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Family Process, 2025; 64:e70008
https://doi.org/10.1111/famp.70008
Family Process
ORIGINAL ARTICLE OPEN ACCESS
Examining the Intergenerational Transmission of the
Strong Black Woman Narrative
AieshaT.Lee1 | NatoyaHaskins2
1Department of Educational Psychology, Counseling, and Special Education, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania,
USA | 2Department of Human Ser vices, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia, USA
Correspondence: Aiesha T. Lee (alee@psu.edu)
Received: 18 March 2024 | Revised: 22 November 202 4 | Accepted: 12 January 2025
Funding: This work was supported by College of William and Mary.
Keywords: Black mothers and daughters| collective case study| generational trauma| historical trauma| strong Black woman
ABSTRACT
This study examines the intergenerational transmission of the strong Black woman (SBW) narrative between Black mothers
and daughters, exploring how this transmission contributes to both resilience and psychological stress. Utilizing a collective
case study design with 10 participants (5 mother- daughter dyads), the study reveals how the SBW narrative, encompassing pride
in identity, community support, and survival lessons, is perpetuated within Black families. It also delves into strategies Black
women believe can facilitate healing from generational trauma, emphasizing changing the narrative and fostering new attitudes
toward self- care. The findings underscore the importance of utilizing culturally responsive systemic approaches to explore how
generational narratives shape identity and mental health. These insights highlight the need for understanding and addressing
the complexities of generational trauma and cultural narratives in mental health practices.
As a historical trauma, defined as a massive traumatic event ex-
perienced by a group that impacts multiple lifespans and gener-
ations (Brave Heart2003), slavery has given way to generational
wounds that can still be felt today. Wilkins et al. (2013) de-
scribed this phenomenon as residual effects of slavery (RES) to
depict the lasting impact of perpetuated racism on generations
of Black Americans. Akin to RES, the broader phenomenon of
intergenerational trauma has been increasingly discussed in the
literature. Initially explored among Holocaust survivors and
their descendants, intergenerational trauma refers to the impact
caregivers' psychological distress and maladaptive behaviors
resulting from trauma of their children (Phipps and Degges-
White2014). More recently, scholars have utilized interchange-
able terms such as transgenerational or generational trauma to
explore and discuss the phenomenon among other marginal-
ized populations including indigenous (Marsh etal. 2018) and
Black (Petion etal.2023) communities. As Petion etal. (2023)
note, scholars are increasingly examining social and epigenetic
mechanisms of trauma transmission; however, there remains a
gap in understanding the vast experiences of trauma transmis-
sion within Black communities.
Building on the concepts of RES and generational trauma,
DeGruy(2017) coined the term post traumatic slave syndrome
(PTSS) to begin conceptualizing the enduring psychological
and societal impacts of slavery and systemic oppression on
Black communities. Proponents of PTSS suggest that there is
a lingering traumatic impact of slavery and the resulting dis-
solution of African culture, manifesting as symptoms similar
to post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; e.g., angry outbursts,
difficulty concentrating, and hypervigilance; Hardy 2013).
In line with PTSS theory, historically rooted stereotypes of
Black women such as the angry Black woman, jezebel, and
mammy have persisted as forms of disenfranchisement and
societal control (Collins 2000; Geyton et al. 2020). Among
these, the strong Black woman (SBW) narrative has emerged
This is a n open access ar ticle under the terms of t he Creative Commons Attr ibution-NonCommercial-NoDer ivs License, whi ch permits use and d istribution in any me dium, provided th e original
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© 2025 T he Author(s). Family Process published by Wiley Per iodicals LL C on behalf of Famil y Process Inst itute.
2 of 12 Family Process, 2025
from historical depictions of Black women as innately strong,
self- reliant caretakers, a survival narrative forged in response
to systematic racism and sexism (Geyton etal.2020; Woods-
Giscombé2 010). Over time, this narrative has been framed
as a dual- edged sword, fostering empowerment, identity, and
pride while contributing to poor mental and physical health
(Abrams et al. 2019; Geyton et al.2020; Nelson etal. 2016;
Watson- Singleton2017). This dual role reflects the complexity
of the SBW narrative as both a cultural strength and a source
of psychological burden.
When conceptualized as a generationally transmitted response
to systemic trauma, it becomes necessary for practitioners to
further understand this transmission process to more appropri-
ately work with Black women who ascribe to the SBW narrative.
However, there remains a gap in the literature examining how
the SBW narrative is intergenerationally transmitted between
Black mothers and daughters, particularly regarding its varied
functions and impacts. As such, this study explores how Black
mothers and daughters understand, transmit, and adapt the
SBW narrative, while also exploring efforts to transform harm-
ful generational messages. By analyzing this intergenerational
process, we aim to illuminate its influence on identity, resil-
ience, and well- being across generations, offering insights to
support healing and growth in therapeutic work with families.
1.1 | Historical Subjugation of Black Women
The subjugation of Black women in the United States began with
the transatlantic slave trade, in which an estimated 8 to 15 mil-
lion African individuals became property of the highest bidder
(DeGruy2017; Graff2011; Iliffe2017). No longer seen as human
beings, Africans were whipped, imprisoned, and humiliated as
they were forced into labor (Penrice2021). In this dehumaniza-
tion, African women were seen as physically and psychologically
strong, capable of both intense manual labor while simultane-
ously caring for children. Such beliefs in Black women's innate
strength have transcended generations, reinforced by legal and
social sy stems designed to control their environments, bod ies, and
employment. For example, immediately following the abolition of
slavery, Black codes were established to criminalize the behavior
of newly freed Black individuals, limiting civil rights such as vot-
ing and serving on juries (Black Codes 2015; Penrice2021). These
codes perpetuated the conditions of slavery, positioning Black
individuals as inferior laborers and subjecting them to harsh
punishments for minor infractions (Woodward 1955). Although
the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and subsequent amendments offered
some protection, the introduction of Jim Crow laws–such as lit-
eracy tests for Black men to vote and laws banning Black people
from sharing neighborhoods, schools, and public spaces with
White people (Jim Crow Laws 2015) –solidified racial segregation
and reinforced the economic and social disenfranchisement of
Black communities (DeGruy2017).
During the Jim Crow era, Black women were subjected to both
physical and sexual violence, as well as systemic efforts to con-
trol their reproductive rights. Sexual assault was often used as
a means to assert White dominance (King 2014), while pro-
grams such as Margaret Sanger's Negro Project sought to con-
trol Black motherhood under the guise of addressing poverty
and maternal health (Edmonds- Cady 2017). In their interviews
with 92 African Americans, 62 of whom were women, raised in
the Jim Crow South, Thompson- Miller and Picca (2017) iden-
tified key themes that illuminated participants' experiences:
the normalization of assaults against Black women, avoidance
of Whites, and the contested morality of Black women as their
virtue was forcibly taken. The researchers likened the socializa-
tion of children in the Jim Crow era to PTSD symptoms, such
as avoidance, hyperarousal, and shame (Thompson- Miller and
Picca 2017). These findings illustrate the deep psychological
wounds left by Jim Crow, which were passed down through gen-
erations as coping mechanisms such as avoidance and hyper-
vigilance. These attacks on Black women's bodies and character
were justified by the prevailing narrative that Black women
were inherently strong and resilient and able to endure these
abuses without protection or care.
This exploitation continued into the 20th century with the rise
of mass incarceration. As Michelle Alexander (2011) argues in
The New Jim Crow, the prison system disproportionately af-
fects Black communities, with Black men incarcerated at sig-
nificantly higher rates than their White counterparts. This not
only mirrors the racial caste system of Jim Crow but also places
the burden of caretaking on Black women. Left to support their
families financially and emotionally, Black women were again
expected to demonstrate resilience, often at the cost of their own
mental and emotional well- being. Today, matriarchal images
depict Black women as domineering and overpowering figures
who are threats to traditional family structures (Dixon 2017;
Moynihan1965). Such narratives have historically framed Black
women as resilient caretakers, reinforcing the idea that they
must bear the weight of familial and societal challenges with-
out showing vulnerability or seeking support. These ideals have
shaped and reinforced the SBW narrative that emerged from
these historical conditions and continues to shape the lives of
many Black women today.
1.2 | The SBW Narrative
The SBW narrative, stemming from historical images of en-
slaved African women as innately strong to rationalize their
mistreatment (Geyton etal.2020), has evolved into a schema in
which emotional suppression is utilized to care for others and
achieve success (Abrams etal.2014; Beauboeuf- Lafontant2007).
Described as a socialization process into Black womanhood,
(Perez etal.2023; Watson and Hunter2016), this narrative has
been rejected, embraced, and redefined by Black women over
time but is often utilize d as an empowerment strategy to conf ront
gendered racism (Abrams etal.2014; Donovan and West2015;
Woods- Giscombé 2 010; Woods- Giscombe et al. 2019). Earlier
explorations into Black women's conceptualizations of the SBW
schema include Beauboeuf- Lafontant's(2007) inquiry into how
the societal expectation of strength fosters self- silencing, emo-
tional suppression, and the internalization of distress, contribut-
ing to an increased risk of depression.
Continuing Beauboeuf- Lafontant's(2007) identification of SBW
characteristics, Woods- Giscombé(2010) explored how African
American women perceive the superwoman (i.e., SBW) role and
identified key characteristics including an obligation to manifest
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strength, suppress emotions, resist vulnerability, succeed despite
limited resources, and help others. Abrams et al.(2014) found
similar characteristics, identifying four key themes of the SBW
narrative in focus groups with Black women: the embodiment
and display of multiple forms of strength, self/ethnic pride de-
spite intersectional oppression, embracing multiple roles often
at self- sacrifice, and reliance on religion/spirituality. Nelson
etal.(2016) further explored Black women's perceptions of the
SBW narrative, finding themes of independence, familial care,
hard work, high achievement, overcoming adversity, and emo-
tional containment. A majority (77%) of participants identified
with the SBW role, with attitudes toward the narrative rang-
ing from rejection to ambivalence and personal redefinition.
Influenced by factors like mother- daughter relationships and
socio- demographic differences, the research demonstrates a col-
lective identification of key characteristics of the SBW narrative
as well as its influence on Black women's identities.
While the SBW schema has been used as a mechanism to
cope with and persevere through intersectional oppression
(Donovan and West2015; Woods- Giscombé2010), it has also
been linked to significant psychological and physical health
challenges for Black women. Studies indicate that chronic
stress, compounded by self- silencing, emotional suppression
and a felt need to display strength, is associated with increased
risks of depression, anxiety, and low self- compassion (Abrams
etal.2019; Volpe etal. 2024; Watson and Hunter2016). These
mental health concerns often lead to maladaptive stress re-
sponses, such as emotional eating, physical inactivity, and
poor sleep, which increase risks for hypertension, obesity,
and other chronic health conditions (Perez etal.2023; Woods-
Giscombe et al. 2019). Specifically, Perez etal. (2023) found
that while emotional suppression and the obligation to help
others was negatively associated with psychological distress,
prolonged adherence to the SBW schema intensified hyper-
tension risk among Black women. Together, these findings
illustrate the double- edged sword the SBW schema wields,
fostering resilience while encouraging self- sacrifice, posing
significant risks to overall health.
1.2.1 | Black Motherhood and the SBW Narrative
Bandura's (1977) social learning theory and Bowers and
Yehud a's (2016) research on intergenerational transmission
can help explain the role of Black mothers in passing down the
SBW narrative through observation and imitation in mother-
daughter relationships. The transmission of cultural values and
identity, evolving since slavery (Collins1987, 2000; Iliffe2017;
Mitchem 2002), positions Black mothers as symbols of power
and resilience against oppressive structures despite the mental
and physical challenges of gendered racism (Essed1991; Geyton
etal.2020; Hall 2018). These experiences are taught to daugh-
ters, emphasizing self- sufficiency, education, and community
(Goosby etal.2012; Hall2018). This transmission process exem-
plifies gendered racial socialization—a process in which Black
families provide varying messages to their daughters and sons
based on perceptions of the intersectional challenges each gen-
der may face (Brown etal.2 017; Leath etal.2023; Thomas and
King 2007). Researchers have found that the gendered racial
socialization of Black girls involves transmitting values such
as self- determination and reliance, respect, spirituality, racial
pride, family responsibility, and the importance of educational
and career success (Brown etal.2 017; Leath etal.2023; Oshin
and Milan2019; Thomas and King2007). These messages help
shape identity and promote resilience but may come at the cost
of emotional challenges such as self- silencing and heightened
stress (Collins2000; Leath etal.2023; Winchester etal.2021).
Proponents of PTSS theory may frame this particular experience
as a generational trauma due to its roots in resilience against
historic and perpetuated oppression and disenfranchisement.
That is, the messages of strength and independence embedded
within gendered- racial socialization of the SBW narrative rein-
force survival skills deemed necessary to navigate the unique
adversities Black women face, but they may also perpetuate a
cycle of internalized oppression (i.e., self- silencing). Further,
proponents of PTSS would speculate that because the SBW nar-
rative has, in large part, emerged as a response to the historical
and perpetuated trauma of slavery, the survival skills transmit-
ted may be an accommodation and enactment of perpetuated
maladaptive symptoms such as hypervigilance, avoidance, and
self- destructive behavior (DeGruy 2 017). Perceived as a legacy
of survival and a significant psychological stressor, further
research examining the dual narrative of the SBW as both a
gendered racial socialization process and generational trauma
within Black communities is warranted.
1.3 | The Present Study
Black communities have depended on Black women as care-
takers and purveyors of culture (Collins 2000). This has led
Black women to develop coping mechanisms for enduring the
dual burdens of this role and the persistent oppression of gen-
dered racism, a struggle reflected in the SBW narrative. Mothers
who embody this narrative model know how to interact with
the world in a similar manner, a clear example of intergener-
ational transmission (Bowers and Yehuda 2016). Building on
earlier research into the SBW narrative and the socialization of
Black women and girls (Abrams et al. 2019; Hall 2018; Leath
et al. 2023), this collective case study seeks to expand the lit-
erature on the socialization of the SBW narrative within the
framework of generational trauma. Further, the study explores
how participants perceive their ability to heal from the harmful
impacts of the SBW narrative. The following research questions
guided the current study:
1. How is the Strong Black Woman narrative transmitted be-
tween Black mothers and daughters?
2. How do Black women believe they can heal from harmful
generational messages?
1.4 | Method
1.4.1 | Researcher Positionality
Qualitative researchers engage in intensive experiences with par-
ticipants and can easily interpret data from their lens, oftentimes
requiring researchers to bracket their assumptions and biases
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(Creswell and Creswell2018; Hays and Singh2012). As such, it is
necessary for researchers to take stock of their positionality (i.e.,
social locations and identities) when engaging in the research
process. The first author is a Black, cisgender woman who chose
to examine the research topic due to her own experiences as a
Black woman. Raised by a Black, cisgender woman, the first au-
thor identifies with the SBW narrative and has recognized char-
acteristics of the narrative (e.g., invulnerability, strength; Geyton
etal.2020) within her mother and other influential Black women
in her life. The second author identifies as cisgender Black
woman, who was reared by a Black woman. She learned early
in childhood that the SBW narrative was a normal and expected
part of being a Black woman. Both authors' research focuses on
the identities of Black women and how they navigate the world,
which include oppressive and fortifying experiences.
Similar to other qualitative scholars, the authors followed
Morrow (2005) reflexivity and trustworthiness criteria that al-
lowed them to reflect on their perceptions and experiences at
the beginning, during, and at the culmination of the study.
Specifically, the authors discussed t heir interactions with the SBW
narrative and how it influenced their own lives, where it showed
up, and how it came to be. The authors also discussed generational
trauma and post- traumatic slave syndrome and how it inf luences
the Black community based on their own experiences and knowl-
edge base. Consequently, the authors expected that the partici-
pants would be impacted by generational experiences in the Black
community related to past trauma and the SBW narrative. Based
on the assumptions of the collective case study, the researchers
are critical partners in the research process and as such they bring
their knowledge and identities into the analysis process, which in-
fluences how the participants' lived experiences are derived. The
authors' understandings of SBW and generational trauma allowed
them to analyze the data through a lens that illuminated the dis-
tinct and nuanced experiences of the participants.
1.4.2 | Recruitment and Participants
The initial steps in case study research are to define the case and
establish the boundaries of the case (Prosek and Gibson2021).
As such, to examine the transmission of the SBW narrative
between Black mothers and daughters, the researcher defined
the case as the mother and daughter pair or relationship. The
boundaries of the identified case were as follows: (a) the pair
must identify their relationship with one another as a mother
and daughter relationship and (b) both mother and daughter
must identify as Black women.
After obtaining approval from William and Mary's Institutional
Review Board, the researcher utilized convenience and snow-
ball sampling to recruit a sample of 10 (five mothers and five
daughters) self- identified, Black or African American mothers
and daughters 25 to 66 years old. Recruitment was conducted
through professional listservs, community- based social media
sites, and other social media platforms. Individuals who vol-
unteered to participate were required to recruit their biological
mother or daughter to participate as well. This approach resulted
in five cases (i.e., mother and daughter pairs). Table1 provides
an overview of the demographic description of each participant
and case.
1.4.3 | Measures and Procedure
Once participants consented to the research study, they
were engaged in an audio recorded semi- structured, inter-
active interview via teleconferencing (i.e., Zoom) and phone.
Interactive interviewing involves an open dialogue between
the researcher and participant (McMahan and Rogers 1994)
and aligns with the case study methodology which encourages
researchers to engage in a fluid interview process (Rubin and
Rubin 1995). Three semi- structured, interactive interviews
(i.e., data points) were conducted within each case: an inter-
view with the mother, an interview with the daughter, and an
interview with both mother and daughter. Capturing these
three data points allowed the researchers to better understand
participants' rich experiences of the transmission of messages
through the mother, daughter relationship. Specifically, the
researchers were better able to (a) triangulate data within
each case, (b) adequately answer the how questions which
case studies are suited for, and (c) capture the experience of
TABLE | Demog raphic characteristics of participant s.
Case Pseudonym Occupation Age decade Region # of parents Parenting partner
Case 1 Charise Retired educator 60s Northeast 2Yes
Aniya Administrator 30s South 2N/A
Case 2 Tamika Program Assistant 60s Northeast 2Yes
Sophia Banking 30s Northeast 2No
Case 3 Mildred Retired 60s South 2No
Grace Consultant 30s South 1Yes
Case 4 Debra Associate Director 50s South 2Yes
Sydney School Counselor 20s South 2N/A
Case 5 Brenda Student 60s Midwest 2No
Briana Supervisor 30s Northeast 1Yes
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each participant separately and in relation to their mother or
daughter. Demographic data were collected at the beginning
of each individual interview, and a description of the SBW nar-
rative as outlined in research was provided at the beginning of
each dyadic interview. There was no predetermined order in
which the interviews took place; however, most cases followed
the following interview sequence: mother interviewed first,
daughter interviewed second, and dyad interview completed
last. In case three, the daughter was interviewed before the
mother, and in case five, the dyad interview was completed
first, followed by the mother's interview, and then the daugh-
ter's interview. Questions from the individual interviews in-
cluded the following: “What did you learn about being a Black
woman from your mother and/or grandmother?” and “W hat
messages have been passed down between the women of your
family?” A separate interview protocol was utilized for the
dyadic interview. Questions included “Do either of you iden-
tify with the description of the strong Black woman narrative
provided?”
1.4.4 | Data Analysis
The primary investigator utilized McLeod's(2001) eight step
approach to qualitative data analysis. Before engaging in the
formal data analysis process, the researcher utilized a tran-
scription service, Rev., to transcribe the data to text. During
this process, all names were changed, and participants were
identified by pseudonyms. Because case study data analysis
is convergent and all sources of data are analyzed simultane-
ously (Prosek and Gibson2021), all transcripts were analyzed
simultaneously. Each text was coded to highlight critical ideas
and make meaning of participants' descriptions of their experi-
ence. From these codes, the researchers identified patterns and
themes within each case (McLeod2001; Stake1995; Yin2009).
Specifically, the case study analysis technique of pattern
matching was utilized in which the researcher identifies pat-
terns within the data that are based on predicted patterns of
the examined phenomenon (e.g., the SBW narrative; Yin2009).
After analysis of each case was completed, the researchers
performed a cross- case synthesis by comparing the findings of
each case study to ascertain patterns across cases (Yin2009).
1.4.5 | Trustworthiness
Several strategies were used to establish trustworthiness
throughout the study. First, the interactive interviewing tech-
nique (McMahan and Rogers 1994) was utilized for member
checking and to engage in continuous dialogue with participants
to ensure that their true meanings are being represented (Guba
and Lincoln 1989). Second, the primary investigator utilized
a peer consultant to remain accountable to the credibility and
ethical validation of the participants' voices and the research
study (Lincoln and Guba1985). The peer consulted was an ex-
perienced qualitative researcher who is also a Black woman. An
audit trail was also utilized to document the data collection and
analysis process (Hays and Singh2012; Whittemore etal.2001).
Additionally, the primary investigator engaged in triangulation
of data by utilizing the individual and dyadic interviews as sep-
arate data points in the analysis process. Lastly, the primary
investigator utilized a reflexive journal to bridle and document
the impact of the research process on the researcher (Hays and
Singh2012). Due to the researchers' positionality, it was imper-
ative that any reflection incorporated bridling as they explored
how they were making meaning of the data in relation to their
identities.
1.5 | Results
The cross- case synthesis, which allows for more robust data
and potentially transferable findings (Yin 2009), resulted in
four themes that addressed the research questions. Three
themes emerged in response to research question one: pride in
identity, it takes a village, and lessons for survival. One theme
and one sub theme emerged in response to research question
two: changing the narrative and new messages about self-
care, respectively.
1.5.1 | Theme 1: Pride in Identity
All participants discussed their love of being Black and the
messages they received from their mothers about having pride
in their identity. Participants from cases one, three, and four
shared explicit messages they received about having pride in
their identities as Black women. For example, Charise from
case one notes that she “wanted them [her children] to be
proud of who they are, proud of where they came from, and
they had to know where they [are] from.” Her daughter, Aniya,
confirms receiving this message from her mother through rep-
resentation of Blackness in toys and books, “So Cinderella was
Black. All my books are Black…It was important to her that
White was right was not a thing. It was Black and deep Black
was the mantra that was in my household.” Further, Grace
from case three reflected on the messages she received from
her mother about their identity, “She taught me that being a
Black woman is such a privilege.” Similarly, during the dyadic
interview Sydney remarked,
…that's one thing that I think gives me pride as a
Black woman, that even though we've always had
things… We may have had more going on for us than
most, we've still stood the test of time and we're still
here.
To stand the test of time, participants also identified charac-
teristics within themselves and the women they have learned
from that elicit pride in their identities as Black women. These
characteristics, which align with the SBW narrative, include
strength and perseverance, independence, and invulnerability.
For example, Tamika from case two reflected on the hardships
her mother endured and remarked, “So I know my mama was
a strong woman.” Tamika's daughter, Sophia, also reflected on
her mother's work ethic, “my mom was always at work,” and
noted that because of this modeled behavior, “I got a good work
ethic.” Similarly, Mildred from case three asserted that despite
her mother's employment status, she was a model of a strong
woman, “we never looked down at…her because she never
worked…Because she was such a strong, strong woman.”
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Dyads also commented on the independence strength elicits.
For example, Debra commented on independence as a charac-
teristic of Black women, “I think it is definitely part of being a
Black woman,” and noted her own assertion of independence,
“sometimes I have the notion that, you know what? I could
just do this. I could just take care of myself.” Sydney, Debra's
daughter, confirmed receiving messages about independence
from Debra, “She will like be moving stuff and doing all these
things and I'm like, ‘Can you sit down? We are here, we can help
you.’” Further, reflecting on the modeled characteristic of in-
vulnerability, Sophia from case one stated, “We don't talk about
emotions,” and discussed her embarrassment when she showed
emotion to a colleague, “I kept apologizing.” Lastly, Brenda from
case five discussed the lesson she learned from her mother, “not
to be crying.” She remarked, “I learned to be strong and I hold
it in…she would want me to fight now, she wouldn't want me
to cry.” So, although all participants expressed a pride in their
identity as Black women, many also recognized the potential
detriment of transmitted characteristics of hyper- independence
and invulnerability.
1.5.2 | Theme 2: It Takes a Village
It can be speculated that the messages surrounding invulnera-
bility are a byproduct of the caretaker role endorsed by the SBW
schema. The theme It Takes a Village encompasses messages
participants received about caretaking. As one aspect of care-
taking, participants from all cases discussed their experiences
of the role of the caretaker. For example, Charise reflected on
how her mother modeled caretaking, “being a mother of four,
we wanted for nothing…it seemed like whatever we wanted, she
gave us.” Charise's daughter also reflected on her grandmother's
matriarchal presence in their “woman- dominant family,” not-
ing that, “My grandmother was the head of the family.”
Additionally, Mildred from case three framed the caretaking
role as one that comes with a closeness between a mother and
her daughter,
I loved how I grew up… I loved havi ng that relationship.
I loved having t hat accessibility, knowing th at she was
always there, as she was always a sounding board…
and knowing that…This sounds selfish, but kind of
knowing that her life was dedicated to raising us.
Furthermore, as a modeled message she appreciated, “I
wanted that for my girls,” Mildred actively modeled this for her
daughters,
I worked part- time, and I worked in the school
system, so they're in their school. They were with me.
They came to school with me. They didn't have to go
to childcare. They stayed in my classroom until I was
done, and then, they came home with me.
Participants across all cases also discussed the notion of other-
mothering and being raised by a “village.” Charise from case
one explicitly recognized, “my children was raised by the vil-
lage.” Aniya confirmed her mother's use of this village, “I feel
like I have multiple mothers…my mother has two sisters. So,
they think they're my mother as well.” Similarly, Brenda from
case five noted that her “aunty raised [her] mama” and reflected
on her own close relationship with her aunt, “She taught me
as a little girl she loved me, she showed me so much. All of us,
she would hug and kiss us. I couldn't wait to see her coming…
She was really sweet.” From this, Brenda ref lected on her own
act of other- mothering through adoption, “They didn't have no
structure, because they was put in foster homes, until I decided,
you're not going to another foster home, you are staying here. I
adopted two together”.
Participants f rom cases two, four, and five als o discussed the sac-
rifice that often accompanies the caretaking role. For example,
Brenda reflected on her mother's acts of self- sacrifice, “Whether
she was sick or in pain…she was always listening and wanting
to help us and trying to make escape for us, and trying to do
everything she could to do for us.” Furthermore, while confirm-
ing she identified with the SBW narrative, Brenda explained her
habit of putting others first, “Because that's what I am, that I've
always put other people first and I am very caring and taking
care of everybody else before myself.” Briana, her daughter, also
emphasized how she puts her family first,
So in doing all that, naturally, myself [comes] after
I get everything else done, or I will feel like I'm not
relaxed until my kids are taken care of and everything
around me is good, then I can chill out.
Whether they reflected on their own care for others or how oth-
ers have cared for them, all participants confirmed the salience
of the caretaker role as an aspect of the SBW narrative. However,
participants noted that with this role comes a sacrifice of self.
1.5.3 | Theme 3: Lessons for Survival
Participants from all cases discussed protective messages they
have received and transmitted to combat oppressive structures.
General protective messages were about protecting oneself
from racism and sexism. For example, Charise from case one
explained the lessons she has had to instill in her children and
grandchildren for their protection.
It's like when my parents will tell us, when we go
down south, there are certain things we can't do.
Unfortunately, we're still having to talk with our
children on how to behave, how to behave when
you are driving a car, how to behave when you are
with your friends, that they have to be careful with
everything…And you don't want to teach them fear,
but you have to teach them awareness…And in
teaching them awareness, you are putting fear in
them…So as a Black mother, it's teaching them all the
things that you know is not good for their psyche, but
it's necessary for them to live on.
7 of 12
Additionally, Debra from case four explained the lessons she's
tried to teach her children, “I always let my children know
as…people of color, that the world wasn't always going to treat
them fair.” Her daughter, Sydney reflected on her mother's use
of toughness as a teaching method, “But I feel like the tough-
ness is never necessarily taken to heart because they're very
tough on you and it's more so like a tool to get you to like learn
quickly.”
Other protective messages were more specific lessons about
financial responsibility and the meaning of education. Sophia
from case two explained, “So my mom was really responsible
financially and taught me how to balance a checkbook and pay
the bill and that stuff at a young age.” Similarly, Mildred from
case three discussed the lessons she is passing to her daughters
about financial responsibility.
We just had this discussion about wealth, right?
Saving for a house, putting more into your retirement
account every month, so that when you retire, you
have an extra amount in there because the state will
match it. Things that were never said to me because
my parents were immigrants.
Additionally, Charise noted the influence of messages about
education on the entire family, “We're a family of educators,
she's instilled in us education.” Similarly, Tamika from case two
explained,
my mom, when we were in school, she always told
her, ‘You put your education first’.
Because I had friends at my age, had children before
they graduated from school. And she would always
tell you, ‘You got plenty of time for that’.
In navigating multiple marginalized identities, participants
explained how critical it is to receive and transmit messages
about how to safely and successfully navigate the world as Black
women. However, in teaching lessons about survival, some par-
ticipants questioned the potential hypervigilance they are per-
petuating throughout generations.
1.5.4 | Theme 4: Changing the Narrative
Although participants highlighted the positive and protective
messages they received from their mothers, many also recog-
nized that some messages, such as invulnerability, can be harm-
ful. Participants from cases one, two, four, and five specifically
discussed the awareness and intentional change of harmful
generational messages as crucial for generational healing. For
example, during the dyadic interview, Sophia from case two re-
flected on her motivation to make intentional changes in gener-
ational messages,
And so I think just listening to my mom say that, I
think that is why we do this, this new generation,
we have to because we're not trying to let this stuff
repeat…One of the reasons being is because of the
trauma, the things that we know have happened in
both of our families that we don't want to impact the
family that we're creating.
Additionally, Briana from case five ref lected on her changed be-
havior as a parent,
What makes me different in my parenting is that I do
make mistakes. I said I wouldn't yell, but I find myself
yelling at my boys all the time, but I had to be okay
with ‘okay, I don't need to yell’. I can talk more and if
I mess up and if I say a cuss word or something, I go
back and I apologize…
Participants from cases one and two also discussed the sa-
lience of changing communication patterns to resist transmit-
ting maladaptive messages and intentionally change harmful
narratives. For example, Charise noted the changed message
about communication she is now passing to her children and
grandchildren.
I stress the fact that have more communication
with your children…I can say that I could have
communicated more with my children, which I
did not learn from my parents, other than asking
questions, how was your day and things like that. But
there are a lot of personal things that I feel that you
can do with your children at an early age instead of
waiting until they're young adults.
Additionally, in their dyadic interview, Sophia from case two
commented on her mother's mantra of “family comes first,”
“And I think the way to heal from that is if you're going to have
that mantra, then you got to add some more mantra to that, that
address when there's harm and how we handle that.” In agree-
ment, Tamika asserted, “There could be some healing did on all
us, but what we have to do as a family is really get together and
talk more.” Sophia added, “And so a part of doing that is setting
better boundaries and not just acting like this stuff didn't hap-
pen and that it didn't impact us.” From this, it can be gleaned
that daughters are interrogating some of the messages they
are receiving from their mothers and beginning to shift them
toward healthier narratives. Part of this shift involves creating
new messages about self care.
1.5.4.1 | New Messages About Self Care. In identifying
harmful messages to change, participants from cases one, two,
and four specifically discussed the messages they have received
about not caring for themselves and having a stigma about men-
tal health. In their dyadic interview, Aniya discussed the impact
of being a SBW.
Well, I now have a chronic illness that is [exacerbated
by] stress…And when I'm in pain, my mother will just
say, “That's just stress. We need to calm down.” I've
been in the hospital. I've had surgical procedures as
8 of 12 Family Process, 2025
a result of it. And unfortunately, that's usually my
wake- up call. Hospital bills…and then I'll just ask one
of my colleagues to bring my laptop to me so I can
continue working.
Additionally, Sydney from case four explained how the SBW
narrative can be harmful,
I guess it can be harmful in the sense of never
wanting to be vulnerable or never wanting to be at
rest…that goes into the…self- care thing where we
just always drive ourselves to the ground and it's
like, all right, we got to take a moment to step back
from this.
Participants from cases one, two, four, and five explain the new
messages about self- care they have adopted and will transmit
to future generations. For example, Sophia from case two dis-
cussed efforts she has made to establish a new generational mes-
sage of mental health care.
So the way I talk about emotions with my children is
like, “It's okay to have them. Everybody has emotions
and everybody has a range of emotions…It doesn't
matter what emotion you have. That's fine. It's what
you do with that emotion that matters. And so let's
make sure that we do things with our emotions
that don't harm ourselves or other people.” And so
I started teaching my children deep breathing and
muscle relaxation and meditation probably since they
were two.
Additionally, Brenda reflected on the impact of the SBW
narrative and the change in caring for herself she is currently
making,
I feel it impacted me to know now that since I've
taken care of everyone since I've been in the eighth
grade that now I feel like I need to take care of me
now. So, it impacted me to help others, but to also
stop at a point and look at what I need to do for
myself and try to do the things that I want to enjoy
for myself.
Participants of the present study expressed their pride in their
identities as strong Black women; a pride that was instilled in
them by their mothers and those who came before. As Sophia
commented, “And that's one thing that I think gives me pride as
a Black woman, that even though…we may have had more going
on for us than most, we've still stood the test of time and we're
still here.” With this pride also comes a recognition of the detri-
mental effects the SBW narrative has on the minds, bodies, spir-
its, and relationships of Black women. Participants of the present
study are redefining the SBW narrative to incorporate the pride
and strength of their foremothers with the awareness of mental,
physical, and relational health needs.
1.6 | Discussion
Analysis of findings across all cases resulted in four themes
that answered the research questions. Participants described
how they received and perpetuated direct and indirect mes-
sages about Black womanhood that aided in the transmission
of the SBW narrative, reflecting core principles of gendered-
racial soci alization (Thomas and Ki ng2007), intergeneration al
transmission (Bowers and Yehuda2016), and social learning
theory (Bandura 1977). Further, participants related their
identities to the SBW narrative, identifying with traits such
as strength, perseverance, independence, and invulnerability,
as taught by their mothers. Participants discussed how these
traits, central to the SBW narrative, often lead to perceived
hyper- independence and emotional suppression as previously
discussed in the literature (Abrams et al. 2 014; Beauboeuf-
Lafontant 2007; Geyton et al. 2020). However, participants
also expressed pride in their identity as Black women, an-
other key aspect of the SBW narrative (Davis and Jones2021;
Geyton etal.2020; Watson and Hunter2016). Similar to pre-
vious research, these findings highlight the narrative's role in
fostering cultural pride and resilience against adversity while
also promoting self silencing (Abrams et al. 2019; Geyton
etal.2020; Woods- Giscombé2010).
Caretaking, othermothering, and self- sacrifice also emerged as
key aspects of the SBW experience, aligning with researcher's
conceptions of the SBW narrative (Abrams etal. 2014; Nelson
etal.2016) and historical views on motherhood and the cultural
importance of matriarchy in Black communities (Collins 2000;
Dietrich1975). Participants reflected on the power and signif-
icance of Black motherhood and their communal approach
to child- rearing, practices rooted in African communalism,
where families traditionally supported one another closely (Bell-
Tolliver and Wilkerson 2011). African communalism is viewed
as a condition for achieving personhood, experiencing dignity,
creating one's autonomy, and demonstrating responsibility to
the world (Menkiti 2004). These communal practices contin-
ued from the 17th century through the 20th century in which
Black women often cared for children that were not their own
(Hill1971).
Building on this sense of community responsibility, partici-
pants highlighted the tendency of SBW to sacrifice personal
wellness for others, illustrating another key aspect of the SBW
narrative (Abrams et al. 2014; Beauboeuf- Lafontant 2007;
Collins2000; Donovan and West 2015). While this commu-
nal responsibility has benefited the survival and resilience
of Black communities; white, patriarchal, and individualistic
cultural systems, which have been amplified as the standard
and norm, have undermined the strength and positive impact
of these uplifting practices. For instance, participants dis-
cussed the transmission of protective messages akin to teach-
ings from the slavery era (Wilkins etal.2013) about resisting
oppression and maintaining safety, highlighting the critical
caretaking task of teaching survival skills. These messages
not only exemplify the generational transmission of strength
and resistance but also protection and hypervigilance illus-
trating DeGruy's(2017) PTSS theory.
9 of 12
The traits identified by participants as representative of the
SBW narrative (i.e., strength, independence, caretaking) high-
light the deeply ingrained and perpetuated gendered- racial
socialization practices between Black mothers and daughters
as a historical response to navigating cultural trauma expe-
riences (Moody and Lewis 2019). Participants discussed the
need to make their children aware of their racial and gender
identities as well as how the world may perceive these iden-
tities. Mothers highlighted that with this awareness, they
must teach their children how to behave in various settings
outside of the home for their protection. Protective behaviors
such as financial responsibility and prioritizing education dis-
cussed by participants echo the SBW trait of self- sufficiency
as a method to navigate oppressive structures. The lessons
for survival highlighted in the present study are similar to
Hall's(2018) observation that Black mothers often instill cop-
ing mechanisms in their daughters as protective strategies
against the persistent threats of racism and sexism.
Such practices underscore how resilience and self- reliance are
embedded within the socialization of Black women as essen-
tial survival tools that have been generationally transmitted
in response to historical trauma. This perspective aligns with
DeGr uy 's(2017) obser vation that symptoms of PT SS mirror those
of PTSD, with hypervigilance recognized as a notable symp-
tom in the DSM- 5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013).
The strength and perseverance embodied by these traits is both
empowering and indicative of a deep- seated survival instinct
passed down across generations in response to the longstand-
ing mistreatment of Black women. This lens suggests that the
celebrated attributes of the SBW are not just cultural strengths
but also markers of an ongoing and traumatic struggle against
the enduring effects of systemic oppression, consistent with the
principles of PTSS.
DeGruy (2017) postulates, however, that healing generational
trauma is a generational process in which adults must capitalize
on the function of modeling to exemplify success amidst a soci-
ety that holds racist ideals. The theme of changing the narrative
highlights how the participants of this study are modeling their
own successes through intentional change and improved fam-
ily communication. In this, participants from the present study
also noted the necessity of overt messaging in alignment with
changed (i.e., modeled) behaviors. As a salient aspect of chang-
ing oppressive narratives and modeling counter- narratives,
participants identified general and specific communication
about expressing emotions and mental healthcare as necessary
for change and healing. Aligning with researchers' assertion
that strong Black women sacrifice their wellbeing (Abrams
etal.2014; Beauboeuf- Lafontant2007), participants recognized
difficulties in caring for themselves. Despite mental health
stigma within Black communities (Fripp and Carlson 2017),
participants noted their efforts toward generational healing by
learning, creating, and transmitting new messages about mental
health.
1.6.1 | Implications for Practice
Multiple implications for therapy practice can be gleaned from
the present findings. First, there currently does not exist a
standard method of assessing the identification with and impact
of the SBW narrative. The findings of this study provide prelim-
inary guidelines (e.g., patterns of messaging) to assess the trans-
mission of trauma within the context of the SBW narrative. In
lieu of a standard assessment, mental health providers should
listen for and consider familial messages about one's identity
that have been internalized. Utilizing narrative family therapy
techniques, such as the ones outlined by Suddeath etal.(2017),
can serve as both assessment and intervention tools until formal
assessments are developed.
Further, family systems theory posits that an individual cannot
be considered as a separate entity from their system, emphasiz-
ing the need to understand familial patterns to grasp an individ-
ual's current functioning (Fitzgerald etal.2020; Nichols2012;
Ballard et al.2016). In addition, recognizing the link between
cultural trauma and identity (Lehrner and Yehuda2018), it be-
comes crucial to consider the historical and generational trauma
of one's culture in the conceptualization and treatment of Black
women and families. Thus, clinicians should be mindful of the
intergenerational impact of oppressive family narratives which
can be addressed utilizing culturally responsive systemic ap-
proaches such as trauma- informed socioculturally attuned fam-
ily therapy (TI- SAFT; Lee et al. 2023). Although approaches
such as TI- SAFT are intended for family counseling, clinicians
can utilize such frameworks to support indiv iduals in the decon-
struction and re- authoring of harmful family narratives.
Lastly, the participants of the study noted that as Black women
start to deconstruct and re- author the SBW narrative, chang-
ing behaviors and communication patterns within families
is paramount. In addition to using systemic approaches, cli-
nicians should incorporate critical theories like womanism
(Wa lke r 1983) and Black feminist theory (Collins 2000) to en-
hance clients' awareness of existing patterns and support a
deliberate transformation in behaviors, communication, and
identity. Integrating critical theories with clinical practice aims
to empower Black women and their families in their journey to-
ward healing and redefining their narratives.
1.6.2 | Limitations and Future Research
Despite its contribution to the literature, the present study is
not without limitations. First, most participants resided in the
Eastern region of the United States, limiting the transferability
of the findings. Additional demographic limitations include dif-
ferences in family of origin, educational status, and current fam-
ily structure. Additional data sources (e.g., additional interviews
or an artifact) and participants from various regions may have
yielded more transferrable findings. Another potential limita-
tion involves the sequence of the interviews, which varied across
cases. For instance, while three of the cases followed a consis-
tent sequence, two deviated, with one dyadic interview occur-
ring prior to individual interviews. This variability in sequence
may have influenced participants' responses in subsequent in-
terviews, potentially shaping the way they reflected on their
experiences or discussed specific topics. Additionally, despite
the use of a reflexive journal and peer debriefer, the researchers'
identities as Black women could have led to assumptive conclu-
sions throughout the data analysis process.
10 of 12 Family Process, 2025
Continued exploration of the SBW narrative within the context of
intergenerational trauma is warranted. A replication of the present
study should strive to obtain a sample that represents various re-
gions throughout the United States as well as various generations
(e.g., replicating the present study with teenagers or emerging
adults). Being one of few research studies examining intergener-
ational trauma among Black women, the present study contrib-
utes to the foundation for a model of intergenerational trauma in
Black women. Additional research is needed, however, to gain a
deeper understanding of this phenomenon. A grounded theory
study of intergenerational trauma among Black women would be
a rigorous method to gain a robust understanding and theoretical
foundation. Furthermore, a scale similar to the gendered- racial so-
cialization scale for Black women (GRESS- BW; Brown etal.2017)
can be developed and validated to support a model of intergenera-
tional trauma among Black women. Lastly, additional qualitative
research examining beliefs about how healing occurs and specif-
ically how one can heal intergenerational trauma is necessary.
By gaining this insight, along with an empirically based model of
intergenerational trauma, evidence- based therapeutic approaches
that address this phenomenon within Black communities can be
developed.
1.7 | Conclusions
The findings of the present study build upon the limited em-
pirical literature on the transmission of the SBW narrative by
providing a glimpse into the messaging transmitted between
Black mothers and daughters in the United States. Participants
also illuminated mechanisms they are currently utilizing to
change harmful messages and increase mental wellbeing.
Implications of the present study assert the need for a broader
and deeper conceptualization of the systemic experiences of
Black women and thus challenge the field to enhance current
approaches. While this study was not without limitations, this
inquiry provided an avenue for additional research on the pro-
cess of intergenerational trauma within Black communities
and illuminates ways in which mental health professionals
can utilize family systems concepts to support Black women
and families in navigating intergenerational trauma.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
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