challenges, it becomes evident that municipal efforts to mitigate water challenges in both
cities rely on technocratic solutions, such as installing standalone water tanks. Unfortunately, this approach
neglects the underlying issues of water scarcity and pollution, revealing a limited consolidative capacity to
tackle the complexities of water management effectively (Figures 2 and 3).
In the absence of formal mediation agencies, both Bhuj and Bhopal have relied on informal mediators who use
personal connections and expertise to navigate through bureaucratic obstacles and bridge divides between stake-
holders. In Bhuj, respected community leaders broker solutions, fostering collaboration and aligning stakeholders
with common goals. In Bhopal, senior officials act as generalists, further characterised as ‘senior person’
10
,
‘people person’
11
,or‘trouble-shooter’
12
, bridging the gap between community needs and governmental capabili-
ties. Especially when state agency interventions often limit the autonomy of municipalities in secondary cities,
necessitating senior officers’authority to implement decisions without constant state approval.
13
Despite these
efforts, the informal governance arrangements in both cities have not fully manifested consolidative capacity,
hampered by deep-seated distrust towards authorities and the marginalisation of vulnerable communities’voices.
4.2. Jugaadu capacity in Bhuj and Bhopal
This analysis investigates how informality supports the manifestation of jugaadu capacity in water governance,
enabling reparation within the contexts of Bhuj and Bhopal. Jugaadu capacity involves pluralising knowledge
5
Interview: BHU_I_11_CS, 21/12/2021; Interview: BHU_I_18_CS, 4/2/2022.
6
Interview: BHU_I_11_CS, 21/12/2021; Interview: BHU_I_17_U, 23/12/2021.
7
Interview: BHU_I_11_CS, 21/12/2021.
8
Interview: BHO_I_23_CS, 27/11/2021; Interview: BHO_I_24_U, 27/11/2021.
9
Interview: BHO_I_02_G, 16/9/2021; Interview: BHO_I_23_CS, 27/11/2021; Interview: BHU_I_13_PO 22/12/2021; Interview:
BHU_I_01_CS, 8/12/2021.
10
Interview: BHO_I_32_U, 30/06/2022.
11
Interview: BHO_I_08_G, 27/09/2021.
12
Interview: BHO_I_02_G, 16/09/2021.
13
Interview: BHO_I_02_G, 16/09/2021; Interview: BHO_I_08_G, 27/09/2021.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 11
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
by including marginalised knowledge frames and mobilising them to devise improvised solutions. Informality dis-
rupted the conventional rigidity of what constitutes knowledge in water management by embracing a broader
spectrum of knowledge forms, blending scientific hydrogeological water data with ancient water history. By
employing scientists and non-expert residents, CSOs in Bhuj facilitated devising platforms to co-create credible
and socially relevant knowledge. Additionally, the role of educational institutions in Bhuj in promoting water-
Fig. 3 |The residents of Bhuj have installed water tanks at every household due to an intermittent water supply. While installing
such water tanks causes uneven water consumption, impacting distribution networks and is not advisable, this issue is not
unknown to government authorities. The municipalities in both cities are aware of the illicit techniques citizens use to com-
pensate for system inadequacies.
Fig. 2 |The Bhopal Municipal Corporation has installed standalone water tanks in areas where groundwater contamination has
occurred due to the Union Carbide plant spillage. However, this is not a permanent solution, as contamination is increasing, and
during summers, when the tanks are not refilled frequently, residents out of desperation consume the contaminated water for
non-drinking purposes.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 12
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
sensitive practices within curricula, supplemented by community-focused activities, underscores the jugaadu
capacity to make scientific knowledge accessible and culturally resonant, enabling reparation. In contrast,
Bhopal, despite its identity as the ‘City of Lakes’, remained bound by a technocratic approach led by the Central
Irrigation Department, prioritising connections to distant water sources over local self-reliance on its lakes. While
its water heritage was acknowledged rhetorically, governance frameworks failed to integrate wisdom on local
water use, limiting adaptation and disconnecting Bhopal from the plural knowledge processes. Overall, jugaadu
capacity in both cities reflected the ability to acknowledge local knowledge that empowered communities to
become more autonomous in their water management –thriving in Bhuj through co-production of knowledge
but constrained in Bhopal by technocratic dominance.
Informality has aided in pluralising water management knowledge by challenging traditional notions and
embracing a broader array of knowledge forms. In Bhuj, integrating scientific research with traditional practices
has led to initiatives to revitalise heritage water bodies, guided by modern hydrogeological insights and historic
water narratives.
14
CSOs have strengthened collaboration with local and international academia, creating a col-
lective repository of ancestral wisdom and contemporary scientific data. This blending of knowledge has
reinforced local citizens’ties to water heritage and enabled practical, ground-level activities, such as the
‘Bhujal Jankar’(Groundwater Knowers) initiative, which trained citizens to collect water data and document
groundwater salinity issues. However, these efforts have seen diminishing engagement over time as volunteers
shift towards paid opportunities.
15
Conversely, Bhopal’s approach illustrates a limited manifestation of jugaadu
capacity, primarily relying on technological knowledge as outlined in the Master Plan (2005, Draft 2031), the Cli-
mate Action Plan, and the Blue Green Master Plan. Through the superficial designation of Bhopal as a ‘City of
Lakes’, without a deeper engagement with its integrated lake network ecosystem and its connection to Islamic
urban planning and architecture, these plans highlight a missed opportunity to leverage local culture for broader
environmental goals, demonstrating constrained jugaadu capacity.
The mobilisation of flexible funding sources has been instrumental in Bhuj, encompassing fellowships
16
that
empower citizens to steward conservation efforts and funds with non-rigid conditions, allowing their use
beyond technological upgrades. This adaptability has facilitated more citizen-led water governance models that
respond effectively to local needs and priorities.
17
These fellowships have empowered local communities to over-
come traditional governance barriers, facilitating innovative water management solutions that are sustainable and
inclusive. In Bhopal, the involvement of an international NGO through formal partnerships with local NGOs,
and informal associations with the locals, demonstrates how community participation in fundraising activities
can increase the sense of ownership towards implementation and uptake. An NGO representative explains
18
‘… (Mohalla Samiti) they used to take the responsibility and then Water Aid used to invest in it. Those kinds of
systems started and how community also when we invested Rs. 5 lakhs, then 50,000 used to be the share of
community […]and they used to collect the money. […] The Mohalla Samiti used to collect the money from
the community, and that used to become part of the whole capital budget.’
14
Interview: BHU_I_03_CS, 11/12/2021.
15
Interview: BHU_I_15_U, 23/12/2021; Interview: BHU_I_32_CS, 13/01/2022.
16
Interview: BHU_I_09_CS, 20/12/2021; Interview: BHU_I_17_U, 23/12/2021.
17
Interview: BHU_I_09_CS, 20/12/2021.
18
Interview: BHO_I_30_CS, 18/02/2022.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 13
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
However, sustaining these efforts over time has proven difficult, as declining volunteer participation reveals
broader issues of motivation, engagement, and continuity.
Educational institutions in Bhuj have become vital in promoting water-sensitive practices, extending their role
beyond traditional education. Initiatives like installing an RWH tank and educational programmes outside of
regular school hours have actively engaged students in environmental challenges.
19
These innovative first-hand
experiences are enhanced by community activities, including water walks
20
and publishing updates on initiatives
in local newsletters, which make water management practices more accessible and understandable to the public.
This involvement reflects the flexibility of jugaadu capacity to innovate and integrate educational initiatives with
broader environmental goals.
21
Furthermore, both cities showcased informal partnerships between developers
and authorities encouraging the inclusion of rainwater harvesting systems in new buildings.
22
The mid-level gov-
ernment officers played a crucial role by informally advising citizens and developers on the proper
implementation of these systems, ensuring that they meet regulatory standards and contribute effectively to
groundwater recharging. This involvement is key to promoting and ensuring the quality of water-sensitive prac-
tices in both cities (Figures 4 and 5).
Nevertheless, the path towards fully realising jugaadu capacity is fraught with obstacles in both cities, where
bureaucratic complexities and the perceived financial burdens of transformation are formidable barriers. The
administrative maze, characterised by extensive paperwork and the daunting task of persuading stakeholders,
poses a significant challenge in implementing innovations.
23
While Bhuj has showcased the potential of jugaadu
capacity through the collective efforts of a consortium of CSOs, these groups must remain open to incorporating
new actors. This openness is essential in preventing the emergence of new exclusivities and ensuring a continually
evolving, reparative approach to water management.
Fig. 4 |RWH tank doubling up as a performance stage in a school.
19
Interview: BHU_I_07_U, 16/12/2021.
20
Observation: BHU_O_01_CS, 19/12/2021.
21
Observation: BHU_O_02_CS, 16/12/2021.
22
Interview: BHU_I_19_G, 05/01/2022; Interview: BHU_I_21_PR, 06/01/2022; Interview: BHO_I_21_G, 23/11/2021; Interview:
BHO_I_26_PR, 29/11/2021.
23
Interview: BHU_I_10_U, 16/12/2021.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 14
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
5. DISCUSSION
This study examines how consolidative and jugaadu capacities contribute to reparative governance within sec-
ondary Indian cities such as Bhuj and Bhopal, focusing on water sensitivity objectives. Unlike primary cities
with established water infrastructure and governance frameworks, secondary cities often face fragmented
water management, pressing water demands, and limited institutional capacities, making standardised techno-
cratic approaches less effective. In our analysis, we explore how informality plays a role in advancing
reparative governance by leveraging these governance capacities. The findings illustrated whether and how
hybrid formal–informal governance structures utilise consolidative and jugaadu capacities to support reparation
efforts. However, many initiatives have not fully achieved their intended outcomes, prompting further examin-
ation of the hybrid governance mechanisms.
Our research highlights that informality shapes reparation efforts in Bhuj and Bhopal by attempting to incor-
porate marginalised issues, fostering a care-oriented approach to water management. This suggests that care, as a
transformative societal practice, plays a crucial role in reparation by promoting mutual interdependence and
attentiveness to marginalised voices. As a result, this approach begins to challenge conventional governance hier-
archies, integrating local knowledge and relational dynamics into governance processes, leading to more
contextually relevant solutions, as articulated by Conradi (2015). The shift towards more care-oriented govern-
ance challenges entrenched bureaucratic norms, allowing culturally embedded values to inform governance
practices. Consequently, reparative efforts are characterised by improvisation, with informal mechanisms gradu-
ally contesting existing power structures to ensure diverse voices influence and shape more inclusive, contextually
water-sensitive governance outcomes in these cities.
We expand on the following insights derived from the study:
5.1. Insight #1: Recognition of the multifaceted nature of water challenges
Drawing on critiques of marginalisation embedded in urban climate responses (Broto et al., 2021), our study high-
lights how informality integrates varied knowledge types to address complex water challenges. Informal
governance platforms, often led by NGOs, merge hydrogeological science with historical and experiential knowl-
edge, broadening the understanding of water governance across communities. These platforms critique the formal
Fig. 5 |Citizens participating in water walks to enhance their awareness of their city’s water heritage.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 15
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
system’s reliance on technocratic data and instead employ knowledge brokers to combine scientific insights with
historical narratives, addressing both historical injustices and future water challenges.
In Bhuj, knowledge brokers connect personal stories with hydrological data, enhancing community under-
standing of how local landmarks relate to water issues. Similarly, in Bhopal, non-governmental actors linked
water quality insights with urban planning policies and human rights. However, despite broadening understand-
ing, efforts faced challenges in gaining formal recognition, essential for sustaining their influence and integrating
them into governance frameworks.
The literature indicates that knowledge and practices typically remain peripheral unless embedded within
formal structures (Ahlers et al., 2014). In Bhuj, for instance, despite increased awareness, the multifaceted mean-
ings of water practices are yet to be acknowledged in official policies, limiting their scalability and legitimacy.
Embedding these practices within formal governance would challenge prevailing biases against non-traditional
methods and ensure that diverse, integrative approaches to water governance are recognised.
5.2. Insight #2: Challenging power structures and localising decision-making
The study revealed that informality has brought decision-making closer to communities through platforms such as
Mohalla and Ward Samiti (neighbourhood and ward committees). In contexts where formal mediation mandates
are weak or poorly enforced, councillors, NGOs (such as KMVS in Bhuj), policymakers, and community leaders
played crucial roles in facilitating dialogue and decision-making, fostering greater grassroots democracy. Drawing
on Ahlers et al. (2014), informality can disaggregate power structures and foster co-production by extending exist-
ing roles rather than creating new ones. By involving atypical actors such as women in Bhuj and senior citizens in
Bhopal, decision-making processes have been decentralised, bringing governance closer to those affected by
water challenges.
This inclusive approach aligns with the goals of water sensitivity (Bichai & Flamini, 2017;Mguni et al., 2022),
integrating sanitation, housing, and gender empowerment into water governance. Unlike traditional integrated
approaches, which often advocate for new governance entities like River Basin Organizations (RBOs), this
method adapts existing governance structures to facilitate coordination while respecting bureaucratic divides.
This adaptation is more feasible for Indian contexts, where creating new governance bodies may not be viable
(Giordano & Shah, 2014). The study illustrates how decision-making can be localised by repairing and adapting
governance structures to enable holistic water governance.
5.3. Insight #3: Creating space and synchronising improvisation
Informality has proven adaptable, offering a mechanism to synchronise improvisations. While these often begin
as informal practices, their long-term sustainability depends on synchronisation –embedding ad-hoc solutions
into structured, repeatable processes within formal governance frameworks. Cleaver (2002) argues the need to
carefully synchronise improvisations within social and cultural systems, allowing them to evolve into sustainable,
scalable practices integrated into everyday routines.
In the Indian context, where socio-technical landscapes are deeply hierarchical, synchronising improvisation is
a costly and culturally sensitive process. Informality thus serves as an incubator for trial, experimentation, and
refinement. Informal spaces offer a lower-cost platform to test ideas, gather evidence, and repurpose resources,
bypassing formal procedures.
Synchronising these improvisations legitimises them and routinises the effort, embedding them in everyday life
(Cleaver, 2002). This process ensures improvisations transition from isolated successes to routine governance
practices, shaping culturally relevant and sustainable solutions. For example, in Bhuj, efforts to synchronise
water-sensitive behaviours illustrate this process. In collaboration with research and advocacy organisations,
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 16
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
schools developed specialised after-school curricula that bypassed lengthy reforms, demonstrating how informal
initiatives can be synchronised into governance frameworks. Similarly, elected representatives informally create
participatory spaces by leveraging their political networks, mediating between the state and citizens, and strate-
gically engaging with governance structures to facilitate inclusion –though these spaces remain shaped by
entrenched power dynamics (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007). In conclusion, this study underscores the potential of
informality in leveraging consolidative and jugaadu capacities for reparative governance. However, for these
practices to achieve long-term impacts, it is essential to synchronise improvisations, ensuring their sustainability
and embedding them into everyday governance structures.
5.4. Insight #4: Characterising reparative governance through networks of care
Informality, characterised by networks of care, prioritises community-driven, cooperative approaches over hier-
archical systems. This study illustrates how these networks, driven by intrinsic motivation, manifest in activities
like water walks, after-hours teaching of water-sensitive behaviour, and mediating conflicts through personal con-
nections. These stewards mend trust and streamline decision-making within municipalities, bypassing
bureaucratic processes and fostering solidarity, as Conradi (2015) discussed. Even formal municipal officers,
often constrained by limited autonomy, mobilise these networks out of care for project well-being, overcoming
governance challenges by leveraging personal relationships and applying local knowledge for context-specific
solutions.
While informal governance provides flexibility and agility, it also presents risks. Over-reliance on informal
mechanisms can marginalise key challenges and weaken long-term engagement. For instance, inconsistent par-
ticipation in Ward Samiti (Ward Committee) and declining volunteer involvement exposes the vulnerabilities
of informality. Additionally, state-led agendas can overshadow community-driven efforts, limiting their impact.
In this context, repair offers a guiding framework to navigate these challenges. As Wahby (2021) suggests,
repair fosters more inclusive and equitable outcomes by sustaining participation, engaging diverse actors, and
countering political pressures. It highlights the utility of informality in embedding the city’s water identity into
more meaningful water-sensitive governance.
6. CONCLUSION
Informality functions as a hybrid governance approach, providing the flexibility to develop and iterate reparative
strategies. When the rigidity of formal systems hinders adaptation, the flexibility of informality acts as the necess-
ary grease to address the resistance to change embedded in formal governance structures. It also contextualises
governance mechanisms to better align with local needs and conditions. However, for this reparative potential to
be fully realised, formality must step into synchronising and sustaining these changes.
Without regulatory support, the reparative gains of informality can easily be undermined by political instability.
As Kösters et al. (2020) note, new governance approaches risk being eroded by political shifts if they are not
backed by robust regulatory frameworks. This was evident in Bhopal, where informality practices faced chal-
lenges due to the lack of institutional reinforcement, and similar risks could threaten Bhuj if efforts to
recognise these practices are not strengthened.
While informality fills critical gaps in governance by introducing much-needed flexibility, it also runs the risk of
perpetuating existing power hierarchies unless it is integrated into broader governance structures. To ensure
informality contributes to lasting systemic change, it must be synchronised in a way that challenges rather
than reinforces power imbalances. Our research further prompts a critical inquiry: how can future governance
frameworks effectively recognise and synchronise informal practices while safeguarding their inclusivity and resi-
lience in the face of political shifts?
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 17
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article and the research were conducted within the W4C research programme, which is a collaborative part-
nership between India and the Netherlands. We would like to express our sincere appreciation for the invaluable
contributions and critical reflections provided by all those who participated in this research. Additionally, we
extend our gratitude to the member institutions of the W4C programme for their support and collaboration
throughout the study.
FUNDING
The research leading to these findings has been supported by funding from the Dutch Research Council (Neder-
landse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek –NWO) under Grant W 07.7019.103 and the Indian
Government Department of Science & Technology (DST) under Grant DST-1429-WRC.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
Data cannot be made publicly available; readers should contact the corresponding author for details.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The authors declare there is no conflict.
REFERENCES
Ahlers, R., Cleaver, F., Rusca, M. & Schwartz, K. (2014) Informal space in the urban waterscape: disaggregation and co-
production of water services, Water Alternatives,7(1), 1–14.
Bajpai, S. & Kothari, A. (2020) Towards Decentralised Urban Governance: The Case of Bhuj City, Kachchh (India). Pune:
Kalpavriksh.[Preprint].
Bhan, G. (2019) Notes on a Southern urban practice,Environment and Urbanization,31 (2), 639–654. https://doi.org/10.1177/
0956247818815792.
Bichai, F. & Flamini, A. C. (2017) The Water-Sensitive City: implications of an urban water management paradigm and its
globalization,Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Water,5(3), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1002/wat2.1276.
Broto, V. C., Westman, L. & Huang, P. (2021) Reparative innovation for urban climate adaptation,Journal of the British
Academy,9(S9), 205–218.
CAG India (2021) General and Social Sectors for the Year Ended 31 March 2019, Government of Madhya Pradesh. Report 3 of
the Year 2019. Madhya Pradesh: Office of the Accountant General (Audit). Available at: https://saiindia.gov.in/ag2/
madhya-pradesh/en/audit-report/details/115252.
Cleaver, F. (2002) Reinventing institutions: bricolage and the social embeddedness of natural resource management,The
European Journal of Development Research,14 (2), 11–30. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203045886.
Conradi, E. (2015) Redoing care: societal transformation through critical practice,Ethics and Social Welfare,9(2), 113–129.
https://doi.org/10.1080/17496535.2015.1005553.
Cornwall, A. & Coelho, V. S. (2007) Spaces for Change? The Politics of Citizen Participation in New Democratic Arenas,Vol.4.
London, New York: Zed Books.
Dahlmann, F. & Stubbs, W. (2023) Purpose framing as an informal governance approach to sustainability transformations in the
private sector,Earth System Governance,15, 100165. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.esg.2023.100165.
Everard, M., Ahmed, S., Gagnon, A. S., Kumar, P., Thomas, T., Sinha, S., Dixon, H. & Sarkar, S. (2020) Can nature-based
solutions contribute to water security in Bhopal? Science of The Total Environment,723, 138061. https://doi.org/10.1016/
J.SCITOTENV.2020.138061.
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 18
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
Funder, M. & Marani, M. (2015) Local bureaucrats as bricoleurs. The everyday implementation practices of county
environment officers in rural Kenya,International Journal of the Commons,9(1), 87–106. https://doi.org/10.18352/ijc.
526.
Giordano, M. & Shah, T. (2014) From IWRM back to integrated water resources management,International Journal of Water
Resources Development,30 (3), 364–376. https://doi.org/10.1080/07900627.2013.851521.
Hölscher, K., Frantzeskaki, N., McPhearson, T. & Loorbach, D. (2019) Tales of transforming cities: transformative climate
governance capacities in New York City, US and Rotterdam, Netherlands,Journal of Environmental Management,231,
843–857.
Kaika, M. (2004) City of Flows: Modernity, Nature, and the City. New York: Routledge.
Kim, H. & Jung, Y. (2019) Is Cheonggyecheon sustainable? A systematic literature review of a stream restoration in Seoul, South
Korea,Sustainable Cities and Society,45,59–69. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scs.2018.11.018.
Kösters, M., Bichai, F. & Schwartz, K. (2020) Institutional inertia: challenges in urban water management on the path towards a
water-sensitive Surabaya, Indonesia,International Journal of Water Resources Development,36 (1), 50–68. https://doi.org/
10.1080/07900627.2019.1662378.
Leahy, J. E. & Anderson, D. H. (2008) Trust factors in community–water resource management agency relationships,Landscape
and Urban Planning,87 (2), 100–107.
Marais, L. & Cloete, J. (2017) The role of secondary cities in managing urbanisation in South Africa,Development Southern
Africa,34 (2), 182–195.
McFarlane, C. (2012) Rethinking informality: politics, crisis, and the city,Planning Theory and Practice,13 (1), 89–108. https://
doi.org/10.1080/14649357.2012.649951.
Mguni, P., Abrams, A., Herslund, L. B., Carden, K., Fell, J., Armitage, N. & Dollie, A. (2022) Towards water resilience through
Nature-based Solutions in the Global South? Scoping the prevailing conditions for Water Sensitive Design in Cape Town
and Johannesburg,Environmental Science & Policy,136, 147–156. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2022.05.020.
Roy, A. (2009) Why India cannot plan its cities: informality, insurgence and the idiom of urbanization,Planning Theory,8(1),
76–87. https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095208099299.
van der Meulen, G. J. M., Mishra, G., van Dorst, M. J., Iyer, M. & Bacchin, T. K. (2023) Reviewing historic urban water
transitions to advance water-sensitive urban design for Bhuj, India,Land,12 (10), 1938. https://doi.org/10.3390/
land12101938.
Wahby, N. M. (2021) Urban informality and the state: repairing Cairo’s waters through Gehood Zateya,Environment and
Planning E: Nature and Space,4(3), 696–717. https://doi.org/10.1177/25148486211025262.
Yates, J. S., Harris, L. M. & Wilson, N. J. (2017) Multiple ontologies of water: politics, conflict and implications for governance,
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space,35 (5), 797–815. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263775817700395.
First received 3 October 2024; accepted in revised form 3 March 2025. Available online 17 March 2025
Water Policy Vol 00 No 0, 19
corrected Proof
Downloaded from http://iwaponline.com/wp/article-pdf/doi/10.2166/wp.2025.273/1548941/wp2025273.pdf
by guest
on 06 April 2025
