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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low-and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

March 2017

Report number: 2017-01
Affiliation: UNICEF

Authors:

Kirsten Stoebenau

University of Maryland School of Public Health, College Park, MD, United States

Jeffrey Edmeades

Avenir Health

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Neetu A. John, Kirsten Stoebenau, Samantha Ritter,

Jeffrey Edmeades and Nikola Balvin

March 2017

Gender Socialization during

Adolescence in Low- and

Middle-Income Countries:

Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Innocenti Discussion Paper 2017-01

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THE UNICEF OFFICE OF RESEARCH – INNOCENTI

The Office of Research – Innocenti is UNICEF’s dedicated research centre. It undertakes research on

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website at www.unicef-irc.org.

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John, N. A., Stoebenau, K., Ritter, S., Edmeades, J. and Balvin, N. (2017). Gender Socialization

during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and

outcomes. Innocenti Discussion Paper 2017-01, UNICEF Office of Research – Innocenti, Florence.

Correspondence should be addressed to:

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GENDER SOCIALIZATION DURING ADOLESCENCE IN LOW- AND

MIDDLE-INCOME COUNTRIES: CONCEPTUALIZATION,

INFLUENCES AND OUTCOMES

Neetu A. John,* Kirsten Stoebenau,* Samantha Ritter,* Jeffrey Edmeades* and Nikola Balvin**

* International Center for Research on Women

** UNICEF Office of Research – Innocenti

ABSTRACT

Adolescence is a critical period in the development of gender attitudes and behaviours, which have

potentially life-long effects. The rapid changes that take place during adolescence provide

opportunities for the development and implementation of policies and programmes, which can

influence the gender socialization process, in order to maximize positive outcomes. This paper set

out to provide a conceptual understanding of the gender socialization process during adolescence,

its influences and outcomes, and practical suggestions on how to use this knowledge in the design

of policies and programmes to improve gender equality. First, theoretical contributions from

psychology, sociology and biology were reviewed to situate the gender socialization process during

adolescence in a broader context of multi-level influences. Second, a socio-ecological framework

was introduced to bring together the main factors that influence the gender socialization process

and its outcomes. Third, knowledge on how to influence the gender socialization process and its

outcomes was summarized in order to provide practical recommendations for policies and

programmes. This included: a) reviewing changes in demographics, the global media and gendered

economic opportunities, to understand how the gender socialization process, gender norms and

identities have been transformed at the macro level; and b) conducting a literature review of small-

scale programmes designed to impact the gender socialization process. The literature review

identified 31 programmes grouped around three broad strategies: 1) empowering young people

(mainly girls) with information, skills, and social support to challenge norms; 2) fostering an

enabling environment in which to challenge gender norms; and 3) working with men and boys,

including directly with young individuals and with influential males to change attitudes and beliefs

The paper concludes with recommendations for more holistic policy and programming efforts

around gender socialization in adolescence.

KEYWORDS

Adolescence, gender, gender socialization, gender equality, media, identity, literature review,

programming

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors and the Office of Research – Innocenti wish to thank the following members of the

Technical Review Group for their thoughtful guidance and feedback during the drafting process:

Rima Afifi (American University of Beirut); Grace Agcaoili (UNICEF); Paola Babos (UNICEF); Gary

Barker (Promundo); Abhijit Das (Centre for Health and Social Justice, India); Nicola Jones (Overseas

Development Institute); Anju Malhotra (UNICEF); Luz Melo (UNICEF); Emebet Mulugeta (Addis

Ababa University); Noraini Mohd Noor (International Islamic University of Malaysia); George Patton

(University of Melbourne); Amber Peterman (UNICEF); Sagri Singh (UNICEF); Susan Sawyer

(University of Melbourne); and Elaine Unterhalter (University College London).

We are grateful to the UK Department for International Development (DFID) for funding this work

and to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments which contributed to improving

the final version of this paper.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

GLOSSARY

Adolescents Persons between the ages of 10-19 in the phase known as adolescence, which is a marked

transition period between childhood and adulthood. Adolescents undergo significant

changes in brain and physical maturation, gender and social relations, and familial

responsibilities (UNICEF, 2012).

Adrenal puberty Also known as adrenarche, adrenal puberty is the pre-pubertal secretion of adrenal

androgens, which usually starts between 6-8 years of age with little difference for girls and

boys (Del Giudice, Angeleri & Manera, 2009). Adrenal androgens influence sex-

differentiated behavioural changes.

Empowerment The expansion in people’s ability to make strategic life choices in a context where this

ability was previously denied to them (Kabeer, 2001).

Ethnomethodology A subset of interactionism, ethnomethodology is the study of methods by which members

(socially functioning human beings) make sense out of their world. Specifically, it examines

how members build accounts of social action, while doing that action (Attewell, 1974).

Gender The structure of social relations centred on the reproductive arena and practices that bring

reproductive distinctions between bodies into social processes (Connell, 2002). Gender is a

multilevel system of difference and inequality which involves cultural beliefs, distributions

of resources, patterns of behaviour, organizational practices, and selves and identities.

(Ridgeway and Correll, 2004). NB: The definition and concept of gender is widely debated

across disciplines.

Gender beliefs Universal stereotypes about gender that serve to exacerbate the differences between men

and women (Ridgeway & Correll, 2004). For example, ‘Women are more emotional than

men’, is a gender belief.

Gender identity Refers to ‘One’s sense of oneself as male, female or transgender’ (American Psychological

Association, 2011).

Gender norms Sets of rules for what is appropriately masculine and feminine behaviour in a given culture

(Ryle, 2011). Individuals expect others to conform to these behaviours, and therefore prefer

to conform to them as well.

Gender performance From West & Zimmerman’s (1987) seminal piece ‘doing gender’ is the idea that gender is

constituted through everyday performance of the roles assigned to sex categories,

reproduced by methodical and routine practice. Butler (1988) built on this idea by

describing gender as a performance, as a “stylized repetition of acts” rather than a stable

category.

Gender roles Expected roles that are associated with each sex group (Stockard, 1999). Through gender

socialization, children and adolescents learn to associate activities and behaviours with

specific genders and to adopt appropriate gender roles.

Gender schema A gender schema is a cognitive structure that helps classify characteristics and behaviours

as masculine or feminine categories and ultimately shapes how individuals perceive the

world around them (Bem, 1993).

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Gender socialization A process by which individuals develop, refine and learn to ‘do’ gender through

internalizing gender norms and roles as they interact with key agents of socialization, such

as their family, social networks and other social institutions.

Gender transformative Approaches that actively strive to examine, question, and change rigid gender norms and

imbalance of power as a means of reaching health as well as gender-equity objectives;

encourage critical awareness among men and women of gender roles and norms; promote

the position of women; challenge the distribution of resources and allocation of duties

between men and women; and/or address the power relationships between women and

others in the community, such as service providers or traditional leaders (Rottach, Schuler &

Hardee, 2009).

Multiple masculinities The ‘multiple masculinities model’ theorizes that rather than there being one singular

model of masculinity, there are several socially structured masculinities (Connell, 1987).

Hegemonic masculinity embodies the honoured or dominant form of masculinity, and

requires all other men to position themselves in relation to it. Complicit masculinity

describes men who do not enact hegemonic masculinity, but still benefit from it.

Subordinated masculinity refers to men who are oppressed by hegemonic masculinity

(e.g. gay men), but still benefit from being men, rather than women.

Young people Persons between the ages of 10 and 24 years, as defined by UNICEF.

Youth Persons between the ages of 15 and 24 years, as defined by UNICEF.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 5

Definitions of key concepts........................................................................................................... 6

Part I: Towards an Understanding of Gender Socialization ........................................................... 7

1.1. Origins of the term ‘gender socialization’ ............................................................................ 7

1.2. Contributions from psychology to understanding gender socialization ........................... 7

1.3. Contributions from sociology to understanding gender socialization ..............................10

1.4. Contributions from biology to understanding gender socialization .................................12

Part II: A Framework for Analysing Gender Socialization in Adolescence....................................15

2.1. Gender socialization over the life course.............................................................................15

2.2. Multi-level factors that influence gender socialization during adolescence ................... 18

Structural level ..................................................................................................................... 20

Social-interactional level ..................................................................................................... 21

Individual level .................................................................................................................... 22

Outcomes ............................................................................................................................. 23

PART III: How to Influence Gender Norms and Gender Socialization.......................................... 25

3.1. Influencing gender norms and gender socialization at the structural level ..................... 25

Economic shifts that influence gender norms and gender socialization......................... 26

Global media and its influence on gender norms and gender socialization................... 28

Population changes and their influence on gender norms and gender socialization..... 29

3.2. Programme interventions aiming to influence gender socialization

at the individual and social-interactional levels................................................................. 31

Results of the literature review ........................................................................................... 31

Summary of findings ........................................................................................................... 34

Conclusion......................................................................................................................................... 36

Recommendations for policy and programmes ....................................................................... 36

References ........................................................................................................................................ 39

Annex – Results from a preliminary search of gender socialization interventions .................... 49

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

INTRODUCTION

This paper comes amidst growing recognition of the importance of gender equality for

the achievement of broader development goals, but also of the enormity of this

challenge. It also comes at a time when the world is home to the largest cohort of

adolescents in history; 1.2 billion adolescents make up16 per cent of the global

population, and 90 per cent live in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs)

(UNICEF, 2016). Adolescence is not only a period of rapid physical, sexual and brain

development, but also one when the shaping of gender beliefs and attitudes intensifies,

with potentially life-long effects (Kågesten et al. 2016). In 2013, some of the leading

causes of adolescent deaths globally included HIV/AIDS, road injuries and maternal

disorders, while key risk factors for health and well-being included unsafe sex and

alcohol misuse (Mokhad et al., 2016). In many settings, outcomes and risk factors like

these are influenced by gendered attitudes and behaviour learned through the process

of gender socialization. The effects are particularly salient for girls. By their 19th

birthday, 11 per cent of girls around the world are already mothers (WHO, 2016),

while 27 per cent are married by age 18 (UNICEF, 2014). Adolescent girls and young

women are one of the groups most severely affected by HIV (UNAIDS, 2014) and

although gender gaps in access to primary education are closing, girls continue to be

disadvantaged (UNESCO, 2015). These outcomes call for a strong focus on adolescent

well-being in policies and programmes and are supported by a growing body of

literature that recognizes adolescence as a critical phase for achieving human potential

(Patton et al., 2016). Adolescents are able to critically address the gender roles and

expectations they are exposed to and can benefit from learning new roles and

expectations as they transition into adulthood. Adolescence is seen as a ‘second

window of opportunity’ to build on earlier investments or to change behaviour and

provides new opportunities for those who have not fared well in childhood.

Programmes and policies designed to reduce the burden of negative outcomes for

adolescents need to draw on their common roots. Numerous efforts are being made to

transform gender norms, or rules that socially regulate gender roles and expectations,

and these can work alongside policies and programmes that enable women and girls to

gain the necessary knowledge and skills to improve their health, economic or social

status. While research and programmes on gender has increasingly focused on the

formation of gender identity and the role that social norms play in this process, there is

a paucity of evidence about how this takes place, particularly in low- and middle-

income countries (Kågesten et al., 2016). By drawing attention to the gender

socialization process among adolescents, it is possible to re-direct intervention efforts,

taking into consideration how young people imagine their transitions to adulthood –

and how they achieve them. Rather than reproducing gender inequality, girls and boys

can work to transform gender systems, roles and identities.

This paper sets out to understand the gender socialization process during adolescence,

its influences and outcomes, and to provide practical suggestions on how to use this

knowledge in the design of policies and programmes that aim to improve gender

equality. The paper has three objectives. In Part I, the objective is to conceptualize and

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

define the gender socialization process. We review contributions to the concept across

three disciplines, and apply them critically to the adolescent period.

In Part II, the objective is to situate the gender socialization process during adolescence

in a broader context of multi-level influences. We introduce a conceptual framework

(see Figure 2, page 19) that brings together the gender socialization process

with the main factors that influence it, as well as the gendered indicators and

outcomes of that process.

In Part III, the final objective is to apply the conceptual framework to develop practical

suggestions for designing effective programmes and policies that ultimately serve to

improve outcomes for adolescents in low- and middle-income countries. We review

changes in population structures, the global media and gendered economic

opportunities, to understand how the gender socialization process, gender norms and

identities have been transformed at the macro level. We then move on to present the

results of a literature review, which identified 31 small-scale programmes designed to

impact the gender socialization process, and combine our findings to offer

recommendations for more holistic gender programming and policy.

Definitions of key concepts

In this paper, we argue for the importance of addressing gender socialization as a

means to reduce gender inequalities. We define gender socialization as a process

whereby individuals develop, refine and learn to ‘do’ gender through internalizing

gender norms and roles as they interact with key agents of socialization, such as their

family, social networks and other social institutions. We return to this definition in Part II

once we have reviewed relevant theoretical contributions from three disciplines. We

argue that the process of gender socialization is particularly important in the period of

adolescence. Adolescents are defined as young people between the ages of 10-19 years

in the phase known as adolescence, which is a transition period between childhood and

adulthood (UNICEF, 2012). In examining how gender socialization takes place during

adolescence we highlight the key ‘agents’ or people and institutions that play crucial

roles in shaping gender identities.

We are cognisant that the concept and definition of gender is by no means agreed

across or even within disciplines. To guide the framework presented in this paper, we

use Ridgeway and Corell’s (2004) definition of gender, “[a] multilevel system of

difference and inequality…[that] involves cultural beliefs and distributions of resources

at the macro-level, patterns of behaviour and organizational practices at the

interactional level, and selves and identities at the individual level” (pp. 510-511).

Like all social systems of difference, gender is relational, and constitutes “the structure

of social relations that centres on the reproductive arena, and the set of practices that

bring reproductive distinctions between bodies into social processes” (Connell, 2002,

p. 10). In drawing attention to the multi-level meaning of gender and the production of

gender inequality, we emphasize that gender socialization is situated in different

contexts, and therefore is contextually dependent, as well as dynamic.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

PART I: TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF GENDER SOCIALIZATION

1.1. Origins of the term ‘gender socialization’

Socialization is the lifelong process by which individuals learn the customs and social

behaviours expected of them in their societies. Gender socialization, according to Ryle

(2011), is a relatively new term that describes social learning pertaining specifically to

gender, and incorporates an understanding of two related and more commonly used

constructs: gender norms and gender identity. In simplistic terms, gender norms are

the sets of rules for what is appropriate masculine and feminine behaviour in a given

culture (Ryle, 2011), and gender identity is the way individuals think of themselves as

being male or female (American Psychological Association, 2011). Gender socialization

can be seen as a multi-dimensional process that occurs over time and through which

individuals learn the gender norms and rules of their society, subsequently developing

an internal gender identity.

The ways in which gender socialization is understood in the literature have resulted

from various theoretical contributions from feminist studies, queer and intersectionality

movements, and theoretical and empirical advancements in understanding social and

biological phenomena. In this section we review literature from psychology, sociology

and biology to understand the origins and meaning of gender socialization.

1.2. Contributions from psychology to understanding gender socialization

The earliest contributions to contemporary understanding of ‘gender socialization’

came from the discipline of psychology. Early traditions in psychology understood

the origins of gender differences as variation in biological factors in the early

experiences in the upbringing of girls and boys. Hence gender differences were

conceptualized as personal or innate characteristics, and constructs such as ‘abilities’,

‘traits’ and ‘emotions’ were used to explain them (Ryle, 2011; Leaper & Friedman, 2006).

‘Socialization’ was viewed as habit building or a process of instilling a desired set of

behavioural habits among children. Inspired by theoretical contributions from

behavioural psychologists, Skinner (1938) and Hull (1935), proponents of this viewpoint,

saw ‘reinforcement’ as the central process in habit formation. According to these

theorists, parents ‘shape’ their children’s development by judiciously reinforcing

desired behaviour and punishing or withholding rewards for undesired behaviours

(Ryle, 2011; Leaper & Friedman, 2006).

Bandura and Walters (1963) drew on these assertions to develop their initial theory of

social learning, which also applies to gender socialization. A key construct in their

theory was ‘sex-typed’ behaviours. A behaviour was described as sex-typed when it

was viewed as more appropriate and expected to be performed by one sex as opposed

to the other. Hence, gender socialization occurs through a process of rewarding

children for engaging in sex-typed behaviour that is consistent with their assigned sex

category. Based on these premises, Bandura (1977) developed the influential Social

Learning Theory which posits that individuals learn from each other by observing,

imitating and modelling. However, this theoretical approach came under attack for

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

viewing children as largely passive recipients of socio-cultural ideas about gender and

sex-typing, with little room to see them as active agents of socialization

(Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974).

Theories of cognitive development draw on theories of social learning, while providing

important advances in the theoretical thinking on socialization. During this period,

the work of child cognitive development theorist Jean Piaget was becoming

increasingly popular (Ryle, 2011; Leaper & Friedman, 2006). As opposed to social

learning theorists who concentrated on the social sources of information on gender,

cognitive theorists focused their attention on the gender knowledge structure and how

information was processed and internalized (Martin, Ruble & Szkrybalo, 2002). Piaget

(1954) highlighted the active role children play in their own socialization. He also drew

attention to the different stages in children’s cognitive development – an aspect of

biological maturation – and to the importance of taking these stages into account to

understand socialization. In Piaget’s conceptualization, cognitive development was an

evolving mental process following biological maturation and environmental

experiences. Kohlberg (1966) drew on Piaget’s stages to further develop the cognitive-

developmental approach to explain the process of gender socialization. According to

this approach, children acquire a gender identity and learn to gender-type themselves

as they go through a series of discrete developmental stages (Ryle, 2011; Martin, Ruble

& Szkrybalo, 2002). Children acquire a sense of their gender identity, that is, a growing

realization that they are either a boy or a girl, by age 3. By age 5, they reach ‘gender

stability’, which is a recognition that this identity does not change over time. The final

stage ‘gender constancy’ occurs at age 7, which marks the stage at which the child can

recognize that a person’s gender identity is not affected by gender-typed appearances,

traits or activities (Martin, Ruble & Szkrybalo, 2002). According to Kohlberg (1966),

‘gender constancy’ is a critical stage in gender socialization; after reaching this stage,

children actively try to model their behaviour to what is considered feminine or

masculine in their social context.

The next theoretical contribution to the understanding of gender socialization in

psychology was Gender Schema Theory, introduced by Sandra Bem (1981, 1993), which

resulted from an increasing influence of feminism in the field of psychology. This theory

also tried to address some of the limitations identified in theories of cognitive

development (Ryle, 2011; Leaper & Friedman, 2006). In particular, theories of cognitive

development were criticized for their limited acknowledgment of social and cultural

influences on gender socialization and for failing to explain why sex became an important

category of social organization in the first place. Hence, Gender Schema Theory sought to

address the question: Why do young children prioritize identifying and distinguishing

their sex? According to Bem, a schema is a cognitive structure or network that helps

organize and process information from the outside world. A gender schema, therefore,

is a cognitive structure that helps us classify characteristics and behaviours as masculine

and feminine categories and ultimately shapes how we perceive the world around us.

Gender socialization occurs as children begin to relate to gender schemas.

Gender schematic processing is an important step in children’s gender socialization.

According to Bem, gender schematic processing involves “[a] generalized readiness on

the part of the child to encode and to organize information, including information about

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

the self – according to culture’s definition of maleness and femaleness” (1993, p. 603).

Moreover, Bem also discusses how gender schemas exist because societies are

structured in such a way that they appear critical to societies’ functioning and become

primary ways of organizing individual interactions with the world.

The review above shows that while early social-learning theoretical traditions focused

on environmental determinants, such as rewards and models of gender, to explain

gender socialization, the cognition-based approaches emphasized children’s growing

understanding of gender categories and their eventual permanent placement in one of

them – suggesting that cognition preceded behaviour. In contrast, more recent theories

(Bem, 1993) have moved towards integrating knowledge from multiple theoretical

orientations (Martin, Ruble & Szkrybalo, 2002). In fact, Huston (1985) called for the

development of a more integrated and comprehensive approach for the understanding

of gender development by incorporating understanding of how facets of gender – such

as identity, concepts, preferences, and behaviours – as well as the factors that influence

these developments – such as biology, cognition, and socio-cultural factors – have

shaped thinking among theorists. Cognitive theorists are now taking an interest in

environmental factors that influence the construction and content of gender cognition,

while social learning theorists are considering more seriously how cognitive and

internal factors influence gender development (Martin, Ruble & Szkrybalo, 2002). In

response to these shifts in the understanding of the field, Bussey and Bandura (1999)

developed an integrated and comprehensive theory that applies to gender

development called the Social Cognitive Theory, which incorporates knowledge about

cognitive constructs, biological and socio-cultural factors in addition to the Social

Learning Theory (Bandura, 1977) to provide an explanation of how gender-related

behaviour is acquired and maintained.

Bronfrenbrenner (2005) builds further on this approach through the development of a

comprehensive multi-level theory in his Process-Person-Context-Time (PPCT)

framework, which explicitly views human development as a process that occurs over

the life course and explains the relationship between an aspect of the context (e.g.

social class) and the person (e.g. gender) and some outcome of interest. The model

thus focuses on ‘processes’, which highlight the interaction between the individual and

their environment over time. A key focus is on proximal processes, which refer to the

reciprocal interaction between individuals and their environment, including other

persons, objects and symbols, over time. These interactions are posited as the primary

mechanisms for human development. However, the power of such processes to

influence development is thought to vary substantially, depending on the

characteristics of the developing person, their proximal and remote environmental

contexts, and the time periods in which these processes take place.

All told, there have been numerous contributions to the notion of gender socialization

from the field of psychology. Some of the more important are summarized below.

1. Gender socialization occurs through social learning – we get clues from the

environment and adapt behaviour accordingly.

2. Children are not passive agents of socialization but have cognitive capabilities

that allow them to process and internalize pertinent information.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

3. There are different stages of socialization that emerge from maturing cognitive

capacity and social experiences.

4. There is value in integrating understandings of cognitive-motivational and socio-

structural factors for a more comprehensive understanding of socialization.

1.3. Contributions from sociology to understanding gender socialization

Within the discipline of sociology, the classical traditions of structuralism and

interactionism have guided more recent sociological contributions to the

understanding of gender socialization (Risman, 2004). Structuralism directs attention

to the importance of social structures in defining the contours of a society and its

organization. In its origins, structuralism imposed a clear dualism between structural

constraints and individual action, pitting individual action against existing social

structures. Interactionism, by contrast, ignores large-scale social systems, and instead

conceptualizes society to be a product of everyday interactions (Risman, 2004).

These traditions, together with contributions from feminist and queer theories and

research on intersectionalities, have served as important bases for theoretical

advancements around a socially contextualized understanding of gender that can be

extended to gender socialization.

West and Zimmerman (1987) drew on interactionism, especially ethnomethodology, to

provide in their words, “a distinctly sociological understanding of gender as a routine,

methodical, and recurring accomplishment” (p. 126). They presented their theory as a

response to a number of developments such as increasing evidence from

anthropological, psychological and sociological literature about the ambiguous nature

of both categories of sex and gender. It was also a reaction to existing theories in the

field of psychology that suggested that gender identities crystalized by about age 5 and

were static and fixed moving forward (West & Zimmerman, 1987). Moreover, there was

emerging understanding through the works of Chodorow (1978) and others that

biological and cultural processes were far more complex and interacted to maintain

and reproduce gender-based inequalities. West and Zimmerman, drawing on Goffman,

spoke of how ‘doing gender’ means creating socially constructed differences between

men and women that are then used to argue or promote their innate or essential

nature. Another important feature of their theory was its focus on how gender is

enacted and reproduced in everyday interactions and within institutions. Under their

formulation, gender has to do with people’s everyday performance of the roles

assigned to their sex categories, reproduced by methodical and routine practice,

which then provide it legitimacy.

Other important contributions that have broadened understanding of gender

socialization include the growing influence of intersectionality research in sociology,

which emphasizes the importance of place, as well as location and time on the process

of socialization (Crenshaw, 1991). Theoretical work on intersectionality directs attention

to each individual’s multiple, layered identities as derived from social relations, history,

place and location. Intersectional analysis, therefore, addresses the manner in which

context, racism, patriarchy, class oppression and other systems of discrimination,

each structure inequalities thereby shaping the relative positions of women, based not

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

just on gender, but also class, race, place, and sexual identity (Hancock, 2007).

Thus, intersectionality research draws from both the structural and interactional

traditions, emphasizing power structures and dynamics as well as the unique individual

experiences at the intersection of multiple identities (Risman, 2004).

Another stream of influence on the theory of gender socialization comes from queer

theory, which explores issues of sexuality, power and marginalized populations

(Butler, 1990). Queer theory was greatly influenced by the post-structural theoretical works

of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), Jacques Derrida (1930-2014), and Michel Foucault

(1926-1984), as well as by psychoanalysis. Power and difference were also core concepts

within the gay liberation movement. These theorists developed a sophisticated analysis of

oppression by men as well as the oppression of men by other men. Another major focus

was to question gender stereotypes and the breaking down of simplistic binary categories.

Queer theorists moved beyond traditional categories such as male/female,

masculine/feminine, straight/gay, to focus instead on the instability of such categories.

They looked to see how such gender categories are constructed, sustained, and undone,

and contribute to the discussion on socialization by ’uncoupl[ing]’ the body from

definitions of masculinity and femininity. Building on earlier work, they further reiterated

how gender is less about bodies and more about practices, discourses and rituals.

Influenced by these multiple streams of discourse and analysis, the field is moving

towards multi-dimensional theoretical frameworks that view gender as embedded at

the individual, interactional, and institutional levels of society. Connell (1987) is perhaps

the best example of this genre of theory. She proposed a model of multiple

masculinities and power relationships that were integrated into a systematic theory

of gender. She drew heavily on feminist theories of patriarchy and the related role of

men in transforming patriarchy. Other critical forces that shaped her thinking and lay

the groundwork for the questioning of any universalizing claims about the category

of men included the working class movement, intersectionality research and

ethnographic studies. During this period, while the working class movement was

pushing for attention to class difference in expressions of masculinity, women of colour

were highlighting the race bias that occurs when power is solely conceptualized in

terms of sex differences. Moreover, ethnographic studies were drawing attention to

the reality of local gender hierarchies and multiple masculinities. Drawing on all these

influences, a key focus of her theoretical framework was on the notion of hegemonic

masculinity, which was distinguished from other masculinities, especially subordinate

masculinities. For Connell, hegemonic masculinity embodied the currently honoured

way of being a man, it required all other men to position themselves in relation to it,

and it ideologically legitimated the global subordination of women to men.

Moreover, the notion of hegemonic masculinity is specific to a context, time and

location and subject to change as the circumstances or conditions creating it change.

Overall, the important learnings captured from sociology’s contributions to

understanding gender socialization include:

1. Gender socialization processes are dynamic and need to be considered within

specific space, place and time.

2. The interaction between social structural forces and individual agency is

an important aspect of gender socialization.

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3. Through everyday practice individuals ‘do’ gender; and in turn produce and

reproduce gender.

4. How gender is performed and what is learned through gender socialization differs

by class, race, cultural expectations and beliefs, sexual identity and other factors.

1.4. Contributions from biology to understanding gender socialization

The biological sciences provide an understanding of the linkages between the nature

and timing of pubertal maturation and maturing neurocognitive structures and

function, which can help us understand the process of socialization during adolescence,

including gender socialization (Steinberg, 2005).

Biologically, adolescence is defined by the onset of puberty that is accompanied by

physical growth and sexual maturation resulting in both physical maturity and

reproductive capacity (Sawyer et al., 2012). The earliest biological understandings of

socialization were framed around the hormonal differences that differentiated the sexes

(Leaper & Farkas, 2014). Adolescence was viewed as a period dominated by ‘raging

hormones’, and the higher levels of sex hormones that accompany normal pubertal

maturation in early adolescence were thought to be the cause of many ‘high-risk’

behaviours including sexual ones (Steinberg & Morris, 2001).

Since the industrial revolution, there has been a significant downward trend in the age

of onset of puberty in industrialized countries, a process thought largely to reflect

improvements in nutrition, hygiene and health (Patton & Viner, 2007). In high-income

countries, these changes in the onset of puberty over the centuries have largely

stabilized with menarche (first menstruation) occurring around 12-13 years. The same

trends are also now being experienced in low- and middle-income countries. Framed

by societal expectations and social norms, the physical changes of puberty are typically

associated with more gendered behaviours and influence the gender socialization

process. Early romantic and sexual experiences are believed to be reflections of

pubertal (biological) maturation (Ernst et al., 2005), framed by social norms.

While there is evidence that puberty commences earlier than in previous centuries

(Patton & Viner, 2007), an even greater change is the upward age at which

marriage/cohabitation now occurs (Sawyer et al., 2012). Rather than childbearing typically

occurring within a few years of puberty in girls, increasing participation in education and

employment for both girls and boys has resulted in a gap of 10-15 years between

reproductive maturity and childbearing in many high-income countries. The same pattern

is also experienced in many middle- and low-income countries, where it is most

pronounced in those of higher socioeconomic background. As in previous centuries,

the majority of young people commence sexual activity within a few years of pubertal

maturity; the difference is that this is less likely to be within the context of marriage.

Pubertal development and brain maturation are now understood to be closely linked.

Advances in neuroscience have resulted in adolescent development being better

appreciated as a process reflecting numerous physiological and socio-behavioural

transitions when complex interaction of emotional, intellectual and behavioural

capabilities become critical for handling the changes brought about by puberty that

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ultimately support individuals to develop the competencies required to function

as an adult in society (Steinberg, 2005; Steinberg & Morris, 2001; Spear, 2000).

Within this framework, the knowledge that certain ‘pleasure responsive’ parts of

the brain are activated in relatively early puberty was consistent with earlier notions

of adolescence as a period of heightened vulnerability and risk (Crone & Dahl, 2012;

Steinberg, 2005; Spear, 2000). However, ongoing advances in the field of neuroscience

provide a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between cognitive, affective

and social processing systems and the broader social context of the adolescent.

These advances are allowing a re-framing of adolescence as a window of opportunity

(as opposed to a period of risk) when the brain is biologically most prepared for learning,

including social learning. It is now well established that although cognitive control

abilities emerge in early childhood and continue to mature through childhood into

adulthood, adolescence marks a period of tremendous expansion in the ability to adapt

to a variety of social contextual and cultural influences (Zelazo, Craik & Booth, 2004)

that are arguably inherent in the process of gender socialization.

Development research suggests that during adolescence, the most salient types of

rewards and threats reside in the social domain, such as the desire to be admired and

accepted or the threat of being rejected by peers. There is also increased activity in

‘valuing’ systems (determining levels of worth/goodness), which might reflect a

sensitive period for learning about sources of reward and threat, again mostly within

social domains. Research also shows that adolescents have a stronger motivation for

peer acceptance compared to children and adults (Crone & Dahl, 2012). The importance

of peer acceptance is relevant for how social norms about gender can be seen to

influence more acutely the playing out of gendered behaviours during adolescence.

Based on these new developments, Crone and Dahl (2012) have proposed a

comprehensive model of adolescent brain development. In their model, brain

development begins with changes in the social-affective processing systems, which are

triggered by the onset of puberty. Hormonal changes in puberty contribute to increases

in novelty-seeking, sensation-seeking and social influence-seeking behaviours.

While these social and affective changes start at the onset of puberty, they reach their

peak by middle adolescence and continue to influence behaviour and learning for

several more years. Furthermore, these affective and social influences interact

with changes in cognitive structures and abilities that occur throughout adolescence.

Crone and Dahl propose that this increase in social-affective engagement not only

influences incentives and behaviour in the moment but can be harnessed for

motivational learning and behaviour in the long term. They explain that over time

these tendencies can be quickly shifted according to social incentives, which in turn

can contribute to healthy exploration and risk-taking behaviours that ultimately

promote social and emotional learning and the development of skills and knowledge

that are required to function as competent adults.

Del Giudice (2009) draws on evolutionary biology and psychology to shed light on the

linkages between early parent-child attachment, the onset of puberty and subsequent

reproductive and mating strategies. He theorizes juvenility, a stage between childhood

and adolescence, through an integrative evolutionary framework. The juvenile transition

is a pre-reproductive life stage in which the young person is independent from parents

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for survival, but is still sexually immature. It is also a period in which the cues provided

by the early environment combine with new biological factors to affect the trajectory of

the individual’s reproductive strategy, regulated and coordinated by sex hormones

through the onset of adrenarche (activation of the adrenal gland that occurs before any

of the physical signs of puberty). In this framework, environmental cues are provided

through establishment of attachment systems, which are shaped by experiences.

In infancy and childhood, parents are the key source of attachment security. Parental

response to children’s solicitation is their key indicator of safety and predictability of

the environment – or threat. These early cues of safety or threat can affect the timing

of the child’s transition to juvenility, and can result in attachment styles that have a

propensity for risky or protective behaviours and reproductive strategies.

According to Del Giudice (2009), in middle childhood, attachment systems go through

tremendous changes as children face their social environment independently for the

first time, and sex differences in attachment styles emerge. Life experiences at this

stage can have long-term effects, especially with regard to selected reproductive

strategies. A key pressure is the intra-sexual competition between peers and a tendency

towards competitive status-seeking that emerges at this stage with relevance for how

dominant gender norms are played out. Del Giudice argues that if the environmental

conditions are safe and predictable, and if there is a preference for monogamy and high

parental investment, then low-risk cooperative strategies will be adopted and viewed as

most useful to maximize future benefits as opposed to high-risk competitive strategies.

Parental investments are especially critical at this stage as parents can provide useful

information such as the local degree of male-male competition or mate selection

patterns. Moreover, parental relationships can directly affect specific aspects of

children’s attachment behaviours. With the coming of adolescence, the attachment

system and the resultant reproductive and coupling strategies are already well formed.

At this stage, adolescents who feel secure adopt reproductive strategies based on late

maturation, commitment in long-term relationships, and higher investments in

parenting. On the other hand, adolescents with insecure attachment adopt strategies

based on early reproduction, short-term mating orientation, and lower parental

investment (Del Giudice, 2009).

Biology contributes to understanding gender socialization in the following key ways:

1. Suggesting that puberty is a critical period within the life course, not only for

physical and sexual maturation but especially for socialization that creates

particular sensitivities to social norms including gender.

2. Viewing socialization within the context of pubertal and brain maturation,

conceptualized as a process that increases in complexity over the course of

adolescence, and continues into young adulthood.

3. Acknowledging the critical role of the social context as the provider of stimuli that

triggers cognitive and social-emotional development.

4. Introducing the notion of critical periods in stages of adolescent development

that offer opportunities to shape adolescent thinking by providing the right

environmental stimuli or motivation.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

PART II: A FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSING GENDER SOCIALIZATION

IN ADOLESCENCE

Drawing on the multi-disciplinary literature review, this section examines the process

of gender socialization and how it unfolds over the life course, and presents a

framework of key factors that influence the process at the macro, meso and micro

levels during the period of adolescence. The framework also enables discussion on

the gendered outcomes that may result from the gender socialization process,

which we draw on to begin thinking about the design of effective policies and

programmes to reduce gender-based inequalities for adolescents in low- and

middle-income countries, in the next section.

To recap, in this paper gender socialization is defined as a process by which individuals

develop, refine and learn to ‘do’ gender through internalizing gender norms and roles

as they interact with key agents of socialization, such as their family, social networks

and other social institutions. The process occurs over time and is influenced by

inter-related context specific social, economic, and cultural factors operating at

the structural, social-interactional and individual levels.

2.1. Gender socialization over the life course

Research on gender socialization has highlighted the importance of understanding

how and in what ways this process changes over the life course. In contrast to earlier

research that viewed socialization processes to be effectively completed before

adolescence, more recent research within psychology and biological sciences view

pre-adolescent and adolescent years as critical periods for socialization, where there is

acute sensitivity to social norms and peer influences, including those around gender.

Furthermore, research from sociology has highlighted the notion that gender beliefs

and schemas are dynamic thus are shaped and re-constituted over time.

Most importantly, the gender socialization process is tied to children’s and adolescents’

developing cognitive abilities and sexual maturation, which in turn is influenced by

different socialization agents and contextual factors. Hence, an understanding of

these mechanisms and their interaction with the agents and institutions of socialization

over the life-course is important. Understanding how the gender socialization process

unfolds over the life course is a necessary precursor to any efforts that aim to

influence its trajectory.

Figure 1 (next page) portrays an intentionally simplistic representation of gender

socialization across the life course to emphasize important figures and institutions that

are most influential at distinct points of development. It highlights the influence of

some of the more commonly described agents of gender socialization from early

childhood, extending through adolescence and into early adulthood and points to

the critical periods when any given agent might be more important than another.

It is important to note that these figures and institutions, their relative importance and

in some cases their presence or absence, are dependent on the specific socio-cultural

context in which an individual is situated over time. For example, in many cultures the

adolescent period is truncated as children are expected to take on adult roles early.

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The figure is meant to serve as a conceptual tool, and aims to visualize the shifts in

influences on gender socialization over the life course. In addition to family, it indicates

that during adolescence, peers and schools are two important sources of influence for

gender socialization, especially given the time young people spend in these settings

and the relevance they attribute to them. The potential for the media to be a source of

gendered influence is also highlighted.

FIGURE 1- Conceptual Model of Main influences on Gender Socialization Over the Life-course

Note: It should be noted that contextual and individual differences will make specific categories irrelevant to some adolescents.

During early childhood, the primary socialization agents are located within the family.

Theories of attachment and life history posit the parent-child bond as the most critical

relationship, one that sets the stage for the development of personality traits, social

adjustment and emotional regulation, which further influence the nature of future peer

and romantic relationships and the transition to adulthood (Cassidy & Shaver 1999).

Within Western-based research, there is emphasis on the role of parents (Leaper &

Friedman, 2006; Fagot, Rodgers & Leinbach, 2000); in other contexts, additional family

members, especially extended family members who serve as close caregivers,

are also critical for these early socialization processes (Liang & George, 2012).

Young children are influenced by how they are treated and expected to behave, as well as

by observing the roles of their female and male family members. Studies have traced

the influence of parents and family on the process of gender socialization at multiple

levels in early childhood, ranging from children’s play and participation in sports,

family division of labour, type of media exposure, and knowledge/exposure to social

norms, gender stereotypes and other social-structural factors (for a review, see Leaper

& Farkas, 2014). The nature of the parent-child bond shifts during adolescence in

response to brain maturation processes. These processes, which are associated with

the physical and sexual maturation of puberty over time, support the individuation of

children from their parents and allow young people to become more independent and

autonomous about their opinions and beliefs and increase their capacity for

independent decision-making. Individuation can also result in greater parent-child

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conflict, reduced closeness and time spent together (Larson & Richards, 1991).

However, parents and family remain highly relevant for adolescent socialization,

remaining critical and reliable sources of information about the broader social

environment (Ellis, Jackson & Boyce, 2006).

Beyond parents and family, as young children’s worlds and socio-cognitive and

emotional abilities expand with age, they are drawn towards friendships outside

the immediacy of the family. The relative importance of peer relationships, school and

other educational settings increases during adolescence (Crone & Dahl, 2012) and

positive evaluation from peers becomes increasingly salient. This coincides with young

people’s growing capacity for intimacy and for engaging with romantic and sexual

partners. Peers become an important source of gendered interaction and learning and

engagement in specific activities, such as sports, serve to shape gendered selves

(Leaper & Friedman, 2006). Peer dynamics act as a major site for the production and

reproduction of gender and other social inequalities (Crosnoe, 2011), with the influence

of peers being strongest in middle adolescence, as opposed to early and late

adolescence (Steinberg & Morris, 2001; Brown, 1990). While earlier research based on

the amount of time adolescents spent with their peers suggested that peers were the

predominant influence at this stage, current research highlights that despite reduced

time spent with parents, adolescents carry many qualities into their peer and romantic

relationships that were developed earlier in life as part of the socialization they

experienced within their families (Del Giudice, 2009; Steinberg & Morris, 2011).

The influence of peers might vary by context and be different for boys and girls.

For example, in some contexts, biological changes experienced during puberty lead

to heightened social enforcement of gender-based segregation of boys and girls, with

boys being given more independence and allowed to spend time outside the house,

while girls are encouraged to stay at home with family members (Ricardo, Barker,

Pulerwitz & Rocha, 2006). In these situations, boys are able to free themselves from

parental supervision and spend a large share of their time with peer groups, making

peer groups more critical for their gender socialization, whereas for girls, the family

continues to be the main agent of socialization.

Figure 1 also captures additional authority figures, institutions and socializing agents

that impact how children understand their gendered selves. These include schools,

sports clubs and other recreationally oriented establishments, and where relevant,

houses of worship and other religious bodies. Figures of authority in schools impact

children’s understanding of expected gendered roles and behaviours (Philpot et

al., 1997). In schools, gender socialization occurs through the school curriculum and

teacher-student interactions, which can either perpetuate or challenge existing gender

norms. In fact, research suggests that while schools have positively shifted male

notions of masculinity, they can also perpetuate traditional gender roles by neglecting

girls and discouraging them from considering roles beyond the care-giving roles

traditionally ascribed to them (Kabeer, 2001; Fagot, Rodgers & Leinbach, 2000). There is

also evidence of gender stereotyping in the school curriculum, whereby women are

portrayed as passive and modest, while men are portrayed as assertive and ambitious

(Kabeer, 2001). In addition to their role as academic institutions, schools also provide a

social context in which children and adolescents interact with their peers and form

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social networks. This non-institutional role of the school is especially pertinent for

adolescents as they look to expand their networks beyond the family. School then

becomes an important site for social relationships, and learning and enactment of

gender and other social norms and behaviours (Crosnoe, 2011). It is critical to note

that besides the direct ways in which school influences the process of gender

socialization, the very act of going to school and receiving education in many ways

challenges and pushes the boundaries of traditional gender norms, roles and ultimately

identities – thereby transforming the gender socialization process.

Finally, exposure to the media brings greater exposure to gendered programming,

as well as wider opportunities to experience alternative gendered identities and roles –

all of which shape how young people understand and form gender roles and

expectations. It is important to note that the role of the media is subject to people’s

access to multi-media sources, which may differ over the life course and from one

context to the next. Local and national media are often found to perpetuate gender

stereotypes and provide additional legitimacy to current gender norms, while global

media may be more challenging to local values and beliefs around gender norms.

Young adolescents’ notions of sexuality and body image are especially impacted by

the sexualized and idealized bodies portrayed in the media. Studies have indicated

that older adolescent girls are more likely to be influenced by these images, which are

most likely to negatively impact their self-esteem and sense of satisfaction with their

bodies (Clay, Vignoles & Dittmar, 2005). Similarly, the media also affect male

adolescents’ body image and ideas of masculinity, commonly through sports and other

images including pornography (Leaper & Farkas, 2014). However, beyond the role of

popular media, public health and social programmes have successfully utilized mass

media to increase knowledge and modify harmful social and health behaviours and

practices, and these strategies can potentially be used to actively influence gender

socialization processes as well (Le Ferrara, Chong & Duryea, 2012; Jensen, 2012).

Mass media campaigns are especially powerful because of their ability to disseminate

messages at the population level, repeatedly, over time, and at relatively low costs

(Wakefield, Loken & Hornik 2010).

2.2 Multi-level factors that influence gender socialization during adolescence

While the interaction between the individual being ‘socialized’ and the agents of

socialization is the key process for gender socialization, this does not occur in isolation.

The broader structural forces such as prevailing socio-economic conditions, political

institutions and levels of patriarchy play a critical role and shape the nature of

interactions between the individual and the agents of socialization. To capture gender

socialization then requires an understanding of the interaction between the individual

and her or his micro, meso and macro environment. In this section, we will account for

the multi-level and dynamic nature of the gender socialization process, with a focus on

the individual, social-interactional and structural levels of influence during the

adolescent period, and the gendered outcomes that may be associated with this

process at each level. This multi-level framework is captured in Figure 2 (page 19) and

describes the gender socialization process and how it produces and reproduces gender

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norms, gender roles and gender identities. We also connect these multi-level factors

influencing gender socialization to the gendered outcomes that result from them to set

the stage for the final part of this paper, which discusses how changes in outcomes

occur, and how programmes, policies and advocacy strategies can be designed to yield

more positive outcomes.

Figure 2 situates gender socialization during adolescence within a broader social,

cultural, economic, and political context, where it is influenced by a multi-level and

relational set of determinants (see the horizontal levels captured in Figure 2).

Theoretical contributions to gender socialization and related processes demand

recognition of this broader context and of how various socially structured identities

intersect to generate multiple gendered realities at a given time and place. We borrow

from social-ecological frameworks to draw attention to the flow of influence from the

structural (macro) level to the social-interactional (meso) level and down to the

embedded individual (micro level). The figure indicates that the flow of influence is

from the structural to the individual, but that, in turn, individual action can influence

change at community and ultimately societal levels. Each of the factors presented is

influenced by others at the same level of aggregation, as well as by related factors at

lower or higher levels of aggregation. The interrelated factors at each level shape the

key gender socialization processes (column 3, Figure 2), which have a number of

associated potential outcomes (final column, Figure 2). In turn, these outcomes

reinforce or challenge existing gender socialization processes.

FIGURE 2- Multi-Level Framework of Influence Impacting Gender Socialization Processes During Adolescence

Next, we describe each socio-ecological level of Figure 2, focusing on how the specified

factors influence the gender socialization process and its outcomes.

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Structural level

The structural level refers to the broader societal values and practices, political

structures, and socio-economic conditions, global media and information sources that

exert influence at the broader, societal level. The structural level factors determine the

gendered distribution of resources and how relative status and power will potentially

impact an individual’s personal circumstances and life chances as well as impose

constraints on behaviour. While multiple factors interact and influence each other and

the gender socialization process, entrenched gender and patriarchal structures and

the prevailing social and economic conditions in a given society often most closely

relate to and impact the nature of the gender socialization process. This connection at

the macro-level is demonstrated by the generally positive correlation between human

development and gender equality at the country level (Hausmann, 2014). For example,

countries with the highest human development index also tend to be among the more

gender equal (e.g. Norway, Sweden); while many of the countries with the lowest human

development index are also among those with the lowest levels of gender equality (e.g.

Niger, Yemen, Chad). The same is true for many middle-income countries, which fall into

the ‘middle’ with respect to gender equality measures (e.g. South Africa, Brazil).

However, these relationships are complex; socio-economic development and gender

equality do not always shift or transform in parallel, underlying the significance of

patriarchal institutions and belief systems in some contexts. There are places where

human development is relatively high overall, but gender equality is very low, such as

countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) (e.g. Egypt, Iran). Studies have

demonstrated that entrenched ‘classic’ patriarchy (Kandiyoti, 1988) in these settings

is responsible for lost potential economic growth. For example, Klasen and Lamanna

suggest that women’s exclusion from higher education and the labour force in MENA

and South Asian countries as compared to East Asian countries explains a difference of

up to 1.6 per cent in growth between these regions (Klasen & Lamanana, 2009).

Despite the complex relationships between entrenched patriarchy and socio-economic

conditions at the structural level, shifts in these conditions, and the resultant changes

in opportunity structures and gendered division of labour (column 3, Figure 2) have a

strong influence on micro-level processes that affect the gender socialization process

and its related outcomes for individuals and families (column 4, Figure 2). Arguably,

women’s increased presence in paid employment, particularly in traditionally ‘male’

jobs, is likely to have a very strong influence on the gender socialization process.

As women increase their participation in such sectors, the basis for gendered

stereotypes and assumptions about ‘men’s’ versus ‘women’s’ work begins to lose hold.

The shift in women’s roles outside the home can eventually begin to alter the gendered

division of roles and responsibilities inside the domestic sphere and have powerful

intergenerational influences on the gender socialization process. Ultimately, parents

and caregivers adapt their child-rearing strategies to ensure success of their children

in the local economy even if these strategies go against prevailing gender norms.

Cross-cultural research from across the globe indicates a high correlation between

gender-based division of labour at the macro level and child-rearing strategies adopted

by parents and families at the micro level (e.g. Hewlett, 1992; Weisner, 1979).

Along with existing socio-economic conditions and entrenched patriarchy and gender

systems, political and socio-cultural structures also influence the gender socialization

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process. The political structure of a country can have a direct impact on the gender

socialization process through mechanisms such as laws, policies, and the extent of social

freedoms and maturity of civil society organizations. Government support for certain laws

and policies can have a downstream impact on the gender socialization process.

In particular, laws concerning legal majority, and legal age of marriage, inheritance and

property rights, as well as parental leave and child care policies, have the potential to

ultimately change gender norms and gender socialization practices as people adapt to

new realities – although these changes are not always straightforward. For example

in Bangladesh, while laws concerning the legal age of marriage have been on the books

for nearly two decades, there has been very little change in the age of marriage within

the country, with the majority of marriages still taking place before the legal age of 18

(Amin & Mahmoud, 2013). Similarly, while the literature on the importance of parental

leave – particularly the impact of men being granted and actually taking leave – is sparse,

and mostly from Scandinavian countries, where parental leave is particularly progressive,

these policies may have an important impact on how girls and boys are socialized to

understand the role of mothers and fathers, ultimately challenging existing gender

socialization practises (e.g. Sundström & Duvander, 2002).

Social-interactional level

The social-interactional level (middle row, Figure 2) constitutes the micro-environments

where individuals live their daily lives and learn the gender norms, practices and

appropriate gender roles of their community through everyday interactions with the

agents and institutions that shape gender socialization. The key environments and

agents of socialization during adolescence include the family and parents, social

institutions such as schools and religious bodies, social networks such as the peer

group, local media, and the community/neighbourhood. Besides opportunities for

practising behaviours and gaining knowledge on prevailing gender norms, these

everyday interactions also familiarize individuals with the incentives and disincentives

linked to specific behaviours in their social environment. As these interactions are

repeated over and over again in everyday life, individuals learn the gender differences

in expectations, values, preferences and skills, and adapt their own behaviour

accordingly to ultimately form their gender identity in line with the prevailing gender

norms in their social environment.

The earlier section on ‘Gender socialization over the life course’ (pp. 15-18) has already

outlined the role of key agents/institutions for gender socialization during adolescence

and thus this information will not be repeated here. Instead, we will use two examples

to demonstrate how structural factors interact with those at the social-interactional and

individual levels to influence the gender socialization process and its related outcomes.

Structural forces such as patriarchal institutions and belief systems, globalization of

the economy and the expanse of the global media all influence the gender socialization

process in adolescence. Patriarchal organization of society may be expressed through

son preference and marital and kinship systems that differentially affect the outcomes

for men and women, including: gendered inheritance, descent and residence patterns

within marriage and family, women’s age at marriage, and women’s role in marriage

decisions. It also influences culturally prescribed expectations attached to puberty such

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as initiation rites or ceremonies, or in some contexts increased and gendered

restrictions on mobility. Initiation rites in some contexts are exceptionally defining

moments that mark the transition from childhood to adulthood or readiness

for marriage. These gendered processes also convey cultural messages about

constraint and opportunity for girls in comparison to boys. Similarly, gender norms

are also shaped by other social categories such as race, ethnicity and social class,

with individuals from different social categories likely to experience gender

socialization differently, and to have different outcomes as a result. It is important to

keep in mind that depending on the socio-cultural context, the notion of ‘adolescence’

itself may differ or not be salient (Honwana & De Boeck, 2005). In countries such as

Niger, where marriage and childbearing for many women occurs before they are

18 years old, instead of experiencing a period of self-discovery while still being

nurtured by caregivers, adolescent girls are required to transition into adult roles much

faster than elsewhere. In contrast, in some contexts young men face difficulties with

leaving the stage of ‘youth’ at a socially appropriate age. Despite getting older they

may not be able to attain the necessary measures of adulthood, such as financial

independence, employment or income, and starting a family; this impacts their own

sense and social recognition of manhood (Barker & Ricardo, 2005).

Other structural factors such as globalization of the economy and rapid advancements

in information technology around the world have made different types of global media

much more accessible, turning them into important transmitters of gender norms and

behaviours. Evidence suggests that this increased flow of information leads to greater

exposure to global media representations of gendered roles and scripts and may

introduce new ideas about gender roles (Durham, 2004) or serve to reify gendered

(and class) expectations (Miles, 2000) in interpersonal relationships. For example,

Derné’s work on urban, middle-class youth in India highlights how Western films and

Western-influenced Bollywood movies have affected the relationship between clothing,

class, and gendered expectations, often in contradictory ways. Derné (2002) argues that

while Western actors are revered for their macho actions, Western actresses are

critiqued for not fulfilling their domestic and familial duties. As a result, the clothing of

Western actresses is rejected, denouncing the values it represents, while actor’s

Western clothing is deemed more acceptable (Derné, 2002). While middle-class Indian

men reject foreign messages that challenge traditional gender arrangements,

they welcome other messages that fit with and enrich local ideas about male power

and privilege. Another case study suggests that both socio-economic change and

exposure to Western media representations of more gender-equal relationships

and different constructions of masculinity have served to generate more gender-equal

understandings of romantic relationships among youth in Mexico (Ruse 2011).

Individual level

As the discussion above illustrates, the process of gender socialization is dynamic and

complex. This is also the case at the individual level (bottom row, Figure 2) where in

addition to contextual variation, individual differences affect the gender socialization

experiences of each adolescent. Individuals’ reception of information and cues from the

environment about gendered behaviours, their internalization of gender norms

and formation of their gender identity, vary based on their unique circumstances,

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differences in cognitive and motivational processes, physical and sexual maturation,

personality and other individual variables. Finally, biological sex differences also

influence male/female gender role differentiation. These factors together determine

how the individual will internalize prevailing gender norms and develop their gender

identity. As discussed in earlier sections of this paper, psychological theories emphasise

the role of individual cognitive-motivational structures in gender socialization.

Through interactions and observations of others’ behaviours, girls and boys go through

a process of self-socialization and start making inferences about the meaning and

consequences of gender-based behaviours. Through this process, and as they mature,

adolescents internalize prevalent notions of masculinity and femininity, and start

self-enforcing these gendered notions. They become more receptive to information they

view as more relevant to their gender identity and start seeking gendered environments

that further reinforce their gender identity, beliefs and behaviours. As their social

identity becomes more crystalized, they become sensitive to how others view them.

For example, research has found that girls and boys are more likely to act in gendered

ways when their peers are present (Banerjee & Lintern 2000). Over time, through this

process, boys’ and girls’ behaviours come to be regulated by internal standards, values

and perceived consequences (Bussey & Bandura, 1999). However, while children

typically internalize most group norms, due to personality differences they may find

that some of their personal interests and beliefs conflict with prevailing gendered peer

group norms. In such cases, how they ‘perform’ or ‘do’ gender will depend on,

in addition to other factors, their level of self-efficacy to behave differently to what

the prevailing norms dictate.

Outcomes

The outcomes of the gender socialization process are depicted in the final column of

Figure 2. They include: gender-based differences at the structural level including

education/workforce/socio-political participation and fertility regulation; gender-based

practices such as violence and child marriage at the social-interactional level; and

gender-based differences in individual attitudes, beliefs, skills, behaviours, etc.

The interplay of complex processes at the social-interactional and individual level,

strongly influenced by structural-level factors, produces and reproduces gender norms

and gendered identities. Existing opportunity structures and the resultant gendered

outcomes influence the incentives and motivation to practise certain behaviours,

which in turn crystalize into societal expectations and norms and can manifest as

negative or positive gendered outcomes. Child marriage and gender-based violence

are examples of negative outcomes, while more positive outcomes include increased

schooling and decision-making power for girls. Finally, these factors, subject to

individual and contextual variation, develop into gendered identities at the individual

level and lead to gender-based differences in attitudes, beliefs, skills and behaviours.

Adolescents are especially responsive to the normative influences prevalent in their

social environment, triggered by biological changes and the expansion of social

networks and importance placed on belonging and social acceptance. As a result,

adolescents typically face very strong pressure to conform to prevailing masculine and

feminine identities, which are often constructed in contrast to each other. For example,

in many contexts, notions of manhood are tied to heterosexual behaviour where sex

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is viewed as vital to demonstrating power, prestige and affirming male identity and

status among peers (Ricardo, Barker, Pulerwitz & Rocha, 2006). Young men are

encouraged to brag about their sexual exploits and as a consequence feel pressured

to have heterosexual sexual experiences for peer acceptance. In contrast, femininity

is linked to qualities such as being chaste and naïve about sexual matters, rendering

talking about sex, contraceptive methods or acknowledging sexual experience

‘unfeminine.’ These processes and resulting identities reinforce existing gender norms

and inequalities, potentially promoting the sexual objectification of girls and women,

male dominance and inequitable heterosexual relationships and decision-making,

sexual control, and dominance, and intimate partner violence.

However, as is clear from the description above, the efficient and complex interactions

that influence gender socialization during adolescence can be steered to produce more

equitable outcomes. Individual deviations from norms and expectations can impact

community and society to produce new norms and identities, while new laws and

policies can eventually impact practices and beliefs. In the next section, we review

examples of how the gender socialization process and its related outcomes have been

changed. We begin by examining several significant structural level forces that have

changed gender norms and roles at the societal level, before moving on to review

literature from programme interventions that mainly worked with communities,

peers and individuals to influence the gender socialization process and ultimately shift

adolescents’ gender identities and roles.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

PART III: HOW TO INFLUENCE GENDER NORMS AND GENDER SOCIALIZATION

Although the gender socialization process contains universal components, change

is possible both in terms of the norms conveyed and reinforced through the gender

socialization process, and in the process itself. Change inevitably involves each of

the levels described in the conceptual framework developed in Part II and illustrated

in Figure 2. Individual deviations from norms and expectations can impact the

community and society in ways that produce new norms and identities. Laws and

policies can impact practices and beliefs by incentivizing broader changes in behaviour

and expectations via regulatory change. Changes at the structural level, such as

changes in economic or social structures, may fundamentally shift the foundations of

particular behaviours or norms, including the key actors in the socialization process.

In other words, change may take place either within individuals, or within the broader

opportunity structures in which the behaviour is contextualized, thereby influencing

the gender socialization experienced by adolescents, and its related outcomes.

This section examines how these changes can take place, focusing both on the gender

norms that are being imparted by the socialization process and the nature of that process,

building on them to develop recommendations for programmes, policy and advocacy

efforts. As in Part II, we first examine how change has happened at the structural level,

focusing on broader socio-economic forces. Then we present the results of a literature

review of programme interventions which have attempted to change gendered attitudes

and behaviours at the individual and social-interactional levels.

3.1. Influencing gender norms and gender socialization at the structural level

Structural factors play a critical role in the gender socialization process, as described

in Part II of this paper. This is because they influence core institutions and agents

of socialization and shape opportunities available to groups within society, including

girls and women. As a result, changes at this level have the potential to be prominent

and lasting, shaping both the way the socialization process works and the types of

norms reinforced through the process. For example, the increased interconnectedness

of the global economy has driven rapid change worldwide. It has been a prominent

force behind rapid urbanization and increased population mobility (both within

countries and internationally) throughout low- and middle-income countries.

The impact of these changes has disrupted traditional family systems and authority

structures, but has also provided employment opportunities for women, and critical

incentives for formal education, including for girls.

Changes at the structural level present both opportunities and challenges to policies and

programmes aimed at changing outcomes related to gender equality. The ability of

governments and societal leaders to control events and processes at the macro level is, in

many cases, very limited. This is particularly true when driven by patterns of change such

as those spread by the global media – often dominated by content produced in other

cultural settings – or driven by integration into regional and global economic systems.

Nonetheless, these macro-level changes also provide policy-makers and programme

implementers with opportunities to promote more equitable gender norms in ways that

take advantage of the disruptive effects such changes have on normative structures.

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In Part III, we explore in greater detail three broad and interrelated areas of structural

change that have been particularly influential in shifting gender norms, both historically

and in contemporary settings. While these should not be seen as a comprehensive list

of the types of structural shifts that may influence the gender socialization process,

each has proven to be a powerful driver of change in gender norms directly and in

the process of gender socialization itself. Furthermore, each has been demonstrated

to be responsive to proactive, intentional policy and programme interventions by

governments and other actors operating at the macro level, thereby making them

a potentially powerful tool for social change.

Economic shifts that influence gender norms and gender socialization

Socio-economic development is linked to gender equality in a number of ways, as noted

in the discussion of the conceptual framework presented in Figure 2. This relationship

is complex, with weak empirical evidence linking economic growth to greater gender

equality (Duflo, 2012; Kabeer 2015). While a number of factors confound this relationship,

Kabeer (2015) argues that the impact of economic growth on gender equity is mediated

by existing structures of ‘patriarchal constraint’ that limit or enhance its potential.

The structure of economies, both local and national, may entrench normative

expectations about gender roles and expectations, especially by limiting women’s

participation in the formal paid labour force. This, in turn, reduces incentives to invest

in women’s education and contributes to the persistence of expectations that equate

womanhood with domestic or reproductive roles. Norms both modify and are modified

by economic factors, including markets, and production and exchange relationships

(Fafchamps, 2011). Bina Agarwal (1997) in her seminal work on intra-household

bargaining and social norms highlights three key factors that lead individuals and groups

to change behaviour and challenge established norms. The first is the role of economic

factors in pushing people to challenge established norms. The second is the role of

groups (as opposed to individuals) in enhancing people’s ability to challenge norms.

The third is the simultaneous and interactive nature of bargaining within and outside

the household, to effectively challenge and iterate social norms.

The past two decades have seen an unprecedented increase in the interconnectedness

of the global economy, with dramatic swells in global trade of goods and services,

fundamental changes in the roles that low- and middle-income countries play in the

production of goods, and the monetization of economic interactions across the globe

(World Bank, 2016). These changes have significantly impacted local economies,

shifting the work location from the home to external settings, and from unpaid to paid

employment. Similarly, the new logic of global competition has created additional

demand for female labour in certain sectors (e.g. garment, manufacturing and service

sectors) and incentives for women’s participation in the formal labour force.

These shifts in the nature of work challenge gender norms in a number of ways.

For example, studies indicate that women’s paid employment and employment outside

the home are more likely to challenge gender power differentials, compared to unpaid

work or home-based work (Anderson & Eswaran, 2009). Jensen (2012) found similar

patterns in rural India, where women recruited to work in the business process

outsourcing industry were significantly less likely to marry or have children, instead

choosing to enter the labour market or secure more schooling and/or professional

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training. This study is consistent with other research in this area (Hewlett, 1992;

Whiting, 1986) and highlights that even in rural settings, where patriarchal gender

systems are often more entrenched, families and women are willing to overlook

dominant gender norms in the face of lucrative opportunities – thereby catalysing

a shift in such norms.

The increased industrialization in low- and middle-income countries that has

accompanied the growth of the global economy has also contributed to the rapid

urbanization of even the poorest countries. The resulting internal and international

labour migration streams have exposed individuals to new and different norms of

behaviour and have weakened the influence of extended community and family

structures in their ‘home’ communities. Simultaneously, incentives to invest in human

capital, particularly in terms of education and training, have increased in response to

the requirements of new and expanded industries. In some cases, this has meant

greater investment in women and girls.

Together, these changes influence the gender socialization process in a number of

ways. Women’s participation in the formal paid labour force provides vivid examples

of non-traditional gender roles, while the economic gains of education encourage

parents to ensure that young people, including girls, remain in school, rather than

starting a family. More children are being raised in homes where their mothers make an

important contribution to household income and, as a result, may have higher levels

of empowerment, particularly in household decision-making (Gammage, Kabeer

& van der Meulen Rodgers, 2016). The most immediate socialization environment

is therefore more egalitarian than in past generations. In addition, adolescents

are increasingly exposed to urban environments, as a consequence of labour-related

migration, whereby norms around gender-relations are often different to those of

rural settings and where the ability of parents and communities to closely monitor

and constrain behaviour is limited.

As a result, both the content of the gender socialization process and the influence

exerted by specific actors, such as parents or family members, can be altered in

significant ways that present opportunities for policies and programmes seeking

to alter gender norms at scale to be introduced. The momentum for change resulting

from these economic transformations must be met with increased efforts to facilitate

the retention of girls within the formal educational system, by ensuring schools are

providing quality instruction that is directly relevant to the economic opportunities for

all students, and by providing clear, tangible economic incentives for formal education,

in the form of employment. However, it is important to note that these economic

changes have often been accompanied by exploitative working conditions,

segmentation of labour by gender, and lower pay for female workers. In many

instances, these opportunities often place a dual burden on women, who must both

work outside the home and act as the primary caregiver for their children, particularly

where policies that support childcare and parental leave are lacking (Kabeer, 2001).

The establishment of a minimum wage, family-friendly workplace policies and

affordable childcare, are critical for reducing the gender wage gap and facilitating

greater female participation in the labour force, ultimately paving the way for gender

equality (OECD, 2012).

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Global media and its influence on gender norms and gender socialization

In addition to greater interconnectedness in the economic sphere, rapid advancements

in information technology around the world have made different types of media

important transmitters of alternative gender norms and behaviours. This has created

a truly global mass media that may operate alongside, or come to dominate, local

media, and in which content developed for a particular audience, is transmitted to

entirely different populations (for example Mexican and Brazilian telenovelas).

Two forms of media have been particularly influential in this regard. The first is

television and film, where mass media brand penetration has provided adolescents and

their peers and families with examples of alternative gender attitudes and behaviours.

These, although stylized and often inaccurate, do challenge existing norms in multiple

ways. The second is the internet, which has become accessible to over 3 billion users,

about 2 billion of them in low- and middle-income countries, partly as the result of

developments in mobile connectivity (International Telecommunication Union, 2015).

In Africa, for example, 20 per cent of youth regularly use the internet, compared to only

8 per cent of those aged 45 or older (World Bank, 2016). Youth increasingly turn

to online sources or communities for information and advice on challenging social

questions. By doing so they broaden the base of opinion on which to model

their behaviour and reduce the influence of parents or community in shaping

the information on gender that they receive.

A growing body of evidence suggests that interventions that take advantage of

the reach of mass media, for example through telenovelas or social media campaigns,

can influence attitudes and behaviour (Jensen and Oster, 2007; La Ferrera et al. 2008;

La Ferrera et al. 2012). However, most of these have not focused exclusively on gender

transformative messaging and evidence regarding the long-term impacts on norms

is mixed. Nonetheless, some evidence suggests the potential for large effects.

For example, La Ferrera et al. (2012) found that exposure to novelas in Brazil, which

typically portray relatively small families and have many unmarried female

protagonists, resulted in a fertility decline effect equivalent to a roughly 1.6 year

increase in formal education. Recent cross-national research by La Ferrera (2015)

suggests that television access may influence a range of other behaviours which

are closely tied to gender norms, including spousal differences in fertility preferences,

contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence.

It is clear that the increasingly pervasive presence of mass media in the lives of

adolescents can expose them to different conceptualizations of gender, reflecting a

change in transmitted gender norms, and an alternative avenue for the gender

socialization process itself. However, as with economic changes, global media and

increased access to technology present both challenges and opportunities to influence

the gender socialization process leading to more equitable outcomes. The effects of

introducing a dramatically different model of gender relations through the media are

unpredictable and may lead to a retrenchment of ‘traditional’ norms and values.

On the other hand, discussion around new models of behaviour introduced by mass

media may provide an opportunity for more culturally appropriate interventions

to address gender inequality. The health sector, for instance, has a long tradition of

using the mass media or technology to implement interventions seeking to change

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behavioural norms. These have included components designed to challenge

conceptualizations of gender roles, attitudes and appropriate behaviour, but few have

attempted to do so in a comprehensive, culturally appropriate, and generalizable

fashion. Developing or taking advantage of media messaging to promote gender equity

is an approach with considerable potential, particularly if it builds on other changes

at the structural or social-interactional levels.

Population changes and their influence on gender norms and gender socialization

Migration, fertility, and mortality, are the pillars of population structure and change.

Population changes are an important driver of behaviour and norms, including gender

norms. In this section, we briefly review the migration and fertility processes,

since these are more directly related to gender socialization and are arguably more

responsive to policy or programmatic intervention.

As discussed above, migration may have a direct effect on attitudes and behaviour

around gender, by exposing migrants to new social environments, in which gender

norms are different from those in their home environments. The impact extends beyond

the migrating individuals, significantly influencing the gender norms they enact and

communicate in the socialization of their children. For example, in a study conducted

among migrant tea plantation workers in southern India, Luke and Munshi (2011) found

that weaker family ties to the ancestral community and increases in female income

were associated with higher levels of education and a decrease in marriage amongst

the migrants’ children. Furthermore, the circular nature of the majority of internal

migration movements suggests that migrants may ‘import’ norms and behaviours from

urban areas to their rural homes, upon return. Chen et al. (2010) found that migrants

returning from urban areas had less preference for sons and greater acceptance of using

family planning methods than non-migrants, potentially modelling alternative behaviour

for others in their community in ways that shift collective attitudes and norms.

While there is some debate about the extent to which migrants retain the values

they encounter in destination locations, or how malleable these are to current

contextual influences (Edmeades, 2008), migration may influence gendered behaviour

in other ways. For example, high rates of migration have the potential to influence

marital decisions, by changing the dynamics of the marriage ‘market’ in a particular

location. This is especially true of migration flows that involve predominantly either

men or women, as is often the case. Gendered migration flows where men constitute

the majority of migrants may also influence gender norms in their home community,

by making women de facto ‘heads of households’, giving them greater decision-making

power in daily decisions and encouraging non-normative power structures within

households, thereby providing children with different models of gendered behaviour

(Desai and Banerji, 2008; Yabiku et al. 2010; Maharjan et al. 2012). Migration may also

have a direct impact on the relative influence of specific actors in the gender

socialization process, whereby the influence of peers and non-family actors on

individuals increases, when individuals move physically outside the spheres of

influence of family and community. Although little research has examined this

relationship, in some contexts young people who migrate may be more likely to

choose their own spouse – rather than relying on traditional family and community

decision-making processes – further redefining gender roles and behaviours.

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Building on examples from multiple settings, Kabeer (2001) argues that in some

circumstances migration allows women to escape entrenched gender systems and

redefine their role in the family and their social relationships, ultimately transforming

gender systems and empowering women in low- and middle-income countries.

For example, in Bangladesh, where marriage is highly valued for women, female export

garment factory workers used their new-found earning power to renegotiate marital

relationships, leave abusive marriages, delay marriage and challenge the practice

of dowry. In Turkey, many women explicitly indicated a preference to work outside

the home, in order to escape the control of their families and neighbourhoods.

In the Philippines, women workers in export manufacturing were able to delay

marriage and childbirth and enjoy greater personal independence and autonomy

(Kabeer, 2001). Together, this evidence suggests migration is, in some cases,

a significant driver of social change in gender norms and behaviours.

Changes in reproductive behaviour, particularly in terms of greater control over fertility,

may also have far-reaching consequences that influence gender relations both directly,

and through the socialization process. The relationship between reproductive behaviour

and social norms is complex and its influence is bi-directional. While much of the literature

examining the relationship between gender and fertility has focused on the role women’s

empowerment plays in family planning ( Adamchak & Ntseane, 1992), a growing body of

literature has begun to consider how fertility decline and greater control over reproduction

may lead to changes in women’s autonomy, social roles and gender relations as a whole

(Stoebenau, Pande & Malhotra, 2013). Greater reproductive control allows girls’ and

women’s lives to be less defined by their reproductive roles, and provides an opportunity

to adopt other roles in their households and communities, by continuing their education

or joining the labour force (Bloom et al., 2009; Caceres-Delpiano, 2012; Schultz, 2005;

Schultz, 2009). Furthermore, there is some evidence that the greater nuclearization

of family that accompanies fertility decline, may change the ways in which parents

‘value’ daughters and that this may lead to greater investment in their daughters’

well-being (Allendorf, 2012; Amin and Mahmoud 2013; Fong 2002). Other research,

however, has found this relationship to be contingent on the opportunity structure

for women’s employment and other roles outside the household (Erfani, 2012;

Pande, Malhotra & Namy 2012).

As with the other structural factors discussed above, the ability of policies and

programmes to shape the trajectory of population changes at the societal level is

limited, though perhaps less so than for economic and mass media-related changes.

At the global level, there is strong evidence that effective provision of reproductive

health services lowers fertility, though the potential for this to fundamentally change

gender norms relies on other factors, such as the availability of quality education and

broader socio-economic opportunities, such as paid employment. Once they begin,

fertility declines are rarely reversed, providing an opportunity for policy and

programmes to utilize this momentum and encourage greater gender equality by

facilitating women’s participation in the paid workforce and creating an environment

that incentivizes continued education for young people, particularly girls.

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3.2. Programme interventions aiming to influence gender socialization

at the individual and social-interactional levels

While a number of policy interventions have had a significant impact on both gender

norms and the socialization process, relatively few had set this as their primary goal. In

contrast, a range of smaller-scale interventions have aimed to address gender attitudes

at the individual level, usually with the goal of shifting gender norms more broadly.

Many of these interventions have targeted adolescents, with the rationale that attitudes

may be more malleable at younger ages, and that changes during this period of

development will continue to have long-term effects, as programme participants age.

However, the lack of a comprehensive review of the different approaches taken in

working with adolescents to transform gender attitudes and shape the gender

socialization process in a way that promotes equitable gender views, has made

understanding what has been done and the degree of success, a challenge.

In order to begin to address this gap and assess the current state of adolescent

programming around gender norms, attitudes, and beliefs, we conducted a rapid

literature review, searching for interventions that focused on changing how young

people come to identify with and exhibit particular gender norms and behaviours.

The review focused on interventions aimed at changing adolescent gender attitudes

at the individual level and used the following criteria to identify relevant programmes:

1) the intervention must have a stated intention of changing gender attitudes, beliefs,

expectations, or roles; 2) the intervention must target young people aged 10-24;

and 3) the evaluation of the intervention must measure change at the individual level

(as opposed to more aggregate levels such as communities). Interventions that

were directed at or through ‘agents of socialization’ or those that focused on the

social-interactional level were also included if they measured changes in gendered

attitudes and beliefs at the individual level.

Results of the literature review

The review identified 31 evaluated interventions, which focused on influencing gender

socialization, to varying degrees. Annex A details each intervention in terms of the type

of programme, target age group, evaluation methodology and outcomes.

The review identified three broad strategies used by these programmes:

1. empowering young people (mainly girls) with information, skills, and social

support to challenge norms;

2. fostering an enabling environment in which to challenge gender norms;

3. working with men and boys, including directly with young individuals and with

influential males to change attitudes and beliefs.

Each of the interventions in the review utilized at least one of these strategies, with most

utilizing more than one (for example, working to empower girls through information, skills,

and social support, while also working with their fathers and brothers). We describe

these strategies in greater detail here, providing specific examples of how programmes

have utilized them to change gender attitudes and behaviours.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

STRATEGY 1: Empowering young people with information, skills, and social support

All of the reviewed programmes included at least some component that focused directly

on changing the attitudes and beliefs of young people, focusing on empowering them to

challenge established gender norms, through: training on gender as a concept and social

construct; building skills; developing supportive social networks; and creating safe spaces

within which to explore alternative gender behaviours. The rationale behind these

programmes is to introduce young people to the ways in which gender is constructed

in society, to present alternative gender roles to the norm (e.g. men in care-giving and

women in non-reproductive roles), and to equip them with knowledge and skills that

advocate for alternative ‘pathways’ in the short- and long-term. A related rationale is

that young people who adopt these alternative normative frameworks around gender

will influence others around them (e.g. peers, parents, romantic partners, and children)

and will contribute to wider normative change.

Programmes adopting this strategy have typically include one or more of the following

intervention types:

●

Group-based gender-education activities taking place within ‘safe spaces’ where

gender and the gender socialization process are questioned and alternatives to

existing gender norms, explored.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Gender Equity

Movement in Schools (GEMS), India; CHOICES, Nepal; Meseret Hiwot,

Ethiopia; and Program H, Brazil.1

●

Life skills training to provide young people with the means to effectively

communicate new attitudes and approaches to gender, including negotiation

and communication skills, legal awareness, financial skills, and improving

self-confidence.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: ISHRAQ, Egypt;

and Intervention with Microfinance for AIDS and Gender Equity (IMAGE),

South Africa.

●

Sexual and Reproductive Health programming that integrates norm change

components, usually through a focus on decision-making, couple

communication, and other relational interventions.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Biruh Tesfa,

Ethiopia; and Sexto Sentido, and Entre Amigas, Nicaragua.

These programmes generally targeted young people aged 10-24, depending on

the specific intervention component, and focused predominantly on adolescent girls.

The majority of these programmes did not, however, focus solely on single groups

of individuals, and typically utilized multiple strategies to achieve greater impact.

1See Annex A for details of programmes mentioned.

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STRATEGY 2: Fostering an enabling environment

Most of the reviewed programmes included components specifically designed to

influence actors or factors at the social interaction level, either through working directly

with communities or more narrowly with key actors, such as parents, relatives, or

spouses, to create a supportive environment for the exploration of non-traditional

gender roles, attitudes and behaviours. The rationale is that young people, particularly

adolescent girls, have relatively low levels of power in their families and communities.

This makes it more suitable and safer for other key actors in their lives – such as

religious or cultural leaders, parents, and teachers – to challenge existing normative

frameworks. Furthermore, families and communities are critical agents in the

socialization process and a supportive social environment is central for providing

young people with opportunities to explore and engage in non-normative behaviour.

Programmes that employ this strategy typically include one or more of the following

intervention types:

●

Working with spouses, parents, community and religious leaders to generate

support for the development and expression of non-normative attitudes

and behaviours.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Addis Birhan,

Ethiopia; Dil Mil, India; First-Time Parents, India.

●

Community or group-based education sessions

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Gender Quality

Action Learning Program, Bangladesh; Male Norms Initiative, Ethiopia.

●

Information, education, communication (IEC) campaigns using various platforms

(media, street theatre, advertising) to promote gender equitable norms

and behaviour.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Sexto Sentido,

Nicaragua; Soul City, South Africa.

While the logic of engaging key social actors to facilitate individual change in gender

socialization is compelling, the integrated nature of most programmes that aim to

foster an enabling environment makes it difficult to isolate the effects of single

strategies. However, this may partly be because of the inclusion criteria for research in

this review, which focused primarily on change measured at the individual level.

STRATEGY 3: Working with men and boys

The majority of the reviewed programmes focused primarily on adolescent girls and

young women, but several engaged men and boys as a core strategy. In some cases, the

goal was to provide participants with support to challenge existing norms (as in Strategy

2), but in others, the focus was directly on the norms and attitudes of adolescent boys and

young men. In many ways, the rationale of this strategy is similar to that of ‘fostering an

enabling environment’ (Strategy 2), although these interventions typically view working

with men and boys less through the lens of supporting girls and women (though this

certainly remains a goal) and more through the broader benefits of changing masculine

norms in ways that encourage equality for all members of society.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Programmes employing this strategy typically include one or more of the following

intervention types:

●

Group-based interventions with adolescent boys where they are introduced

to the concepts of gender norms and gender inequality and the consequences

of this for men and women, and are encouraged to explore alternative,

gender-equitable ‘definitions’ of masculinity.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Parivartan, India;

Young Men Initiative, Balkans; Program H, Brazil; Male Norms Initiative,

Ethiopia; New Visions, Egypt.

●

Gender-synchronized interventions that explicitly take into account the relational

aspects of gender and work with both boys/men and girls/women.

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Gender Equity

Movement in Schools, India; First-Time Parents Project, India; Meseret

Hiwot/Addis Birhan, Ethiopia.

●

Community engagement through communal events or male ‘gatekeepers’

❍

Examples of programmes that incorporated this approach: Gender Quality

Action Learning Program, Bangladesh; One Man Can, South Africa.

As with the first two strategies, Strategy 3 also utilized a number of different approaches

to try to reach young men and adolescent boys. For example, the Young Men Initiative

was embedded in schools, with young men forming a ‘club’ and conducting broader

outreach to their peers, while Parivartan used sport as a way to engage and recruit

participants. In all cases, careful thought was given to framing the intervention to make

it attractive to men and boys, without further contributing to the perpetuation of

harmful gender norms (such as the segregation of community spaces). This contrasts

with some of the more general approaches taken to engaging men and boys in

supporting gender norm change, including some of those used under Strategy 2, where

men were engaged largely because of their position as ‘gatekeepers’ within families or

communities, potentially further cementing their status relative to women and girls.

Summary of findings

Evidence for the impact of the reviewed programmes is mixed. Many used multiple

strategies to achieve greater effect. For example, the GEMS programme worked with

both boys and girls (Strategy 3) and created a supportive environment for change by

building a supportive environment within schools (Strategy 2). Similarly, the CHOICES

programme, which works with very young adolescents in Nepal, is supported by

complementary programming with parents (‘Voices’) and community members

(‘Promises’), both of which fall under Strategy 2.

Most of the programmes saw significant changes in gender attitudes, but there were

generally much smaller changes in behaviours, possibly because these are slower

to bring about and would require longer-term studies to identify them. None of the

programmes included a post-intervention follow-up of more than two years and this

lack of evidence of the longitudinal effects makes it difficult to assess both the durability

of attitudinal changes and the long-term effects on behaviour. Furthermore, with

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

the exception of programmes like CHOICES and GEMS, very few programmes focused

on younger adolescents (ages 10-14).) In some cases, the evaluation design or quality

was insufficient for drawing clear conclusions about the programme’s impact.

Overall, evidence suggests that those programmes that sought to bolster support

for change at the individual level, through activities at the social-interactional level

(such as the CHOICES programme in Nepal, Parivartan in India, or Soul City in

South Africa) may be more effective in the short-term and potentially prove more

sustainable in the long-term. These findings strongly suggest that focusing on

changing individual attitudes and beliefs and the immediate environment at the

social-interactional level, while necessary for social change, is itself not sufficient

to bring about fundamental changes in social norms around gender. To achieve greater

impact, these efforts should be supported by, or take advantage of, shifts at

the structural level.

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

CONCLUSION

This discussion paper set out to examine the main influences on the gender

socialization process during adolescence in order to provide practical suggestions for

policy and programmes on how to achieve more gender equitable outcomes.

Theoretical contributions from psychology, sociology and biology were reviewed

to develop a conceptual framework that explains the multi-layered and complex

process of gender socialization and its outcomes with a focus on adolescents living

in low- and middle-income countries. Understanding this process and how factors

at the structural, social-interactional and individual level are inter-linked, is critical for

developing better approaches to promoting gender equality. The reviewed literature

confirms that adolescence is a critical period in which gendered attitudes and

behaviours intensify and new gender roles and responsibilities appear. This period of

rapid change within and around the individual is a key time for investment and

intervention towards achieving more equitable outcomes for girls and boys, and later

in life for women and men. Furthermore, today’s adolescents will play a lead role in

achieving key development targets, including the Sustainable Development Goals;

the ways in which the gender socialization process is shaped by this cohort will

influence future generations. The framework developed in this paper helps position

efforts designed to promote greater gender equality. It also helps understand where

their influence is most likely to be experienced and the outcomes to which they are

likely to contribute. While evidence suggests that current policy and programming

efforts can change gender attitudes and influence norms espoused by adolescents

and the communities in which they live in the short term, for sustained change, factors

at the individual, social-interactional and structural levels will have to be leveraged

simultaneously. Approaches that target the adolescent in isolation and fail to adequately

consider the agents of socialization, life course factors, changes in economic structures,

and the increasingly globalized world, will be less effective than those taking a more

holistic approach. In order to maximize and scale up their impact, policy and

programming efforts will need to be carefully positioned within the bigger picture

captured in our conceptual framework, and interventions will need to be more effectively

coordinated to complement each other. In conclusion, we used the reviewed literature to

suggest three overarching recommendations for policy and programming efforts which

aim to influence the gender socialization process during adolescence and the outcomes

of this process.

Recommendations for policy and programmes

The programme and policy examples presented in this paper provide strong support

for the feasibility of deliberate action to change the gender socialization process in

ways that encourage the expression of more equitable attitudes, norms, and beliefs.

Careful consideration should be given to strategies that were successful at the

individual and social-interactional levels, particularly those that adopted a more holistic

approach where the burden of change was not solely on the shoulders of young people.

However, it is clear that the structural environment in which interventions take place

is a critical component in determining their effectiveness. While the legal and policy

environment can shape structural changes, experience in many settings suggests that

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

in the absence of coercion, its ability to do so is limited, since the changes are often

part of larger, global or regional processes. However, there are a number of areas

where policy and programming efforts can take advantage of ongoing structural

changes in ways that amplify their potential beneficial effects in terms of promoting

more equitable gender norms and the efficacy of existing interventions. These include:

Establishing a legal and policy environment that complements and takes advantage of

elements of structural change, which enable broader shifts towards gender equity and

equality. For example, the growth of non-agricultural or care-based employment

opportunities for women may generate social ‘space’ to institute minimum legal

requirements for formal education, or prohibit child marriage through creating a tangible

‘payoff’ for building the human capital of girls. Similarly, laws and policies that better

balance the demands of work and other commitments, such as parental leave, effective

and affordable access to reproductive health services, or employment protection laws,

may facilitate engagement in paid employment for all, while also encouraging a

reconsideration of traditional gender roles within households. Finally, laws and policies

must also acknowledge the inherently disruptive effects of social change and seek to

mitigate them where possible. For example, increases in migration must be

accompanied by more effective provision of social services in sending destinations,

to cater for returning migrants whose needs and preferences have changed. Care also

needs to be taken to mitigate the potential increases in intimate partner violence that

may accompany changes in the economic roles of women within households.

Structuring and designing gender transformative interventions in ways that directly

relate to structural changes. As with the legal and policy environment, changes in

structural factors create an opportunity for programmes and other interventions to fill

the gap created by such changes, in a way that challenges gender norms. For example,

programmes like IMAGE or ISHRAQ, both of which include components focusing on

livelihoods, are likely to be more successful if the skills developed are clearly related

to the needs of the ‘new’ economic structure. Similarly, programmes such as the

First-Time Parents Project in India are likely to find greater acceptance if they are seen

as meeting a need, in this case more gender-egalitarian care of children, created by

women’s increased engagement in the formal workforce. In a similar vein, mass media

interventions may have more of an impact if the narratives portrayed reflect a feasible

reality and present solutions for ‘real-life’ challenges experienced by the target

audience. For example, programmes such as Sexto Sentido and Entre Amigas – which

deliver gender transformative messaging and information on sexual and reproductive

health – are likely to be more effective in environments where sexual and reproductive

health (including control over reproduction) is increasingly seen as an important factor

in life success, due to economic and/or demographic shifts, and where other media

messaging has made it possible for these issues to be safely explored.

Developing life course approaches that account for the biological and social changes

that take place during the gender socialization process in adolescence. The key agents

of influence in the gender socialization process vary over the life course, the stage of

social and biological development, and with exposure to alternative messages.

As a result, to be effective, programmes or policies must understand and cater for

these changes in ways that clearly identify key points of intervention. For example,

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Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

as individuals transition between life course stages and are exposed to different

influences through factors such as migration or mass media, the relative influence of

family members will fluctuate, making interventions focused on the family more or less

effective in producing social change.

There is value in positioning programmes and policies within the multi-level conceptual

framework developed in Part II. In particular, interventions at any of the structural,

social-interactional, or individual levels will be more successful if intentionally designed

to take advantage of changes at other levels. For instance, interventions at the

social-interactional and individual levels are more likely to be successful and relevant

if recipients perceive them as helping to address the disruptive effects of changes

at the structural level. It is important that policies and programmes that aim

to influence the gender socialization process are framed in positive, solution-oriented

ways that emphasize the benefits of gender equity to all members of society, while

clearly preparing young people for the demands a changing society will place on them.

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IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 48

Summary

Adaptation of Promundo’s Program H; 8-10 hour-long

sessions in vocational high schools focused on gender

attitudes, violence, sex, health, well-being, alcohol, and

drug use. Includes optional residential retreat for

additional sessions, as well as Be A Man, lifestyle

campaign. There was limited evidence of behaviour

change, but statistically significant change in attitudes

towards gender roles/norms and violence. The intervention

took place in a school, but school-wide measures were not

studied in depth, except that one site reported less

peer-peer violence.

Gender transformative programme integrated into existing

children’s clubs; 2-hour group education sessions per week

for 3 months to encourage more gender-equal behaviour.

Children in experimental group had significantly more

equitable attitudes about gender, were significantly more

likely to consider domestic roles as neutral, and

demonstrated a shift towards gender equitable behaviour

on household duties as corroborated by siblings. FGDs

among parents in the control and experimental area

suggested that parents noticed the changes occurring in

their household (if in experimental group).

OutcomesMethod

Evaluation

Design

Age

Range

14-18

10-14

Country

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of

programme

/policy

Bosnia and

Herzegovina,

Croatia,

Serbia, and

Kosovo

Nepal

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Be a Man, Change the

Rules! Findings and

Lessons from Seven

Years of CARE

International Balkans’

Young Men Initiative

Whose turn to do

the dishes? Transforming

gender attitudes and

behaviours among

very young adolescents

in Nepal

Authors

Namy, S.,

Heilman, B.,

Stich, S. and

Edmeades, J.

Lundgren, R.,

Beckman, M.,

Chaurasiya, S.,

Subhedi, B.

and

Kerner, B.

Pre-test/

post-test

design;

one site had

comparison

group

Pre-test/

post-test

design with

comparison

group

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys, IDIs,

FGDs

Mixed-

methods

evaluation

(age-

appropriate

quantitative

techniques,

interviews,

FGDs, and

Photovoice)

Gender attitudes,

peer violence

Gender attitudes,

gender-equitable

behaviour in household

ANNEX – RESULTS FROM A PRELIMINARY SEARCH OF GENDER SOCIALIZATION INTERVENTIONS

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 49

India

Egypt

Country Name of Study

Building support for

gender equality among

young adolescents in

school: Findings from

Mumbai, India

Promoting gender

sensitivity among boys

in Egypt

Authors

ICRW

Green, C.,

Selim, M.,

Gamal, A.

and

Mandil, O.

Summary

Gender-education activities (weekly 45 minute sessions over

a 6-7 month period) and a school-wide campaign consisting

of a weeklong series of events. Overall, those in the

intervention schools had more gender-equitable attitudes

than those in the control arm, but those in the campaign-

only schools showed less positive changes than those with

the more intensive educational lessons. Girls reported

changes in behaviour, such as opposing gender

discrimination, understanding boys better, and playing

more with boys, that were statistically significant, but the

same changes were not significant for boys in either

intervention group. Boys and girls in the GEA+ intervention

(weekly educational sessions) had statistically significant

changes in GEMS scores after the first follow up, and both

intervention arms showed statistically significant changes in

3 out of 4 indicators after the second follow up (high gender

equality, higher education for girls, and oppose violence)

The New Visions Program is a non-formal education

program for boys and young men which aimed to increase

RH knowledge and gender sensitivity of young men. Over

6 months, participants attended 64 education sessions

taught in youth centres. The evaluation did not report all

outcomes, but only those that were significant. There were

significant changes on attitudes towards gender equity,

domestic violence, smoking/drug related behaviour,

reproductive health decision-making, and HIV knowledge.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

12-14

12-20

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of programme

/policy

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Quasi-

experimental

Pre-test/post-

test with

comparison

group

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

and a small

number

of IDIs

Surveys

Attitudes towards

gender roles and

violence and knowledge

of SRH, as measured by

the Gender Equitable

Measurement Scale

(different from

the Gender Equitable

Men’s Scale)

12 scales on the subjects’

reported knowledge,

attitude and behaviours in:

gender equity; gender role;

gender-based violence;

domestic violence; FGM/C;

reproductive health

knowledge; HIV

knowledge; male roles and

MCH/FP attitudes;

substance-related

behaviour; self-confidence;

decision-making;

environmental behaviours

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 50

Summary

This educational programme was delivered before or after

cricket games in a Mumbai slum, covering topics such as

respect, ethics, gender norms, and gender-based violence.

After the coaching sessions ended, a month-long social

marketing campaign was rolled out in intervention and

control communities, raising awareness regarding VAWG,

reducing sexual harassment, and encouraging bystander

intervention. Both adolescents and mentors exposed to

the programme reported improvements in positive

bystander intervention and a reduction in perpetration of

any violence by the 24-month evaluation. There were also

improvements in attitudes to women and gender equality,

but they were not sustained to the 24-month mark.

Mesert Hiwott is a programme for married girls in Ethiopia

in which girls are placed into groups to increase social

support and learn about communication, self-esteem,

reproductive health, and gender. Addis Birhan is the male

partner programme to Meseret Hiwott. It is a mentor-led

and participatory for husbands and community members

of married girl children focusing on gender, relationships,

child care, and sexual and reproductive health. Addis

Birhan was not evaluated on its own, but was evaluated as

part of Addis Birhan. When both husband and wife

participated, wives reported more household help and

support, higher rates of family planning use and voluntary

counselling and testing, and lower rates of sexual and

domestic violence.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

10-16

18+

Country

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of programme

/policy

India

Ethiopia

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Community mentors as

coaches: Transforming

gender norms through

cricket among adolescent

males in urban India

Evaluation of a

reproductive health

programme to support

married adolescent girls

in rural Ethiopia

Authors

Das, M.,

Verma, R.,

Ghosh, S.,

Ciaravino, S.,

Jones, K.,

O’Connor, B.

and Miller, E.

Erulkar, A.

and

Tamrat, T.

Quasi-

experimental

Pre-test and

post-test

with

comparison

group

Pre-,

midterm,

and post-test

surveys

and FGDs

with

participants

Surveys

Gender attitudes

measured through the

Gender Equitable

Measurement Scale

Husbands’ support and

assistance with domestic

duties, positive health

behaviour including use

of family planning and

VCT, and domestic and

sexual violence

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 51

Summary

The Better Life Options Program is flexible and is designed

to be tailored by local NGOs who are implementing it in a

particular area. The programme consists of individual

capacity training through literacy training and linkage to

formal education, family life education, vocational skills

training, reproductive health services, and social

mobilization. The goals are to build the self-esteem and

self confidence of adolescent girls and expand their choices

related to marriage, fertility, health, vocation, and civic

participation. Girls have to leave their homes to participate

in the programme. Girls who participated were more likely

to hold gender equitable attitudes, have a say in whom

they would marry, attend secondary schooling, learn

a vocational skill, and could travel alone. BLP alumnae

were also more likely to use contraceptives and had better

pregnancy and early childhood outcomes than

non-participants.

This programme was implemented in two rural settings to

serve newly married women, young women pregnant for the

first time, first-time mothers, and their husbands and

mothers-in-law through information provision, health care

services and group formation to enhance the women’s social

support networks. In both sites, the intervention had

a significant, positive net effect on most indicators reflecting

married young women’s autonomy, social support networks,

partner communication and knowledge of sexual and

reproductive health. In one of the sites there was a

significant, positive net effect on gender role attitudes, but

there was no change in attitudes towards domestic violence.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

15-26

Under

Country

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of programme

/policy

India

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Adolescent girls in India

choose a better future:

An impact assessment

Empowering married

young women and

improving their sexual

and reproductive health:

Effects of the First-Time

Parents Project

Authors

CEDPA

Santhya, K.G.,

Haberland, N.,

Das, A.,

Lakhani, A.,

Ram, F.,

Sinha, R. …

Mohanty, S.

Cross-

sectional

with

comparison

group

Quasi-

experimental

IDIs and

survey

Pre-test and

post-test

cross-

sectional

surveys

Education, engagement

in income-generating

activities, decision

making, mobility, self-

esteem/self-confidence,

empowerment, fertility,

age of marriage, child

spacing, contraceptive

use, health-seeking

behaviour

Women’s decision-

making, gender role

attitudes, mobility,

attitudes towards

domestic violence, social

support networks, use of

contraceptives, maternal

health care seeking

during pregnancy,

institutional delivery,

post-partum care

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 52

Summary

This is a village training programme fostering gender

equality and equity among the villagers. It also focused

on decision-making power of women within the

household, division of labour, and access to and control

over resources. Educators conducted courtyard meetings,

videos, and popular theatre to educate community

members about gender roles and relations, joint

ownership of family resources by both sexes,

and increase of women’s participation in decision-making

in the family. There were some changes regarding gender

discrimination of children, girls’ role in choosing a

husband and decision-making around family planning,

but most of the gender norms around mobility,

gender-based violence, and gender roles remained

unchanged.

The Fatherhood Project is one aspect of the larger One Man

Can programme. It holds community-based workshops to

increase fathers’ involvement in their children’s lives,

increase knowledge and advocacy around children’s

preventive and medical care, and giving children a voice.

Participants felt that the programme taught them how

to be present, positive role models in their children’s lives,

use improved communication methods with children, use

fewer corporal discipline strategies, and recognizing the role

they could play in positively socializing the next generation

of youth to be respectful, gender-equitable, and to share

household responsibilities with parents and siblings.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

Adults

18+

Country

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of programme

/policy

Bangladesh

South Africa

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Change in knowledge,

perception and attitude

of the villagers towards

gender roles and gender

relations: An evaluation

of gender equality action

learning programme

‘One Man Can’: Shifts in

fatherhood beliefs and

parenting practices

following a gender-

transformative

programme in Eastern

Cape, South Africa

Authors

Alim, A.

Van den

Berg, W.,

Hendricks, L.,

Hatcher, A.,

Peacock, D.,

Godana, P.

and

Dworkin, S.

Pre-test and

post-test

without

comparison

group

Descriptive

study, no

comparison

group

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

and IDIs

Post-test

qualitative

evaluation

Appropriate activities for

women (earning,

cooking, etc.), gender

discrimination of

children, decision-

making around family

planning use,

decision-making around

household assets,

women’s mobility,

violence against women,

girls’ decision-making

in getting married,

attitudes towards gender

Attitudes and practices

related to childbearing

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 53

Summary

Program H is a theoretically based programme designed to

positively influence attitudes related to gender equality,

including greater sensitivity to issues of gender-based

violence, increased intention to use condoms, improved

partner-negotiation skills, increased attention to health needs,

and a greater desire to be more involved as fathers for those

who already are. The curriculum is delivered in education and

community settings, and there is also a lifestyle campaign to

promote changes in the community related to what it means

to be a man. Programme results were not reported.

This intervention is a Program H curriculum adapted for

India. It consisted of group education activities focused on

gender norms, HIV/STIs, reproductive health, and violence.

Urban areas had group education sessions and a social

marketing campaign, and rural areas had group education

sessions only. The majority of the men participating had a

significant change in attitudes from baseline to endline,

though tended to hold both equitable and inequitable

attitudes simultaneously.

A pilot programme in Karamoja, Uganda (supported by

UNICEF and the Ugandan government), which trained

teachers with the aim to enhance the peacebuilding

potential of positive gender socialization in schools.

A mixed-methods cluster randomized controlled trial

examined the short-term impact of the teacher training

and complementary effects of SMS messages on teachers’

knowledge, attitudes, and practices around gender

equality and gender socialization. Findings showed

changes in teachers’ knowledge and attitudes around

gender equality issues in the short term.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

15-24

18-29

Particip

ants

were

teacher,

but

inter -

vention

targeted

children

9-15.

Country

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Gender

socialization

Type of programme

/policy

Brazil &

Mexico

India

Uganda

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

How do we know if men

have changed?

Promoting and

measuring attitude

change with young men:

Lessons from Program H

in Latin America

Challenging and

changing gender

attitudes among young

men in Mumbai, India

Evaluation of the

Transformative Potential

of Positive Gender

Socialization in

Education for

Peacebuilding

Authors

Barker, G.,

Nascimento, M.

and

Segundo, M.

Verma, R.,

Pulerwitz, J.,

Mahendra, V.,

Khandekar, S.,

Barker, G.,

Fulpagare, P.,

and

Singh, S.K.

Chinen, M.,

Coombes, A.,

de Hoop, T.

and

Elmeski, M.

Quasi-

experimental

Quasi-

experimental

Mixed-

methods

cluster

Randomized

Controlled

trial

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys and

IDIs

Self-

completion

questionnaires

with teachers;

observation/ca

se studies of

classrooms;

interview and

FGDs with key

stakeholders,

including

children.

Gender-equitable

attitudes via the Gender

Equitable Men’s Scale

Gender-equitable

attitudes via the Gender

Equitable Men’s Scale

Gender related

knowledge, attitudes,

behaviour.

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 54

Summary

This intervention incorporated aspects of Program H and

was implemented in group education settings in factories

and vocational schools to promote gender-equitable

attitudes among young men. 18 out of 24 items on the scale

had positive, significant changes, while 9 showed no change

and 1 showed negative change. The most positive changes

were seen around sexuality, but there were also positive

changes in attitudes towards violence, reproductive health

and disease prevention, and domestic life and child care.

Dil Mil is a group education curriculum taught to women

and their mothers-in-law to reduce violence against

women. The sessions included lessons on gender roles,

gender-based violence and relationship skills. It was

delivered through antenatal care. The evaluation was more

on the implementation of the programme than the results,

so it is difficult to determine effectiveness.

This intervention had two components: group education

sessions and a community engagement campaign, both of

which promoted critical reflection regarding common gender

norms that might increase the risk of violence or HIV and other

STIs. Community engagement (CE) activities ran for 6 months,

and included newsletters and leaflets, music and drama skits,

community workshops, and condom distribution. Group

education (GE) activities took place over 4 months at youth

centres during regularly scheduled youth group hours and

included role plays, group discussions, and personal reflection.

There were positive shifts in the GE + CE and CE-only groups,

though there were more shifts in the GE+CE group. The

comparison group had no positive shifts. In both intervention

groups, young men showed significant declines in reporting

violence towards a primary partner. In multivariate analysis of

IPV, however, only the CE group results remained significant.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

15-24

Mean

= 24

15-24

Country

Gender-

based

violence

Gender-

based

violence

Gender-

based

violence

Type of programme

/policy

China

India

Ethiopia

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Changing gender norms

and reducing HIV and

violence risk among

workers and students

in China

An intergenerational

women’s empowerment

intervention to mitigate

domestic violence:

Results of a pilot study in

Bengaluru, India

Changing gender norms

and reducing intimate

partner violence: Results

from a quasi-

experimental

intervention study with

young men in Ethiopia

Authors

Pulerwitz, J.,

Hui, W.,

Arney, J.,

and

Scott, L. M.

Krishnan, S.,

Subbiah, K.,

Khanum, S.,

Chandra, P.

and Padian, N.

Pulerwitz, J.,

Hughes, L.,

Mehta, M.,

Kidanu, A.,

Verani, F. and

Tewolde, S.

Quasi-

experimental

Descriptive

Quasi-

experimental

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

Post-test

qualitative

evaluation

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

Gender-equitable

attitudes via the Gender

Equitable Men’s Scale

Power dynamics

within marriage,

domestic conflict,

sources of support,

community norms

Gender-equitable

attitudes via the

Gender Equitable

Men’s Scale

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 55

Summary

Soul City is a multi-media health promotion project designed

to impact attitudes and behaviours around gender-based

violence at multiple levels: individual, community, and the

socio-political environment through radio and television

dramas and print materials. Those with moderate and high

exposure to Soul City were significantly more likely to

change their personal attitudes towards violence and take

some steps to change behaviour, such as making contact

with a GBV organization, participating in a protest, or doing

something personal to stop violence.

The objective of Kishori Abhijan was to promote a gender-

equitable environment in which girls could widen their

choices, participate in empowering social and economic

processes and realize their potential as agents for social

change. Adolescent girls’ groups were mentored by NGO

workers to develop their self-esteem and learn about

gender, health, legal rights, etc., and were trained in

livelihood activities and linked to savings and credit

groups. There were too many biases to be able to link

positive outcomes to the intervention.

The aim of this programme was to reduce sexual risk among

school-going adolescents by improving self-confidence and

attitudes towards gender equality through peer-led

educational sessions. Compared to comparison schools,

girls in intervention schools were statistically more likely to

have equitable gender attitudes. The gender component was

only one part of the curriculum, with other sections on SRH

and HIV/AIDS. It is important to note that the comparison

school also had statistically significant changes in some

areas, so while this programme was strong in the gender

area; it did not have the same results in other areas.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

All

ages

13-21

10-14

Country

Gender-

based

violence

Child

marriage

Sexual and

Reproductive

Health

Type of programme

/policy

South Africa

Bangladesh

Kenya

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Achieving social change

on gender-based

violence: A report on the

impact evaluation of Soul

City’s fourth series

Programme efforts to

delay marriage through

improved opportunities:

Some evidence from

rural Bangladesh

Beacon of hope:

Evaluation of the Kenya

Girl Guides Association

HIV/AIDS Program for

School Children

Authors

Usdin, S.,

Scheepers,

E., Goldstein,

S. and

Japhet, G.

Amin, S. and

Suran, L.

Kiragu, K.,

Odingo, G.,

Juma, M.,

Mbugua, J.,

Waweru, M.,

Mahinda, W.,

Mwaniki, B.,

Muturi, C.,

Ochieng, S.,

Nelson, T.

and

McCauley, A.

Pre-test and

post-test

without

comparison

group

Intervention

and

comparison

groups

Quasi-

experimental

National

survey and

qualitative

impact

assessment

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys and

IDIs

Pre-test/post-

test FGDs

and surveys

Knowledge and

awareness of GBV,

attitudes towards GBV,

subjective norms, and

behaviour towards

stopping GBV

Marriage, income-

generating activities,

school retention, access

to vocational training

Self-confidence and

social connectedness;

gender equity scores;

attitudes towards people

living with HIV/AIDS;

knowledge of HIV/AIDS

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 56

Summary

This intervention is adapted from Program H and consisted

of group education activities and behaviour change

communications campaigns focused on gender-equitable

messages and HIV risk in community-settings.

One intervention group had only the group education

component, and the other arm had both group education

and lifestyle campaign components. Agreement with

inequitable gender norm statements decreased significantly in

both intervention sites. Decreased agreement with inequitable

gender norms over one year was significantly associated with

decreased reports of STI symptoms. Qualitative data is very

supportive of changes in relationships and how the men view

gender and sexuality norms. There were no significant changes

in improvement between the group education only site and the

combined site.

Sexto Sentido was a mass media campaign to promote

young people’s rights and individual and collective

empowerment in relation to sexual and reproductive health

and rights issues; the intervention included a weekly TV “soap

opera,” a radio show, youth capacity-building, and support

materials. “Machismo as a risk factor,” was central to the

programme. Those with greater exposure to the programme

had significantly more gender equitable attitudes than those

with less exposure. In qualitative studies, participants

considered violence against women to be one of the most

serious problems identified in relations between men and

women. There is also evidence from qualitative study that

mass communication activities, particularly Sexto Sentido on

TV, made a significant contribution to critical thinking and

broke into family, school, and work spheres, creating

increased dialogue in these areas.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

15-24

13-24

Country

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Type of programme

/policy

Brazil

Nicaragua

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Promoting more

gender-equitable norms

and behaviours among

young men as

an HIV/AIDS prevention

strategy

Catalyzing personal and

social change around

gender, sexuality, and

HIV: Impact evaluation of

Puntos de Encuentro’s

communication strategy

in Nicaragua

Authors

Pulerwitz, J.,

Barker, G.,

Segundo, M.

and

Nascimento, M.

Solorzano, I.,

Bank, A.,

Pena, R.,

Espinoza, H.,

Ellsberg, M.

and

Pulerwitz, J.

Quasi-

experimental

Longitudinal

panel study

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys and

IDIs

3 rounds of

surveys

Gender-equitable

attitudes via the Gender

Equitable Men’s Scale

Gender norms,

HIV-related stigma,

social capital,

self-efficacy, collective

efficacy, and relationship

power. Relevant items

were selected from

GEMS

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 57

Summary

Stepping Stones is a participatory programme designed to

address the prevention and spread of HIV by promoting

communication and relationship skills within households

and communities. Men and women, both married and

unmarried, were trained to learn about HIV and take the

information to their villages. Polling booth results showed

that those who participated in the programme had

significantly more gender equitable attitudes than the

general population. However, the general population of

Stepping Stones villages had slightly more progressive

views than the general population in non-Stepping Stones

Villages in some areas in relation to gender attitudes, but

in many areas they were equally regressive.

Stepping Stones is a participatory learning programme

with 13 3-hour long sessions delivered in single-sex

groups that are complemented by three meetings of male

and female peer groups and a final community meeting.

The lessons cover conception and contraception,

unwanted pregnancy, STIs and HIV, condoms and safer

sex, gender-based violence, and communication skills, etc.

Though not the primary aim of Stepping Stones,

a significantly lower proportion of men perpetrated

physical or sexual intimate partner violence in the

Stepping Stones arm at 24 months.

Biruh Tesfa aims to build social support among poor,

marginalized girls in Ethiopia to reduce HIV risk through

group education. The curriculum focuses on gender

dynamics and power to reduce their vulnerability to HIV.

Girls in the intervention sites were twice as likely to report

social support and higher knowledge of HIV. There were no

items measuring gender issues.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

Early

mid-

twen

ties

15-26

10-19

Country

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Type of programme

/policy

India

South Africa

Ethiopia

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Evaluation of Stepping

Stones as a tool for

changing knowledge,

attitudes and behaviours

associated with gender,

relationships and HIV risk

in Karnataka, India

Impact of Stepping

Stones on incidence

of HIV and HSV-2 and

sexual behaviour

in South Africa:

Cluster randomised

controlled trial

Evaluation of “Biruh

Tesfa” (Bright Future)

program for vulnerable

girls in Ethiopia

Authors

Bradley, J.,

Bhattacharjee, P.,

Ramesh, B.,

Girish, M. and

Das, A.

Jewkes, R.,

Nduna, M.,

Levin, J.,

Jama, N.,

Dunkle, K.,

Puren, A. and

Duvvury, N.

Erulkar, A.,

Ferede, A.,

Girma, W.

and

Ambelu, W.

Cross-

sectional

post-test

Cluster

randomized

controlled

trial

Quasi-

experimental

Polling booth

surveys and

IDIs

Baseline,

midterm, and

endline

surveys and

blood tests

for HIV and

HSV-2

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

HIV knowledge, attitudes

towards HIV, gender and

sexuality, caring and

sharing, and gender-

based violence; and

behaviors related to

openness to new ideas,

alcohol and forced sex,

and risky behaviours

Incidence of HIV,

incidence of HSV-2,

unwanted pregnancy,

reported sexual

practices, depression,

and substance misuse

HIV knowledge, social

support

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 58

Summary

The Guria Adolescent Health Project was implemented

over 3 years to improve adolescent reproductive health in

10 rural villages. Another goal was to decrease public

tolerance among adults and adolescents for the traditional

practice of forcibly abducting adolescent girls for

marriage. Qualitative data shows some shifts in gender

norms in the community, including the acceptability for

young couples to delay marriage or childbirth and an

understanding of the local custom of kidnapping brides

as gender-based violence. There was no quantitative data

reported to support these results.

Tchova Tchova is a group education programme that used

videos and facilitated discussions to talk about power

dynamics within relationships. The qualitative evaluation

shows that both men and women had changed views

on relationships, gender roles, and power dynamics

within sex.

This community-based education programme was

designed to improve women’s health and abandon the

practice of FGC. An overwhelming majority of participants

were women. There were improvements in attitudes

towards gender roles, violence, and FGC, although

improvements were seen in experimental and comparison

groups. Because there was a radio component, individuals

who did not participate in the education programme could

have learned about the topics. Additionally, significant

methodological challenges led to a mismatch in

evaluations from baseline through post-test evaluations.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

14-19

Mean

= 36

Adults

Country

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Type of programme

/policy

Georgia

Mozam-

bique

Senegal

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Addressing social factors

of adolescent

reproductive health in

the Republic of Georgia

Tchova Tchova Model

Community Dialogue on

Gender and HIV/AIDS

Prevention Qualitative

Evaluation Study

The TOSTAN Program

Evaluation of a

Community Based

Education Program

in Senegal

Authors

Tavadze, M.,

Bartel, D. and

Rubardt, M.

Quincot, R.A.

and

Figueroa,

M.E.

Diop, N., Faye,

M.M., Moreau,

A., Cabral, J.,

Benga, H.,

Cisse, F.,

Mane, B.,

Baumgarten, I.

and

Melching, M.

Pre-test/post-

test without

comparison

group

Post-

intervention

evaluation

Quasi-

experimental

Surveys

FGDs

Pre-test,

post-test,

and post-

post-test

surveys,

ethnography

and IDIs

Reproductive health

knowledge and use;

attitudes towards gender

norms and gender-based

violence

Attitudes towards

gender roles in

household chores,

gender roles in sex,

faithfulness, educating

children about social

norms, and violence

against women

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 59

Summary

This participatory programme was implemented in two

sites, one rural and one urban. The intervention consisted

of adolescent-friendly health services, peer education and

counselling, an information and education campaign,

adult peer education, youth clubs, street theatre on social

norms, efforts to improve livelihood opportunities, and

teacher education. The programme was designed to

change the context that influences youth reproductive

health. The outcomes for basic reproductive health were

not significantly different in intervention vs. control sites,

and in some cases outcomes were better in control sites,

but in intervention sites, girls reported substantially higher

participation in social activities. There was also qualitative

evidence to support a changing context and more open

discussions about taboo gender topics.

This intervention was a microfinance model with a

participatory gender learning programme integrated into

loan meetings. The one-hour sessions covered gender

roles, cultural beliefs, relationships, communication,

domestic violence, and HIV infection. The intervention

reduced the levels of past year IPV by more than half.

Women in the groups also engaged the wider community

in their lessons, mobilizing communities to organize

village workshops, meetings with people in positions of

power in their communities, marches, partnerships with

local institutions and village committees. The attitudes of

the greater community were not evaluated.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

14-25

14-35

Country

Sexual and

reproductive

health

Livelihoods

Type of programme

/policy

Nepal

South Africa

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

Youth reproductive

health in Nepal: Is

participation the answer?

Understanding the

impact of a microfinance-

based intervention on

women’s empowerment

and the reduction of

intimate partner violence

in South Africa

Authors

Mathur, S.,

Mehta, M.

and

Malhotra, A.

Kim, J.,

Watts, C.,

Hargreaves,

J., Ndhlovu,

L., Phetia, G.,

Morison, L.,

Busza, J.,

Porter, J. and

Pronyk, P.

Quasi-

experimental

Randomized

controlled

trial

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

Basic reproductive

health outcomes, gender

attitudes towards

sexuality and

reproductive health

Experiencing domestic

violence and female

empowerment indicators

➞

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 60

Summary

ISHRAQ is a nationally scaled-up programme that aims to

improve the education and life opportunities for

out-of-school girls. Activities are organized in youth

centres, reclaiming what were male-only spaces, and the

curriculum covers basic literacy and numeracy, life skills,

sexual and reproductive health, and communication.

Girls also played sports. Participants scored higher on

self-esteem and decision-making indices (no significance

reported in the evaluation) and had more equitable

attitudes towards marriage and childbearing.

New Horizons aimed to improve the lives of girls and

young women through education and development

strategies. The curriculum had 102 sessions which covered

basic life skills, sexual and reproductive health, violence

against women, marriage, pregnancy, and family planning.

Programme participants demonstrated more positive

attitudes and behaviours toward education, health, and the

status of women in the community and communicated

more with parents and communities. Additionally, families

of participants demonstrated a more positive attitude and

behaviour towards girls’ education, health, status, and life

options.

Outcomes

Method

Evaluation Design

Age

Range

13-15

9-20

Country

Livelihoods

Type of programme

/policy

Egypt

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

Name of Study

The ISHRAQ program for

out-of-school girls: From

Pilot to Scale-Up

Impact study of the

New Horizons program

in Egypt

Authors

Selim, M.,

Abdel-Tawab,

N., Elsayed,

K., El

Badawy, A.

and El

Kalaawy, H.

North South

Consultants

Exchange

Quasi-

experimental

Intervention

and

comparison

group

Pre-test and

post-test

surveys

FGDs and

IDIs post-

evaluation

School retention,

attitudes towards gender

norms

Attitudes towards girls’

empowerment

IDP-1-17 Gender Socialization during Adolescence.qxp_Layout 1 07/03/17 09:17 Pagina 61

Scoping review of social norms interventions to reduce violence and improve SRHR outcomes among adolescents and young people in sub-Saharan Africa

Article

Full-text available

May 2025

Introduction Despite growing interest, guidance to inform effective social norms interventions that improve adolescents and young people's sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) is needed. Methods We conducted a scoping review of experimental and quasi-experimental studies of social norms interventions in sub-Saharan Africa. Single and multi-component interventions that included a social norms component and assessed impacts on SRHR outcomes among 10- to 24-year-old adolescents and young people were included. We mapped interventions across eight programmatic strategies and six SRHR outcomes, drawing programmatic insights. Results N = 40 interventions from 12 countries reported effectiveness on intimate partner and non-partner sexual, physical and emotional violence (N = 14), child marriage (N = 6), sexual risk behaviours (N = 20), contraception and family planning (N = 23), prevention and treatment of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (N = 17), and early pregnancy (N = 10). Intervention strategies included life skills approaches (N = 23), community dialogues (N = 14), school-based SRHR programming (N = 10), parenting programmes (N = 8), training of healthcare professionals on youth-friendly services (N = 7), media or digital-based approaches (N = 7), interventions with community leaders (N = 5), and rights-based advocacy (N = 2). Norms interventions can improve multiple SRHR outcomes, including reducing gender-based and intimate partner violence and child marriage, increasing HIV testing, and contraceptive use. Effective programmes were often implemented in combined interventions, and included life skills, community conversations, mass media and digital programmes with norms components. Discussion Integrating gender-transformative approaches such as reflections on gender roles and inequalities, youth sexuality, and gendered power relations, and engaging with reference groups were key to the success of programmes. Effective approaches delivered SRHR information alongside reflections on social norms, and combined participatory methods with a structured curriculum guiding activities led by trained facilitators. Most interventions focused on changing social expectations and awareness, but few reported clear diffusion strategies to ensure the spread of the new norms and behaviours for the expected change. Key evidence gaps identified include integrating implementation research to inform the scale-up and sustainability of effective social norms interventions. Social norms interventions that effectively address the needs of high-risk adolescents and young people are needed.

Health behaviors in school-aged children: global trends in education, socioeconomic status, and adolescent health

Article

Full-text available

Jun 2025

The study explores global trends in adolescent health using data from the health behavior in school-aged children (HBSC) study, focusing on the role of education, socioeconomic status, and school-based health programs. It examines cross-country comparisons to assess disparities in adolescent wellbeing and health behaviors. Findings highlight that nations with comprehensive public health policies report lower adolescent obesity rates and better mental wellbeing, whereas regions with limited resources, experience greater health inequalities. The key factors contributing to these disparities include economic conditions, access to healthcare, and variations in school health programs. The study underscores the need for evidence-based, culturally adaptable interventions to improve adolescent health outcomes. By analyzing current policies and identifying gaps, this review aims to guide future public health strategies toward reducing inequalities and strengthening school-based health initiatives worldwide.

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May 2022

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Full-text available

Apr 2025

Gender socialization begins early in childhood, with parents playing a crucial role in shaping children's gender-related beliefs and behaviors. This review examines how parenting styles, parental gender attitudes, and parental reinforcement practices contribute to the development of sexist beliefs and gender stereotypes in children. Following the PRISMA framework, a systematic search of Scopus, PubMed, and APA PsycNet databases was conducted for peer-reviewed articles published between 2013 and 2023. Studies were included if they empirically examined parental influences on children's gender socialization and were published in English. A total of 23 studies met the inclusion criteria and were thematically analyzed. Findings revealed that parenting styles significantly shape gender socialization, with strict and authoritarian parenting being associated with stronger adherence to traditional gender roles, while indulgent and egalitarian parenting approaches were linked to more gender-equitable attitudes in children. Regarding parental gender attitudes, parents who held traditional gender beliefs were more likely to reinforce gendered expectations in their children, leading to the internalization of sexist beliefs. In contrast, parents with egalitarian attitudes fostered more flexible gender norms and reduced gender bias in their children. Additionally, parental reinforcement practices played a crucial role, as parents who actively encouraged gender-conforming behaviors reinforced stereotypical gender roles, whereas those who provided diverse play opportunities and non-stereotypical role models supported a broader spectrum of gender expression. Despite the global relevance of gender socialization, most included studies were conducted in WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) nations, underscoring the need for further research in non-WEIRD contexts. The review highlighted the critical role of parenting in shaping children's gender ideologies and calls for interventions that promote gender-equitable attitudes. Future research should explore diverse socio-cultural perspectives, including socioeconomic status, parental education, and dual-income households, to develop a more nuanced understanding of how parenting influences gender socialization among children.

“Healthy Relationships”: A Scoping Review of Definitions, Components, and Measures of Healthy Dating Relationships Among Teens and Young Adults

Article

Mar 2025
TRAUMA VIOLENCE ABUS

Healthy relationships (HR) education has been widely adopted as an alternative or complement to dating abuse prevention education among youth and young adults. This scoping review evaluated the literature on HR among young people to identify definitions, components, and measures of HR. Both academic, peer-reviewed articles and gray literature were included and documents meeting a priori inclusion criteria were screened for: focus on healthy romantic or intimate relationships; published in English; scholarly publication; published between 2005 and 2021; focus on teens or young adults; and including a definition, components, or measures of HR. A total of 964 non-duplicated documents were identified. After full-text screening and data extraction, 69 articles were included in the review. Definitions, components, and measures of HR varied greatly between documents. While most included documents provided components of HR, only 17 articles included definitions of HR. These definitions largely focused on the components of HR, though some also discussed the nature of HR. In total, 223 components of HR were identified from the included documents, which this analysis distills into 12 categories. In addition, 47 measures were used to measure HR, and measures are rarely repeated across documents, indicating a need to increase consistency in conceptualization and measurement. HR has been implicitly defined by a set of components rather than through the use of theory. To develop standards for HR education, a consistent framework should be identified that includes the multidimensional nature of HR and can be consistently measured.

Trends in Men’s Gender Attitudes: Progress, Backsliding, or Stagnation?

Technical Report

Full-text available

Aug 2023

Determinants of young People’s gender norm attitudes related to rights and equity in Southeast Nigeria

Article

Full-text available

Mar 2025

Background Gender norms shape rights, privileges, and societal roles, impacting health and well-being. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), while young people may reject harmful gender discrimination, they often support other norms that perpetuate gender imbalances. This study examines factors influencing young people’s attitudes toward gender norms, focusing on men’s rights in decision-making, education, social roles, and equity for women’s empowerment in Southeast Nigeria. Methods A cross-sectional analytical study was conducted from October 2022 to March 2023 in six communities in Ebonyi State, Nigeria, with 1025 young people aged 15–24 selected using cluster sampling. Gender norm attitudes were assessed using a three-point Likert scale questionnaire. Mean scores exceeding 1.5 indicated favourability towards negative gender norms. Statistical analysis included univariate, bivariate, and multivariate linear regression with statistical significance set at a p < 0.05. Results Over 60% of participants believed that men should have more decision-making power than women, but fewer than 30% supported unequal access to education for boys. More than two-thirds endorsed women/girls’ empowerment. Predictors of support for men’s decision-making rights, education, and protective rights included schooling status (β = -1.896, p < 0.001), educational status (β = 5.593, p = 0.004), gender (β = 0.529, p < 0.001), mother’s educational level (β = 1.993, p = 0.020), household leadership (β = 0.218, p = 0.003) and religion: β = -0.175, p = 0.008). Predictors of support for women’s empowerment included gender (β = 10.299, p < 0.001), schooling status (β = -0.170, p = 0.012), and father’s educational level (β = -0.212, p = 0.041). Conclusion Despite widespread support for gender equality for women’s empowerment, young people in the Southeast still favour traditional gender norms, particularly decision-making and educational rights for men. Factors such as educational status, gender, and household leadership play a significant role in shaping these attitudes. Interventions that promote gender equity should focus on education, challenge traditional norms, and engage both young men and women in discussions about shared decision-making and equal access to opportunities.

A questionnaire for a conceptual framework and interdisciplinary public health research using the Delphi technique—development and validation

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2025

Background The Delphi technique has become established in public health research, yet there is a lack of methodological standards in questionnaire development. We here demonstrate how the Delphi technique can be used in an interdisciplinary public health topic for framework development, and we highlight methodological challenges and possible solutions. Methods We developed the questionnaire through a comprehensive literature review and the generation of an item pool based on the rules of item construction. We used cognitive interviews, a Delphi experts assessment and group discussions to refine the questionnaire and to ensure content validity. Finally, we carried out a pre-test of the online questionnaire. Results The questionnaire consists of three main sections, namely gender (norms), the social environment and the mental health of adolescents, and another section on characteristics of the panelists. It comprises a total of 32 questions and includes rating and ranking questions, content-related and comment questions, open and closed questions as well as questions on personal characteristics and evaluation questions. Conclusion To address challenges in the development process, interdisciplinary researchers need to be involved. They should consider certain aspects of the development process to provide more structure and clarity, such as comprehensively preprocessing the content, and disentangling and simplifying the theoretical concepts. They should consider a rigorous approach to develop more complex frameworks for interdisciplinary public health topics. Future research should focus on developing methodological guidelines and testing their applicability for different objectives of the Delphi technique (e.g., framework development).

Understanding Factors that Shape Gender Attitudes in Early Adolescence Globally: A Mixed-Methods Systematic Review

Article

Full-text available

Jun 2016
PLOS ONE

Background: Early adolescence (ages 10-14) is a period of increased expectations for boys and girls to adhere to socially constructed and often stereotypical norms that perpetuate gender inequalities. The endorsement of such gender norms is closely linked to poor adolescent sexual and reproductive and other health-related outcomes yet little is known about the factors that influence young adolescents' personal gender attitudes. Objectives: To explore factors that shape gender attitudes in early adolescence across different cultural settings globally. Methods: A mixed-methods systematic review was conducted of the peer-reviewed literature in 12 databases from 1984-2014. Four reviewers screened the titles and abstracts of articles and reviewed full text articles in duplicate. Data extraction and quality assessments were conducted using standardized templates by study design. Thematic analysis was used to synthesize quantitative and qualitative data organized by the social-ecological framework (individual, interpersonal and community/societal-level factors influencing gender attitudes). Results: Eighty-two studies (46 quantitative, 31 qualitative, 5 mixed-methods) spanning 29 countries were included. Ninety percent of studies were from North America or Western Europe. The review findings indicate that young adolescents, across cultural settings, commonly express stereotypical or inequitable gender attitudes, and such attitudes appear to vary by individual sociodemographic characteristics (sex, race/ethnicity and immigration, social class, and age). Findings highlight that interpersonal influences (family and peers) are central influences on young adolescents' construction of gender attitudes, and these gender socialization processes differ for boys and girls. The role of community factors (e.g. media) is less clear though there is some evidence that schools may reinforce stereotypical gender attitudes among young adolescents. Conclusions: The findings from this review suggest that young adolescents in different cultural settings commonly endorse norms that perpetuate gender inequalities, and that parents and peers are especially central in shaping such attitudes. Programs to promote equitable gender attitudes thus need to move beyond a focus on individuals to target their interpersonal relationships and wider social environments. Such programs need to start early and be tailored to the unique needs of sub-populations of boys and girls. Longitudinal studies, particularly from low-and middle-income countries, are needed to better understand how gender attitudes unfold in adolescence and to identify the key points for intervention.

Process and outcomes of traditional gender socialization.

Chapter

Jan 1997

Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity

Book

Sep 2011

Judith Butler

World Revolution and Family Patterns

Article

Oct 1964

Women Workers and the Politics of Claims Making: The Local and the Global: Women Workers and the Politics of Claims Making

Article

Mar 2018

Naila Kabeer

This article analyses the evolving politics of claims making in relation to women workers in the global South. It asks what claims are being made and by whom, who these claims are addressed to and what strategies are being employed to press these claims. It distinguishes between women working for global markets and those working for domestic markets in order to identify possible differences in constraints, priorities and opportunities underlying these strategies. It also distinguishes between the different kinds of organizations involved in making claims: organizations of women workers, organizations working with women workers and organizations working on behalf of women workers. The article is one of several papers forming a cluster on feminist mobilizations.

The Lenses of Gender: Transforming the Debate on Sexual Inequality

Article

Nov 1993

How do we know if men have changed? Promoting and measuring attitude change with young men: lessons from Program H in Latin America

Chapter

Jan 2004

‘Program H’ is an initiative developed in Latin America to promote more gender-equitable attitudes among young men. It works in both group educational settings and at the community level to change community norms about what it means to be a man. The initiative is called Program H because of the Spanish word for man – hombres, and the Portuguese homens. In addition to educational sessions and community campaigns, the initiative also includes an innovative evaluation model for identifying and attempting to assess changes in attitude resulting from project activities. Program H tries first and foremost to tap into the ‘alternative’ voices that exist in low-income communities, that is, young and adult men who have been questioning traditional views of what it means to be a man. These voices of resistance to the dominant versions of masculinity helped us to develop a set of objectives (what we expect or hope from young men after their participation in the initiative) and to develop an evaluation methodology. The entire process has been developed with young men from several low-income communities in Brazil and in Mexico, who helped us to define project objectives, test and develop the materials, and offer ongoing advice on how to reach other young men with messages about gender equality.

MASS MEDIA AND SOCIAL CHANGE: CAN WE USE TELEVISION TO FIGHT POVERTY?: Can We Use Television to Fight Poverty?

Article

Aug 2016

Eliana La Ferrara

This paper explores the potential use of entertainment media programs for achieving development goals. I propose a simple framework for interpreting media effects that hinges on three channels: (i) information provision, (ii) role modeling and preference change, and (iii) time use. I then review the existing evidence on how exposure to commercial television and radio affects outcomes such as fertility preferences, gender norms, education, migration, and social capital. I complement these individual country studies with cross-country evidence from Africa and with a more in-depth analysis for Nigeria, using the Demographic Health Surveys. I then consider the potential educational role of entertainment media, starting with a discussion of the psychological underpinnings and then reviewing recent rigorous evaluations of edutainment programs. I conclude by highlighting open questions and avenues for future research. (JEL: O12)

Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color

Article

Jan 1994

Some Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Becoming Female

Chapter

Jan 1979

Thomas S. Weisner

Cross-cultural data on child development and the socialization of boys and girls have been used to argue for and against most of the major hypotheses concerning the origins of sex differences. Margaret Mead’s Sex and Temperament (1950) is the most famous example of the use of cross-cultural data to celebrate the power of cultural differences. She demonstrated the potential of culture and social organization to mold and shape the sexes into behavioral styles, subsistence roles, and temperamental types. From this perspective, cross-cultural data show how differently girls and boys can be shaped in different societies.

Gender Socialization during Adolescence in Low-and Middle-Income Countries: Conceptualization, influences and outcomes

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