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5
The Complexities of Trial by Social Media:
Examining the Connection Between
Self-exposure and Harassment
Azi Lev-On
Introduction
Facilitated by the ubiquitous presence of social media platforms, the
concept of ‘trial by media’ has transcended the traditional courtroom
to pervade the court of public opinion. This phenomenon, character-
ized by the media’s capacity to influence public perception and affect
judicial processes, has morphed with the advent of the Internet into
a more decentralized yet equally potent form of public adjudication.
Unlike the conventional ‘trial by media’ that involves mainstream media
outlets impacting narratives around legal cases, the digital age introduces
a participatory dimension where ordinary people, armed with access to
vast amounts of information and the ability to disseminate their views
widely, engage in what can be termed ‘social media trials.‘ These trials
occur in the absence of formal legal proceedings, where individuals are
A. Lev-On (B)
Ariel University, Ariel, Israel
e-mail: azilevon@gmail.com
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2025
L. Gies (ed.), Trial by Media, Palgrave Studies in Crime, Media and Culture,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-80593-6_5
103
104 A. Lev-On
judged, vilified, or exonerated in the public domain, often with profound
implications for their privacy, reputation, and even mental health.
This study delves into a specific subset of ‘trial by media’ in the digital
realm—during obstruction of justice campaigns—focusing on the inter-
section of self-exposure on social media and the resultant harassment.
By examining the case of Roman Zadorov and the public discourse
surrounding his trial and acquittal, we witness how social media plat-
forms become arenas for justice and judgment, sometimes blurring the
lines between seeking truth and perpetuating harassment. Here, ‘trial
by media’ is not merely a parallel to legal proceedings but a complex
interplay of online activism, public participation, and the amplification
of personal narratives. This expanded understanding of ‘trial by media’
underlines the necessity to reconsider its implications in the digital age,
where the dynamics of public engagement, information dissemination,
and the quest for justice converge in unprecedented ways.
One concerning consequence of the widespread proliferation of the
Internet and social media is the exacerbation of a troubling trend: the
amplification of online harassment and violence. Illustratively, a study
from 2014 (when the phenomena described later took place) gleaned
insights from 1094 students spanning grades 4 to 11. The results
unveiled a disquieting reality: 27% of respondents reported having fallen
victim to instances of online harassment, and 46% recounted instances
where they had borne witness to acts of cyberbullying directed at others
(Heiman et al., 2014). Another study conducted by the Sarid Institute
(2017), focusing on individuals aged 18 and above, unveiled that a signif-
icant 24% acknowledged exposure to manifestations of online violence.
This exposure exhibited an upward trajectory as the age of the respon-
dents decreased. Notably, within the 55–64 age demographic, only 14%
recounted enduring repeated instances of online violence, whereas an
alarming 33% within the 18–24 age bracket reported similar encounters.
Why does the Internet become a ‘fertile breeding ground’ for violence?
Vismonsky (2020) argues that some architectural features of the Internet
empower online harassment, surpassing what has traditionally been
encountered in the context of physical harassment. (1) The exten-
sive accessibility of online platforms facilitates engagement for virtually
anyone, (2) the instantaneous dissemination of offensive publications, (3)
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 105
their viral propagation,(4) the cloak of anonymity that is sometimes
offered, (5) Adding to this complexity is the cumulative character of
online posting, where subsequent contributors may join the initial ones,
often competing to create progressively shocking and offensive content.
(6) Additionally, the ease of accessing information, often directly tied
to the victim’s identity, persists on the Internet for extended dura-
tions, with limited options for deletion. (7) The global character of
cyberspace, where advertisers may operate from different countries than
the victims, presents challenges in terms of locating, investigating, and
attributing culpability. (8) A further challenge arises due to the intermedi-
ation required to access content, involving interactions with intermediaries
like content providers or social media platforms. This makes it difficult
to establish accountability, identify content posters, and gather evidence
against them.
Moreover, people subjected to online violence tend to display a
reduced inclination to report incidents in comparison with victims of
physical violence. Consequently, this hesitancy to report renders the
identification of online harm considerably more complex for educational
and therapeutic organizations, as well as parents (Heirman & Walrave,
2008).
In contrast to the many articles that concentrate on various forms of
harassment, my focus here is on the people who are subjected to harass-
ment and, notably, the connection between their public self-exposure and the
harassment they experience. A central argument presented in the paper is
that the magnitude of slanderous activities is associated with the degree
of self-exposure individuals exhibit. In essence, the quantity and visi-
bility of visual materials associated with particular people act as critical
determinants influencing the severity of the defamation they experience.
In exploring the dynamics of online harassment through the lens of
a ‘hierarchy of defamation,’ it is essential to clarify that this framework
does not imply a normative judgment toward individuals based on their
visibility in digital and traditional media. The intention behind iden-
tifying this hierarchy is to understand the mechanisms through which
defamation occurs and its impact on individuals, rather than attributing
responsibility or blame to the victims themselves. Recognizing the
106 A. Lev-On
complexity of online interactions and the multifaceted reasons individ-
uals may have a prominent online presence, this study is committed to
a nuanced analysis that seeks to highlight systemic issues rather than
individual actions.
The case of Roman Zadorov, which has captivated public interest and
sparked extensive online discourse, serves as a compelling context for
examining the multifaceted character of ‘trial by media’ in the social
media age. Zadorov’s case, marked by a whirlwind of social media
activism, public scrutiny, and the subsequent impact on individuals
tangentially related to the case, illustrates the profound effects of digital
platforms on justice and public perception. This study leverages the
Zadorov affair to explore the broader implications of social media’s role
in shaping narratives around justice, the intersection of self-exposure
with harassment, and the emergence of a ‘hierarchy of defamation.‘ By
focusing on this case, I aim to shed light on the nuanced challenges and
ethical considerations that arise when digital platforms become arenas for
public judgment and advocacy.
By setting the Zadorov affair as a backdrop, this article contributes
to the critical discourse on digital media’s influence on legal and social
justice processes, highlighting the urgent need for a balanced approach to
digital engagement and the protection of individuals from unwarranted
public scrutiny.
Next, I outline the Zadorov affair and its significance in studying ‘trial
by media.’ Then, the article delves into the methodology employed. The
core of the article presents my findings on the ‘hierarchy of defamation,’
providing insights into the varying degrees of vulnerability among indi-
viduals based on their online presence. The conclusion synthesizes the
analysis, reiterating the importance of refraining from victim-blaming,
and suggests directions for future research and policy development aimed
at mitigating online harassment while preserving the open discourse
essential to democratic societies.
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 107
Research Environment: The Online Activism
Calling for Justice for Roman Zadorov
On 6 December 2006, the 13-year-old Tair Rada was murdered at
her school in Katzrin, Israel. Roman Zadorov, a flooring installer who
worked at the school, was arrested six days later, and a week later
confessed to the killing—but immediately recanted, and since denied
connection to the murder. Zadorov was convicted of murder in 2010
and sentenced to life in prison, and his appeal to the Supreme Court was
rejected in 2015.
But the firmness of the court’s ruling contradicts public opinion, with
polls repeatedly showing that overwhelming majorities thinking Zadorov
is innocent. In 2021 the Supreme Court decided to grant Zadorov a
retrial, and in March 2023 he was fully acquitted (Lev-On, 2023b).
After the murder, public attention swiftly focused on the affair
due to the victim being a young girl murdered within the school
premises. Another significant factor that fueled skepticism regarding
Roman Zadorov’s culpability in the crime was the stance taken by Tair
Rada’s mother. Shortly following Zadorov’s reconstruction of the murder,
she publicly expressed doubts about his involvement as the perpetrator.
Subsequently, discrepancies in Zadorov’s confession and reconstruction
further fueled these doubts. Additionally, alternative narratives surfaced
regarding the identity of the perpetrator(s), the method of the murder,
and the potential motives behind it, all contributing to the atmosphere
of uncertainty surrounding the case.
Unlike many other cases, where murder investigations are typically
conducted away from the public eye, here the investigation materials
were available to a wide audience. These materials were transferred by
Zadorov’s defense team to the victim’s family and activists who supported
them. Over time, these materials gradually became accessible to the
public, including being disseminated through various online platforms
such as Facebook groups. Furthermore, since 2016, they have been avail-
able on the website ‘Truth Today.’1 Correspondence, summaries, and
documents related to the retrial have continued to be uploaded to this
1 https://truthtoday.co.il/.
108 A. Lev-On
website. There are also a number of YouTube channels with video mate-
rials—from the investigations, conversations with police informers, and
the reconstruction. Additionally, numerous documentaries and articles
on the case can be found online.
Another factor responsible for the overwhelming public interest in the
case is the intensive social media activity to promote Zadorov’s inno-
cence. Since 2009, many Facebook groups dealing with this affair were
established. In 2015, after Zadorov’s appeal to the Supreme Court was
rejected, the largest of these Facebook groups, entitled The whole Truth
about the Murder of the Late Tair Rada, became one of the largest in Israel
(Ben-Israel, 2016).
Apart from its scope, this social media activity is unique in additional
aspects:
1. The context: The activity involves a murder trial and a call for justice
for a putative false conviction. By contrast, findings and products of
police investigations and legal proceedings are typically far from the
public eye.
2. The identity of participants: Typically, participants in public discourse
regarding law and justice are ‘insiders’—police officers, lawyers, and
legal commentators. Here, however, the involvement of ‘outsiders’ is
evident, including activists who were thoroughly familiar with the
legal case, who even advised and closely assisted Zadorov’s defense
in the retrial (Grossman & Lev-On, 2023).
3. The activity is also unique in its significant effects; for example, on
public opinion of the functioning of the relevant state institutions
and Zadorov’s guilt/innocence (Lev-On & Steinfeld, 2024).
In addition, this activism is unique in that it led to the many discov-
eries by activists—including discoveries that led to the decision to hold
a retrial (Lev-On, 2023a). For all these reasons, the social media activity
calling for justice for Zadorov represents a fascinating case for examining
the characteristics and effects of social media activism.
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 109
Method
This study is based on netnographic research. Netnography is a
qualitative-interpretive research approach to studying the behavioral and
communicative patterns of individuals and groups online (Kozinets,
2010; Rageh & Melewar, 2013). Netnography involves collecting data
from online sources such as social networks, chats, petition sites, and
more. Researchers can identify communities, observe and join them,
and interview participants. The triangulation of participant observation,
interviews, and content analysis enables a comprehensive picture of the
justice for Zadorov activism. This netnographic study lasted seven years,
from 2015 (the rejection of Zadorov’s appeal to the Supreme Court and
resulting intensification of activism) to 2022.
Participant Observation
Contacts were established with group administrators and leading
activists. Conversations with administrators were about content that was
published, issues and dilemmas that arose, and activities that occurred.
Content Analysis
I have employed several methods to ensure the inclusion of a maximum
number of relevant posts. Firstly, with the assistance of activists, I
identified and mapped the active Facebook groups related to Zadorov,
subsequently focusing on the five largest groups that attracted the most
active participants. Secondly, I utilized the netVizz software initially, and
after its discontinuation, I transitioned to using CrowdTangle software
to back up all the posts published within these groups. This resulted in a
collection of over 10,000 posts and hundreds of thousands of comments.
The content analysis was carried out thematically by repeatedly reviewing
the texts and identifying recurring themes, which were subsequently
categorized.
110 A. Lev-On
Interviews
Twenty-five interviews with group administrators were conducted—
among other issues, about the truth-value and content of stories posted
online, and reactions by admins. The interviews lasted an hour to an
hour-and-a-half, and were conducted by four interviewers under the
supervision of the lead researcher.
In addition to conducting interviews with group administrators on
social media platforms, I also conducted ten interviews with individuals
who were teenagers at the time of the murder but who were adults at the
time of interviewing them. They have since endured online harassment
over the years. While delving into the investigation materials and exam-
ining the circulating online rumors regarding the potential involvement
of specific people in the murder, I compiled a list of these people and
initiated contact.
The interviews were primarily conducted via telephone, except for two
cases where face-to-face meetings were arranged. These interviews typi-
cally lasted approximately half an hour. Participants were asked about
their experiences with harassment, the specific circumstances in which
these incidents occurred, and the character of the harassment, online and
offline.
Findings: A History of Online Violence
and Harassment
The paper traces the origins and development of suspicions and harass-
ment toward the friends of the late Tair Rada as suspects in the murder,
the role of social media in this process, and the differential manifestations
of harassment according to the degree of self-exposure of the friends.
The origin of suspicions cast upon Tair’s friends can be traced back
to Ilana Rada, the mother of the victim, and Haim Sadovsky, a former
private investigator. Following the murder, Sadovsky reached out to
support the Rada family, who harbored intuitive concerns regarding
Tair’s social circle. These shared suspicions served as the impetus for
Sadovsky’s conviction. Subsequently, he collaborated with Zadorov’s legal
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 111
team to formulate a hypothesis, with a specific focus on Tair’s friends,
suggesting their involvement in the murder.
Immediately after Zadorov confessed and reenacted the murder of
her daughter, Ilana Rada expressed her disbelief in his guilt. She reit-
erated multiple times her belief that adolescents might be withholding
information possibly related to the murder, and she even considered
the possibility that they could have been involved as perpetrators them-
selves (Lev-On, 2023b). For instance, in a 2016 TV interview (2016)she
stated, ‘I am convinced that the children are concealing something signif-
icant. It seems highly unlikely that an entire school during an activity
would fail to notice anything, and that Tair’s entire life would be erased
from the memory of all the students in a single day.’
As late as 2008, the ‘suspicions’ directed at specific people from
Katsrin were not widely known. This changed with the release of Sharon
Gal’s documentary titled ‘Only Tair Knows.’ The documentary included
interviews with Tair’s friends, L.L., N.B., and S.B. (Gal, 2008). Gal
accompanied the friends to the ‘Gamla’ school, located in a different part
of the town, where they were interviewed. Notably, they were placed in
a restroom resembling the one where Tair was murdered. There, they
were tasked with recalling the sequence of events from that fateful day
while being filmed. Their participation in the film was a sincere gesture
of support for Tair’s grieving family and a way to commemorate her
memory.
Upon the documentary’s airing in 2008, the participants were
surprised by the significant contrast between the intent conveyed during
the original interviews and the way they were ultimately presented in the
edited version. The editing process included an eerie musical soundtrack
reminiscent of horror films. Additionally, snippets depicting the cleaning
of restroom walls were intercut with the interviews. This juxtaposition
could potentially be interpreted as casting suspicion on the inter v iewees,
implying their involvement in cleaning and concealing evidence.
The people most profoundly impacted by Gal’s film were L.L. and
N.B., both had testified to the police, along with others, that they had
been in the bathroom around the time of Tair’s murder. L.L. was inter-
viewed for Gal’s (2008) movie, and expressed doubts about Zadorov
being the murderer. When asked for her reasons, she replied, ‘Because
112 A. Lev-On
of various reasons, like others that I am aware of,’ followed by a brief
moment of laughter (Gal, 2008) (L.L. later explained this laughter as
an awkward pause, which was subsequently edited in a manner that
appeared ‘suspicious’).
Similarly, N.B. recounted being in the bathroom at the time of the
murder and seeing an unfamiliar girl whom she did not encounter again.
Notably, N.B.’s interview for Gal’s documentary underwent manipula-
tion during editing: eerie music was added, and she was featured in
close-up shots, insinuating that she might be ‘concealing something.’
Following the release of the documentary, both girls found themselves
branded as ‘primary suspects’ in the eyes of numerous people advocating
for Zadorov’s innocence.
Gal’s film aired in 2008. In 2011, a highly defamatory video titled
‘Tair Rada’s Girlfriends’ Connection of Silence’ surfaced on YouTube.
This video maliciously incorporated ‘suspicious’ clips from Gal’s film,
accompanied by false captions that portrayed the female participants in a
negative and unfounded light. Figure 5.1 illustrates a screenshot from the
video, displaying N.B. where on the right side of the image, the video’s
editors provided their unfounded interpretations, falsely alleging that she
had been in conflict with Tair since elementary school, fabricated her
testimony to the police, and falsely claimed she is the daughter of a senior
police officer. The video went viral, amassing nearly half a million views
as of October 2019.
Another primary source of generating slander is Haim Sadovsky, the
former private detective mentioned earlier. Sadovsky strongly held the
belief that teenagers were responsible for the murder. Merely three weeks
after the murder, he sent a concise fax message to the police commis-
sioner, providing a list of potential suspects. A month following the
murder, Sadovsky compiled a comprehensive six-page report. This docu-
ment juxtaposes, on the one hand, the findings that, in his view, cast
doubt on Zadorov’s guilt as a criminal, and, on the other hand, outlines
his personal hypotheses regarding alternative potential participants (Lev-
On, 2023b).
In his report, Sadovsky references various the (arguably) jealousy
among Tair’s friends, the argument between Tair and her friend who left
town the day after the murder, and Tair’s invitation to a ‘conversation’ in
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 113
Fig. 5.1 N.B in the video The Connection of Silence of Tair Rada’s Girlfriends
the bathroom, which ultimately led to her murder. Most of these claims
are based on mere speculations.
In his book ‘To Stitch up an Innocent Person’ (Sadovsky, 2010)
Sadovsky also advanced the theory that teenagers were responsible for the
murder. Furthermore, in collaboration with Doron Baldinger, Sadovsky
produced a film that echoed similar arguments (Lev-On, 2023b). As
social media gained prominence, Sadovsky also became active on these
platforms. An analysis of his participation in a prominent online group,
from its inception to 2016, reveals that he was the second most prolific
contributor in terms of visibility. His posts often carried a confronta-
tional tone and included defamatory content (Lev-On, 2023b).
In 2017, a civil lawsuit was filed against Sadovsky for the first time by
L.L. The lawsuit encompassed claims of defamation, negligence, harass-
ment, and privacy violation. In the verdict issued on September 10,
2020, the judge confirmed that several publications presented to him
constituted defamation, and that Sadovsky played a prominent role in
promoting the ‘girlfriends theory,’ referring to him as the ‘living spirit’
in this regard (Lev-On, 2023b).
114 A. Lev-On
In 2009, the first Facebook group advocating for justice for Zadorov
was established (Lev-On, 2023b). Shortly after that, in 2011 a signifi-
cant derogatory activity toward Tair’s friends (some of them mentioned
above) migrated onto social media platforms. Several key events led to
this migration. First and foremost, 2011 marked the year immediately
following Zadorov’s original conviction, which triggered a surge of online
and offline engagement in his support. Simultaneously, Facebook further
entrenched itself as a central platform for social engagement, notably
among teenagers. Within this online realm, Facebook groups advocating
for justice for Zadorov emerged and garnered a substantial following.
At the same time, there was a growing trend of private individuals,
mostly teenagers in Tair’s age group, establishing Facebook profiles. These
profiles, aside from being platforms for sharing personal updates, gradu-
ally became hubs for monitoring these adolescents. Consequently, people
interested in the Zadorov affair, especially those speculating on any links
between the youths and the murder, started following the teenagers’
profiles and sending them private messages.
Furthermore, starting from that year, a series of videos began to
appear on YouTube, implicating Tair’s close friends. In February 2011,
a video was uploaded to YouTube, appealing to the public for infor-
mation about the murder and offering a financial reward. This video
featured letters emerging against a black background, accompanied by
eerie music. These letters displayed inscriptions found on the door of the
teacher’s toilets. The video posed a disturbing question: ‘Which of them
will be the first to crack and cooperate?’ Implicitly, the video suggested
a link between adolescents like N.B., L.L., and others to the murder
(Fig. 5.2).
Concurrently, the video’s release coincided with the submission of a
petition to the High Court, advocating for the case’s re-examination.
This juxtaposition underscores the activists’ strategic bifurcation: simul-
taneous pursuit of redress through the judicial apparatus while concur-
rently maintaining a robust presence and engagement on social media
platforms.
Over the course of several years, L.L. endured a series of harassments,
prompting her to file multiple complaints with the police. However, it
seemed that these complaints did not lead to any substantial investigative
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 115
Fig. 5.2 Screenshot from the video Evidence from the scene of the murder
shows the involvement of teenagers
actions. In 2013, she took her story to the prominent TV program, ‘The
Magazine,’ which was broadcast on Channel 10. The segment shed light
on the online harassment targeting L.L. and her friends. In response,
the founder and administrator of the prominent Facebook group advo-
cating for justice for Zadorov made the group ‘secret’ and removed
several administrators who had allowed the cyber harassment to escalate
(Lev-On, 2023b).
However, changing the group’s settings to ‘secret’ did not lead to
significant improvements in the situation. Instead, it created a ‘vacuum
of slander,’ causing disgruntled members who had been blocked from
the original group to migrate to new ones, notably the group ‘The Whole
Truth about the Murder of the Late Tair Rada,’ which had opened shortly
before. This migration further exacerbated the proliferation of slanderous
content to such an alarming extent (Lev-On, 2023b).
The gravity and extent of this phenomenon become evident when we
look at a post shared by one of the former group administrators who
116 A. Lev-On
Fig. 5.3 ‘I deleted thousands of comments and hundreds of posts’ (Source The
whole Truth about the Murder of the Late Tair Rada, 4.2.2016)
claimed to h ave removed hundreds of posts and thousands of inflamma-
tory comments (Fig. 5.3). Although group administrators make efforts to
delete slanderous content, a challenge arises when slanders are embedded
within responses to posts that don’t necessitate administrator approval for
publication. Consequently, these slanders are more challenging to detect
and, even when detected, are often removed belatedly, if at all.
As time goes on, these groups go through a learning process in which
both administrators and activists exercise increased caution. For example,
while earlier posts may have included full names, current practices tend
to use only initials or subtle allusions to prevent clear violations.
Harassment takes various forms, including both textual and visual.
For instance, in Fig. 5.4, there is a collage featuring the faces of four
individuals who are viewed as the main ‘suspects’ by certain activists:
S.Y., N,B,; S.T., and L.L. In this collage, their mouths are depicted as
allegedly mutilated, suggesting that they have ‘lost the ability to speak’
and are unwilling to share the information they might possess.
In 2016, a group of teenagers who had been significantly harmed
by the persistent defamatory content decided to take legal action. As
a result, several administrators and members of social media groups
received preliminary warning letters before actual litigation, leading to
the occasional posting of apologies and regret (Fig. 5.5).
Who is Slandered
Up to this point, I have discussed the identity of the defamers and the
tactics they employ for defamation. Moving forward, I will delve into the
identities of the vilified youths and the multiple ways in which they are
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 117
Fig. 5.4 Silent girls (Source The whole Truth about the Murder of the Late Tair
Rada, 17.12.2018)
Fig. 5.5 Apologetic post toward Tair’s friends (Source The friends of the late
Tair Rada speak-Breaking the Silence, 2016)
118 A. Lev-On
subjected to targeting. I start by focusing on those who endure the most
significant extent of slander.
S.Y
A notable person who has frequently faced baseless suspicion in rela-
tion to the murder case is S.Y., a ninth-grade student at the time of the
murder, one year ahead of Tair. In Tair’s phone, S.Y. was listed as ‘my
sister.’ Their interactions primarily revolved around school-related activi-
ties, including walking home together, sharing moments on the dance
floor as members of Katzrin’s band, and occasionally meeting on the
school grounds.
On the day of the murder, S. and Tair were seated in the pergola
just before Tair’s murder. Subsequently, Tair proceeded to enter the high
school building. As time passed without Tair’s return, S. decided to enter
the school premises and took a seat on a bench, patiently waiting for her
friend. Despite her efforts to locate Tair, she couldn’t find her anywhere.
S. suspected that Tair might have gone home. At the conclusion of her
lesson, S. made her way home.
During the 2015–2016 period, S.Y participated in the seventh season
of ‘Big Brother’ and emerged as the winner, gaining significant public
recognition. Before the start of the program, Ilana Rada expressed
disapproval of S.Y’s participation, alleging that she was leveraging her
connection with Tair to gain fame (Boker, 2016). During the program,
S.Y. made the following statement: ‘Tair and I were inseparable, the best
of friends. She was like my little sister… Tair had this radiant smile,
and her dancing was unmatched. To this day, I’ve never seen a girl who
danced quite like her.’ In response to the question ‘Were you at school
when it happened?’, S. replied, ‘I won’t talk about that’ (Boker, 2016;
Walla! Culture, 2016).
Following S.Y’s discussion of Tair during the program, albeit briefly,
Ilana Rada said on a radio program: ‘This girl is a liar; she provided
four statements to the police, and she lied seven times’ (Walla! Culture,
2016). Subsequently, the North District Prosecutor’s Office issued a
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 119
letter stating, ‘We regret the baseless accusations raised in the inter-
view against Shay and her associates, and this is not the first time such
allegations have surfaced.’
Today, S.Y is actively engaged in the entertainment industry, partic-
ipating in TV programs and pursuing a modeling career. In 2019, a
theater drama related to the murder case was released, and its creators
consulted with S.Y for her insights. However, Ilana responded again,
asserting that ‘S.Y was never truly Tair’s friend, and t o be precise, she
abandoned Tair. This is not how someone who defines themselves as
a ‘close friend’ should behave. Even the police investigator at the time
found something strange and illogical in her conduct.’ To support this
claim, Ilana included a police memorandum (Fig. 5.6) with a request
by the police computer officer to examine S.Y’s chat correspondence.
Upon examination, it was revealed that there were no ICQ conversations
between S. and Tair in the four months before the murder. According to
the memorandum’s author, ‘this doesn’t align with her testimony of being
a close friend of the deceased.’
Over the years, Facebook group members have made frequent defam-
atory accusations against S., alleging her involvement in the murder or
knowledge of crucial details that she’s concealing. At a certain junc-
ture, a poll on this topic even emerged within one of the groups, and
the majority of respondents indicated that they believed she was either
withholding information or being untruthful in her testimony (Fig. 5.7).
N.B.
N.B.’s name is frequently mentioned in conspiracy theories that connect
Tair’s classmates and friends to the murder. She was a classmate of
Tair’s and had attended the same theater class as her—the last class Tair
attended. N. testified that during that class, approximately at 1:30 PM
(around the estimated time of the murder), she left the theater class
and headed toward the restroom. As she approached the bathroom area,
she encountered an unfamiliar female figure whom she had neither seen
before nor after the murder. N. entered the third stall, which was adja-
cent to the murder scene. She remained there for an estimated 4–5
120 A. Lev-On
Fig. 5.6 A police memorandum uploaded to the Internet (Source Ilana Rada’s
Facebook page, went online on September 5, 2019)
Fig. 5.7 ‘Is S.Y. hiding details or lying in her testimonies?’ (Source The whole
Truth about the Murder of the Late Tair Rada, 20.8.2016)
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 121
minutes. During her time in the stall, N. did not observe any blood-
stains or anything else suspicious. When she turned to leave, she heard
the girl exiting the bathroom.
Over time, N. became the primary subject of suspicion among those
who subscribe to the conspiracy theory implicating Tair’s friends in the
murder. According to N., the scrutiny intensified after she appeared in
Sharon Gal’s documentary film ‘Only Tair Knows’ (Gal, 2008). In a
conversation with her, N. said, ‘I believe one of our missteps was partici-
pating in interviews with the best of intentions, only for it to turn against
us. Perhaps, if we had declined those interviews, people might have even-
tually forgotten about us, and our names wouldn’t have become so widely
circulated on the internet today.’
Once branded as connected to the murder, N.‘s name continued to
surface periodically on the Internet. In 2014, Haim Sadovsky created a
documentary where he traversed Katsrin with a video camera, retracing
the supposed route of the ‘murderer’ from school to her home. N. has
been the subject of several interviews addressing the online harassment
she faced. In 2016, she participated in an interview for the ‘Shadow of
Truth’ series.
Within the relevant social media groups, one can find repeated slan-
derous allegations closely tied to the case’s details. For instance, false
claims suggest that her father, a retired police officer at the time of the
murder, had interfered with the investigation and attempted to conceal
evidence. It was also falsely asserted that she was sent to the central region
of the country for a week after the murder to allow her supposed wounds,
incurred during the alleged murder of Tair, to heal.
L.L.
L.L. was Tair’s closest friend, they spent a lot of time together and main-
tained frequent phone and chat communications in the months before
the murder. On the day of the murder, L. was with Tair in the theater
class- the last class Tair attended. Just before the end of the school day,
L., along with S.T., visited the restroom together. During her subsequent
testimony, S. recalled hearing the sound of toilet paper being torn and a
122 A. Lev-On
voice saying ‘occupy’ from one of the restroom stalls. They decide to go
instead to the teachers’ restroom which was located opposite the depart-
ment where the homicide occurred. There, they inscribed their names
and the date of that day (6.12.2006) on one of the doors (see Fig. 5.2).
At the conclusion of the school day, the two friends proceeded to S.’s
residence. Around 4:00 p.m., just prior to the scheduled commencement
of the dance class attended by S. and Tair, S.’s father transported them
back to Katsrin. As the dance class commenced, Ilana Rada reached out
to the community center to confirm Tair’s attendance. In response to
Ilana’s inquiry, S. exited the dance class to engage in a conversation with
her. Subsequent to their discussion, instead of returning to the class, she
left and participated in the search efforts. L. also became involved in the
search after being informed of Tair’s disappearance.
S. transferred to the school in the year of the murder and formed a
close friendship with Tair. On the day of the tragedy, S. had multiple
interactions with Tair. Tair even borrowed her MP4 player, which was
later found with her body.
The last two hours of school were dedicated to various enrichment
classes. Among these, Tair, L., N.B, and others participated in the theater
class held in the high school building. In contrast, S.’s enrichment
class centered on jewelry making and took place in the junior division
building. After her class ended, S. stayed at the school, waiting for L. to
finish her theater class and join her on the bus. Before the theater class
concluded, S. encountered L. in the bathroom.
One of the questions raised by the activists is why S., who was
attending a jewelry class in another building, arrived at the building
where the theater class was held and found time to accompany L. to
the bathroom before the class ended. Additionally, it is claimed that
every Wednesday, instead of leaving Katsrin and returning for the dance
class, S. came to Tair, and they went to the class together. However, on
the day of the murder, S. decided to invite L. to her home at the end
of the school day. Critics saw this change in her regular routine as an
attempt to disrupt the investigation. Still, such conspiratory concerns
have straightforward explanations (Fig. 5.8).
The harassment against L. began after the release of Sharon Gal’s film
in 2008 and intensified with increased social media activity. Her name
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 123
Fig. 5.8 The group administrator slanders S.T. (Source The whole Truth about
the Murder of the Late Tair Rada, 2016)
appears prominently in various groups, far more often than S.T’s, even
though they were together at the time of the murder. One might assume
they would have similar public recognition. However, L. has frequently
featured in the media, leaving a significant online footprint. In contrast,
S. avoided media exposure almost entirely and largely remaining in
relative obscurity.
Additional ‘Suspicious’ Youngsters
In addition to Tair’s friends and classmates, who are often subjected
to harassment in connection with the murder, the names of other
youngsters (at the time of the murder) occasionally resurface on social
media, although less frequently. One such individual is D.Z., a 9th-grade
student at the time of the murder. The teacher expelled him from the
Bible class he attended, and as he exited the building, he encountered
Tair, who gave him a kiss on the cheek before proceeding upstairs toward
the restrooms. Following this encounter, he continued on his way home.
In 2010, D.Z. posted a cryptic Facebook status that served as a
cautionary message: ‘the one who understands will understand and stay
away from Katsrin.’ This statement was made in response to underage
drinking at parties where he was a DJ. Almost every mention of D.’s
name on social media is invariably connected to this post. Activists have
construed this status as a potential threat to teenagers who may possess
information about the murder, suggesting that they should remain
silent to avoid possible repercussions. For instance, Rotem Ben Simon,
124 A. Lev-On
Fig. 5.9 Activists attacking D.Z. (Source The whole Truth about the Murder of
the Late Tair Rada, September 26, 2016)
a manager of ‘The Whole Truth…’ group, commented on the post
(see Fig. 5.9), contributing to the baseless speculation surrounding his
(non-existing) connection to the murder.
Another person subjected to slander and harassment is S.E, a close
friend of Tair’s. However, a few weeks before the murder, Tair and S.
had a falling out, leading to a temporary break in their friendship.
This estrangement persisted until a week before the murder when they
resumed communication.
Activists’ suspicion regarding S. was significantly heightened by a
specific incident on the morning of the murder. While S. and Tair were
attending a lecture in the school’s auditorium, S. sent her an SMS that
read: ‘Did it/he ring?’ S. explained that he sent this message after noticing
Tair glancing at her phone and then at him. He interpreted her look as an
indication that she believed he had called her, prompting him to check
if her phone had indeed rung.
However, some activists operating under the assumption that Tair was
being harassed by someone, interpret the statement as an inquiry into
whether this harasser called her. Some even speculate that this same
harasser might have contacted her to arrange a meeting later in the day,
possibly within the restroom. In one post, there’s a claim that the indi-
vidual who was supposed to call her waited for her in the bathroom and
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 125
Fig. 5.10 Who was supposed to ring? (Source The whole Truth about the
Murder of the Late Tair Rada, 29.11.2014)
subsequently committed the murder (Fig. 5.10). Once again, this illus-
trates how various details from the events of the day of the murder are
pieced together to construct a new and misleading interpretation of the
events.
‘Hierarchy of Defamation’: The Extent
of Slanders and the Scope of Exposure
Why do some people experience more harassment, while others face less
or none at all? The study sheds light on the existence of a ‘hierarchy of
defamation.’ Those who willingly embraced exposure, appeared on tele-
vision, and had their videos widely circulated on the Internet became the
primary targets of widespread vilification. Paradoxically, their extensive
media presence provided ample material for ‘public judgment,’ making
them the central focus for those seeking visual content. In contrast,
teenagers with limited to no online presence have largely been spared
from this form of harassment.
As we delve into the ‘hierarchy of defamation,’ it is paramount to
underscore that the recognition of this hierarchy does not suggest a
normative stance toward those who find themselves at different levels of
visibility and, consequently, vulnerability to defamation. This segmenta-
tion is employed as an analytical tool to better understand the patterns of
online harassment, not to imply that victims bear responsibility for the
defamation they endure. Individuals’ presence on social media and other
digital platforms is a reflection of the complex interplay between personal
expression and the inherent design of these platforms to encourage
126 A. Lev-On
sharing. Thus, any examination of visibility and defamation remains
focused on critiquing the mechanisms of harassment rather than the
actions or choices of those victimized by it.
Based on the extensive findings section, the following paragraphs will
delve into the ‘hierarchy of defamation,’ commencing with individ-
uals who experience the highest levels of harassment and progressing
to those who encounter no harassment whatsoever. I will commence
with teenagers who willingly place themselves in front of a camera,
then proceed to individuals who create content about themselves that
the public deems problematic. Subsequently, I will address individuals
whose names are recognized by the public due to their inclusion in inves-
tigative materials but have not shared additional public content about
themselves. Finally, I will conclude with individuals whose names are
absent from publicly visible investigative materials. My argument is that
the degree of defamation corresponds to the degree of self-exposure.
People Who Chose to Stand in Front of a Camera
Among Tair’s friends who garnered the most substantial media attention
is L.L., along with N.B. They have made appearances in various media
outlets, including Sharon Gal’s film, TV items, and documentaries. On
the other hand, some of Tair’s friends made just one appearance, such as
S.T.., and subsequently faded from the public eye.
The young people interviewed for various programs are not profes-
sional interviewees. During interviews, they may scratch their noses,
avoid direct eye contact, provide answers that don’t precisely address
the questions, and appear uncomfortable in their chairs. Each of these
gestures is meticulously scrutinized from every angle for over a decade
after the individuals appeared in front of a camera during their teenage
years.
In most cases where teenagers appear in video clips, their names are
displayed as captions alongside them. However, there are instances where
they are not identified by name. For example, in a brief scene in Sharon
Gal’s film, teenagers are asked about the identity of the killer, and they
respond that he is probably a handsome man. The way this section is
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 127
edited suggests that they may be concealing something, although this is
not true in reality. Yet, because their names are not disclosed, the extent
of slander and harassment against them has been relatively minor and
has gradually faded over the years. In other words, even if visual materials
exist online and are accessible, the capacity for slander and harassment
diminishes when a name cannot be linked to a face.
People Who Write about Themselves on Social Media
In exceptional cases, individuals voluntarily post ‘suspicious’ content
on their Facebook profiles. Such content may come under scrutiny by
members of the public who actively search for information to support
their preferred narrative. For example, D.Z., one of the last people to
see Tair alive, shared a post that appeared threatening and mysterious,
as previously mentioned. In that post, he stated, ‘the one who under-
stands and will run away from Katsrin.’ It’s important to note that it is
highly unlikely that those involved in the murder would openly write
cryptic comments about it on their Facebook profiles. Nonetheless, D.
faced periodic slander stemming from a post he made a decade ago.
A counterexample is S.B., a close friend of Tair who was interviewed
for Sharon Gal’s film. However, since S. was not present on social media
until 2013, she couldn’t be subjected to harassment there. Teenagers who
don’t have social media profiles lack the ability to communicate with
their friends on these platforms, but are also spared from harassment.
People Whose Names Came up as a Result
of the Investigation but Left no Visual Traces
As previously mentioned, the investigation materials, court hearing
transcripts, and legal documents associated with the Zadorov case are
accessible to the general public. Consequently, even individuals whose
names are referenced within these documents, despite not choosing to
make themselves visible on camera—such as S.E.—remain recognizable
to advocates championing justice for Zadorov. Interestingly, it becomes
evident that while their identities are acknowledged, ‘suspicious’ textual
128 A. Lev-On
content tends to elicit fewer reactions compared to ‘suspicious’ visual
content, resulting in a more limited extent of harassment.
People Whose Names Are Unknown
As previously mentioned, the investigation materials, court hearing
transcripts, and legal documents associated with the Zadorov case are
accessible to the general public. Consequently, even individuals whose
names are referenced within these documents, despite not choosing to
make themselves visible on camera—such as S.E.—remain recognizable
to advocates championing justice for Zadorov. Interestingly, it becomes
evident that while their identities are acknowledged, ‘suspicious’ textual
content tends to elicit fewer reactions compared to ‘suspicious’ visual
content, resulting in a more limited extent of harassment.
In some cases, individuals’ identities remain undisclosed due to
legal restrictions imposed on the publication of investigation materials.
Another scenario involves individuals whose names appeared in the
investigation materials but were ultimately not submitted to the court.
For instance, consider N.A.: during a search conducted immediately
after the murder, a wallet was discovered in the boys’ bathroom inside
the toilet tank. The presence of the wallet in the boys’ bathroom, situ-
ated directly below the bathroom where the murder occurred, and the
fact that Zadorov returned to that bathroom to clean himself up, is an
intriguing discovery. This information reached the Rada family, and in
their 2007 petition to the High Court, where they demanded that the
investigation be reopened, the wallet was mentioned.
It was not until a year after the murder, in November 2007, that the
police approached N.A. She testified that the wallet had been stolen a
few weeks before the murder. If N.’s name was more widely recognized
by the public, it is possible she would have been susceptible to slander
and harassment from conspiracy theorists who might have speculated
that she had hidden her wallet in the toilet tank after being involved in
Tair’s murder.
Another example involves a hair stylist named Moriah, who resides
in Katsrin and had also been Tair’s hairdresser. Moriah made the last
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 129
call to Tair when she was still alive, which occurred on the evening
before the murder at 19:41. According to Moriah, she had intended to
call her husband’s daughter, who shares the name Tair, but accidentally
dialed the wrong Tair. Fortunately for her, this went unnoticed by the
general public since her name isn’t widely known, and she was spared
from unfounded conspiracy theories. For instance, speculations that she
called Tair to settle an old account, but Tair did not cooperate, and as a
result, the debt had to be settled the next day.
Conclusions
The online environment is characterized by factors that amplify the
offensiveness and intensity of harassment, including accessibility, imme-
diacy, viral spread, anonymity, and the retrievability of information.
These factors set the stage for a complex interplay of elements that
contribute to the intensity and scope of online harassment, making it
a pervasive issue in the digital age (Vismonsky, 2020).
This study has shed light on the multifaceted dynamics of online
harassment, using the case study of the Tair Rada murder and the
Roman Zadorov affair. As mentioned above, the social media activity
surrounding the affair is unique due to several key factors. It operates
within the context of a murder trial and a call for justice in the case of
a putative false conviction, with the participation of both ‘outsiders’ and
knowledgeable activists. This activity has a significant impact on shaping
public opinion about the functioning of relevant state institutions and
Zadorov’s guilt or innocence, while also leading to numerous significant
discoveries initiated by these activists.
The key finding is the influence of self-exposure and varying degrees
of online presence in shaping the extent of defamation and harassment
individuals face, and the emergence of a ‘hierarchy of defamation’:
1. People who willingly put themselves in the spotlight and have their
content widely disseminated are subjected to the most significant
defamation. Ironically, their readiness to participate leads to the
generation of materials that attract public scrutiny. In cases where the
130 A. Lev-On
identity of the photographed teenagers remains concealed, the degree
of defamation against them is less severe.
2. Following this hierarchy, we have individuals who take the initiative
to share content on their social media profiles that activists perceive
as ‘suspicious.’
3. Progressing in the hierarchy are individuals whose names appear in
legal investigative materials but lack a visual presence. While these
individuals may face a certain degree of harassment, textual materials
generally evoke milder emotional reactions in comparison with visual
content, resulting in less widespread harassment.
4. Occupying the bottom tier of the hierarchy of defamation are individ-
uals whose identities remain hidden due to either publication bans or
errors in the investigation materials. This form of pseudo-anonymity
serves as a shield, protecting them from the harassment they would
otherwise endure if their names were revealed.
Individuals who willingly exposed themselves to the public eye,
frequently appeared on television, and had their videos widely dissem-
inated on the Internet found themselves at the epicenter of extensive
vilification. Their prominence and availability of visual content made
them primary targets for those seeking to perpetuate conspiracy theories
and unwarranted accusations.
In contrast, teenagers with minimal online content or presence gener-
ally managed to evade the brunt of such unwarranted harassment. This is
a testament to the notion that the extent of defamation is directly linked
to the depth of one’s exposure in the online realm. Those who choose
to maintain a low online profile may find themselves less susceptible to
widespread vilification.
Moreover, subtle nuances can significantly affect the degree of harass-
ment faced by individuals. Factors like the presence of a caption along-
side a person in a video, the correct spelling of their name, or the posting
of ‘suspicious’ content or photos many years after the incident took place
can either amplify or mitigate the level of online harassment directed
toward them.
5 The Complexities of Trial by Social Media: Examining … 131
In concluding this examination of the ‘hierarchy of defamation,’ it
bears repeating that the framework does not convey a normative judg-
ment toward individuals based on their visibility in the media. The
purpose of highlighting this hierarchy is to shed light on the structural
and systemic dimensions of online harassment, emphasizing the role of
digital platforms and societal norms in facilitating defamation.
The emergence of a ‘hierarchy of defamation,’ as elucidated through
this study, underscores a pivotal link to the broader dynamics of ‘trial
by media’ in the digital age. This hierarchy, propelled by the degree
of self-exposure and the character of online presence, vividly illus-
trates the complex interplay between individual agency in digital self-
representation and the collective power of social media as a platform for
public adjudication. It is within this context that the traditional under-
standing of ‘trial by media’ is expanded, revealing not only how media
narratives can pre-empt legal adjudication but also how they can incite
and amplify public harassment and defamation absent of formal legal
proceedings. This phenomenon attests to a transformative shift in the
locus of power from institutional media entities to the dispersed, yet
potent, networks of social media users. Herein, the ‘trial by media’ tran-
scends its conventional boundaries, manifesting through the prisms of
visibility and exposure that individuals navigate within the digital sphere.
This study’s key finding—that the extent of defamation and harass-
ment one faces is significantly shaped by their self-exposure and online
presence—casts a critical light on the responsibilities borne by digital
platforms and their users in the context of ‘trial by media.’ It calls into
question the ethical dimensions of digital engagement, urging a reevalu-
ation of the ways in which digital discourse contributes to, and at times
undermines, the principles of justice and fairness. The findings from this
study not only contribute to our understanding of ‘trial by media’ in the
digital era but also implore stakeholders to foster environments where
the pursuit of justice does not devolve into platforms for harassment.
This study is rooted in a netnographic research approach, which delves
into the digital facets of ethnographic research. Future research endeavors
in this domain may benefit from employing a combination of methods,
132 A. Lev-On
including experiments, to delve even deeper into the factors that deter-
mine whether online information about specific individuals encourages
or mitigates the extent of harm directed toward them on the internet.
Research Ethics Statement Approval for this study was granted by the Ethics
Committee of Ariel University (AU-COM-ALO-20230829). Informed consent
was obtained from individual participants.
Written consent to publish identifying details of individual participants, as
well as identifiable images or data, has been obtained from these individuals.
Competing Interests The author has no conflict of interests to declare that
are relevant to the content of this chapter.
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