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“No to the Fake Reform!” Strategies and Outcomes of Student Protests on Chile's Higher Education Reform
Abstract
This article examines the strategies and outcomes of the Chilean student movement during the higher education reform of 2018. Following the waves of protest in 2011 and 2013, students successfully pressured the enactment of free education policy in 2016 and a new higher education law in 2018. However, why did activists persist in opposing the reform, in what ways did they oppose it, and what outcomes did they achieve? The study shows that students opposed the reform due to significant policy disagreements and omissions between government proposals and activist demands. It further details how students employed insider strategies to enhance their access and representation within policy‐making processes. Nonetheless, these strategies did not yield improved outcomes; activists encountered political and institutional constraints that limited their impact on the reform. The article concludes by reflecting on how the movement's constrained impacts illustrate the resilience of neoliberal policies and the ongoing challenges in democratizing educational policy.
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Governments across the globe are increasingly adopting student debt cancellation or forgiveness policies. Recent proposals in the US, Chile, and Colombia have reignited discussions about the student loan crisis and the need for alternative funding solutions in higher education. But why are governments pursuing these policies, and what does it mean to cancel student debt?
In recent decades, there has been a revival of free tuition policies around the world. Understanding the current revival of these policies is particularly important as it positions higher education as a social right or public good challenging the predominant discourse that situates higher education as a private good. Chile, a country often characterized as a neoliberal laboratory, implemented a free-tuition policy in 2016 and offers a case study to understand the policy formation and the political dynamics behind it. Based on the advocacy coalition framework and using discourse network analysis and in-depth interviews, this paper focuses on identifying the main actors involved in the policy discussion, their beliefs about free college in Chile, and how they interact during the policy development. Findings show that the Chilean free tuition policy was the result of the joint actions of actors who shared similar beliefs and formed coalitions to try to influence the policy design. Findings also highlight the formation of two opposite coalitions that were able to introduce their beliefs into the policy design at political and technical levels. Implications for policymakers and researchers are discussed.
Free education policies usually represent the antithesis and the antidote toward the rising cost and the inequalities brought by fees and loans to higher education. But can free education policies transform neoliberalism in higher education? This article explores the transformative capacity of the free education policy introduced in Chile in 2016. The article examines the continuities and discontinuities between the higher education system before and after the introduction of the free education policy. The article exposes that the free education policy effectively increased public investment in the sector and reduced the costs of higher education for a limited number of students in the system. However, the policy was incapable of reversing the privatisation of the provision and costs dominant in the system. The policy created a regulated submarket with high public subsidies and higher regulations that coexist with an open university market, where high costs, low regulation and low public support remain dominant. The article is based on the qualitative analysis of policy documents and a descriptive analysis of quantitative data on public spending on higher education. The article finishes debating the challenges that the policy faces in the future and what aspects of higher education need to be changed to build public and free systems of higher education in Chile and other countries.
In this article analyse the development of a sociological critical thinking in social movement in Chile during the last decade. In the article, I explore how this thought manage to mix some of the features of the four sociological trends in Latin America described by Torres. The article analyses the case of new think tanks that emerged from Chilean student movements in 2006 and 2011. These think tanks have a distinctive critical thinking that highlights the role of political economic analysis, the role of knowledge based on evidence, and incumbent vocation that connect intellectual projects with different political practices closely related to social movements.
Chile experienced massive student protests against market-based education in 2011. In 2013, center-left President Michelle Bachelet proposed tuition-free higher education for Chile’s bottom 70%, fueling controversy due to the uncertainty and unexpected medium and long-term consequences. This study analyzes how the free-tuition policy was developed, the actors involved, the political discourse deployed during its implementation, and the strategy used to make this policy a reality. Using semi-structured interviews with key actors, such as policymakers and scholars, and a review of newspaper columns, we wanted to explore how politicians and bureaucrats translated the students’ demands into the free-tuition policy. Our findings suggest that the policy translation process involved former student leaders, free-tuition policy prioritization, and a quick, straightforward implementation process that enabled the government to fulfill its promise.
Across the globe, movements are confronting states and elites, challenging inequalities and mobilising for greater justice, a stronger voice, and progressive policy changes. In this article, I bridge the divide between Social Policy and the interdisciplinary field of Social Movement Studies. I examine how and why social movements, as actors in policy fields and social movement theories, matter for social policy. I argue that research on social movements as actors and engagement with social movement theories can open new horizons in Social Policy research by advancing our understanding of the politics of policy from a global perspective and strengthening our analytical and explanatory frameworks of agency, ideas, and power in the study of continuity and change of policy.
The literature on social movements' policy outcomes agrees on the need for an intertemporal perspective that goes beyond a short-term action-reaction logic to account for the effects of mobilization on policies. However, little attention has been given to the causal mechanisms that link different waves of mobilization with related policy outcomes over time. To do so, we propose the concept of chaining mechanisms as a means to connect different iterations of protest, electoral cycles and policy responses within a mid-term perspective. We distinguish between two types of chaining mechanisms, strategic and inertial, and apply this conceptual framework to the Chilean student movement in the 2006 and 2018 period. We assert that its success in chaining different waves of protest is a crucial factor in accounting for the recent major education reform that took place under Bachelet's government (2014-2018). Beyond the case, the concept contributes to the understanding of the complex interactions between social mobilization and public policy.
Contrary to what is commonly established in the literature, Chile’s student movement became influential once it had detached itself from political parties and governments. Adopting a contentious politics approach, this chapter analyzes this empirical puzzle by highlighting three processes that the student movement has experienced since the 1990s: strengthening, political detachment, and influence on the policymaking of education. To support our claims, we present a narrative that relies on the abundant scholarly literature on the Chilean student movement and on data collected in various research projects undertaken by us. We emphasize the critical junctures of 2001, 2006, and 2011–2012, where major student protest cycles took place. Finally, we also try to make sense of the decline of student protests after 2011.
“This rich and insightful collection arrives at the perfect historic moment. Even as the modern neoliberal university reels under the impact of the COVID pandemic, these chapters remind us that university students continue to be significant political actors.”
– Professor Judith Bessant, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia
“This wide-ranging volume provides the reader with a holistic understanding of the specificities of contemporary student movements within the context of neoliberal higher education.”
– Dr. Sarah Pickard, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3, France
“Drawing on recent cases from the Americas, Europe, Africa, and Asia, this volume successfully draws the study of student movements into the social movement literature.”
– Professor Christopher Rootes, University of Kent, United Kingdom
This book inquires into the global wave of student mobilizations that have arisen in the aftermath of the economic crisis of 2008, accounting for their historical and sociological significance. More specifically, its eleven chapters explore the role of students as political actors: their ability to build effective organizations, to make political alliances with other actors, and to win public consensus, as well as their impact on cultural, political, and policy outcomes. To do so, the volume examines case studies in England, Chile, South Africa, Quebec, and Hong Kong, covering Europe, Africa, Asia, and North and Latin America. Grouped into two major sections, the collection covers the organizational structures of student movements and their alliances and outcomes. Ultimately, this volume examines the understudied political aspects of student unrest, exploring how student mobilizations—driven by indebtedness, precariousness, the corporatization of the university, and other issues—correspond to larger processes of change with wider implications in society.
Lorenzo Cini is a political sociologist on the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences of the Scuola Normale Superiore of Florence, Italy.
Donatella della Porta is Professor of Political Science, Dean of the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, and Director of the PhD program in Political Science and Sociology at the Scuola Normale Superiore in Florence, Italy.
César Guzmán-Concha is a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at the University of Geneva, Switzerland.
Social movement scholars generally claim that the institutionalization of social movements goes hand in hand with bureaucratization, professionalization, and normalization or domestication. Simply put, as social movements institutionalize, they allegedly become less disruptive. However, in Quebec the student movement has remained disruptive in spite of a process of institutionalization. We argue that in order to make sense of this relationship between institutionalization and contentiousness, we need to unpack the process of institutionalization and identify internal contradictions and tensions. We contend that in Quebec, a process of fragmented institutionalization and the existence of an alliance system which includes influential non-student actors have allowed radical student associations to reproduce their contentious repertoire over time. The persistence of contention was thus made possible not only in spite of institutionalization, but also thanks to it.
This article focuses on the education reforms of the current government of Michelle Bachelet (Chile, 2014-2018). These reforms were triggered by the student protests of 2011 – the " Chilean winter " – and the overwhelming support of the public for the movement's demands. The students' main demands included free education and a greater involvement of the state in education. The parties of the centre-left alliance, then the opposition, embraced these demands and promised broad educational reforms including free post-secondary education. After the center-left coalition (Nueva Mayoría, New Majority) won the presidential election it introduced three major education bills: the " short law " of free education, the creation of two new public universities and fifteen Centers of Technical Formation, and the reform of higher education's regulatory framework (still under discussion in parliament). While these bills are aimed at increasing the state's role in higher education, they fall far short of the students' aspirations. In fact, as implemented the bill have consolidated a mixed public-private higher education model resting on a vision of post-secondary education as a marketplace in which institutions compete for students, subsidies and funding. The conclusion discusses the inherent limitations of these reforms, especially how the weakness of a welfare coalition made it impossible to transform the students' demands into sustainable higher education policy.
The protest waves spearheaded by students in recent years have shaped the political agenda in Chile in ways that few would have anticipated before 2011. This chapter traces the development of the student movement since 1990, with a focus on the 2001, 2006, and 2011 protests. It emphasizes the movement’s strategy-making as a relational process in which the responses of the political establishment to movement demands shape the subsequent formulation of petitions and tactics to employ. It is argued that the student movement’s accumulation of experiences has motivated the concurrent employment of “outsider” and “insider” strategies. The chapter concludes that while always in tension, the development of the student movement has resulted in an increased capacity to use both types of strategies in complementary ways.
Given the growing interest in social movements as policy agenda setters, this paper investigates the contexts within which movement groups and actors work with political elites to promote their common goals for policy change. In asking how and why so-called outsiders gain access to elites and to the policymaking process, I address several contemporary theoretical and empirical concerns associated with policy change as a social movement goal. I examine the claim that movements use a multipronged, long-term strategy by working with and targeting policymakers and political institutions on the one hand, while shaping public preferences-hearts and minds-on the other; that these efforts are not mutually exclusive. In addition, I look at how social movement organizations and actors are critical in expanding issue conflict outside narrow policy networks, often encouraged to do so by political elites with similar policy objectives. And, I discuss actors' mobility in transitioning from institutional activists to movement and organizational leaders, and even to protesters, and vice versa. The interchangeability of roles among actors promoting social change in strategic action fields points to the porous and fluid boundaries between state and nonstate actors and organizations. © 2017 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
This book analyzes the political economy of higher education finance across a range of OECD countries, exploring why some students pay extortionate tuition fees whilst for others their education is free. What are the redistributional consequences of these different tuition-subsidy systems? Analysing the variety of existing systems, Garritzmann shows that across the advanced democracies “Four Worlds of Student Finance” exist. Historically, however, all countries’ higher education systems looked very much alike in the 1940s. The book develops a theoretical model, the Time-Sensitive Partisan Theory, to explain why countries have evolved from a similar historical starting point to today’s very distinct Four Worlds. The empirical analyses combine a wide variety of qualitative and quantitative evidence, studying higher education policies in all advanced democracies from 1945-2015.
Drawing on debates on deliberative and participatory democracy, I argue that social movements can be considered to be promoting democratization when they are able to compel governments to increase effective participation in the policy-making process, and/or when their democratic claims are translated into an agenda and/or policy impact. This indicates that a social movement has increased the responsiveness of the government it is challenging. Based on this premise, in this paper, I trace the political impact of the Student Movement in Chile. Spearheading the largest protests since the reinstatement of democracy, in 2006, and most notably, in 2011, the Student Movement forced a debate on education and political reforms, and a series of policies to address these issues. The analysis is grounded on more than 50 interviews, and an exhaustive analysis of organizational documents and newspaper data. The case examined in this paper illustrates how the expansion of political opportunities that is necessary for pursuing democratizing reforms not only is driven “from above,” but also “from below.” Studying this process, social movement scholarship can learn a great deal from recent cases of social mobilization in Latin America. These experiences also call for more attention to the role of social movements in democratization studies.
El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las transformaciones orgánicas de la Confederación de Estudiantes de Chile (CONFECH) en el período 2011 a 2015 y las complejidades de su proceso de institucionalización en el contexto del gobierno de Sebastián Piñera y la posterior administración de Michelle Bachelet. Se argumenta, que los procesos de crecimiento y fragmentación del espacio CONFECH ha generado un aumento en los costos de la toma de decisiones y la coordinación colectiva que ha complejizado la capacidad de gestión política de la Mesa Ejecutiva.
Chilean higher education has experienced vast, and in many ways groundbreaking, changes since 1980. Certain policy developments have been subject to various studies, but the overarching principles and underlying assumptions have remained less explored. The same applies to transitional changes in state approaches to sector-specific regulation that, once established, would remain relatively stable. Through content analysis of policy statements over three decades, this study critically reviews past accounts of the evolution of policy, proposing a new reading of the steps involved in organizing policy settings and the general criteria underpinning these. Beyond allowing a better understanding of the transformation of higher education in Chile, the article concludes with some suggestions around the growing difficulties faced in forming sectoral policy.
The capacity of Latin American social groups to mobilize has excited the imagination of students of the region since the birth of Latin American studies itself. Alongside the cultural turn, many social movement organizations continue to engage directly with politics. Aspirational goals notwithstanding, in order to improve conditions they devote much of their energy to influencing policy. Although scholars have begun to address the policy impact of Latin American social movements, we have limited systematized understanding of the conditions and mechanisms by which social movement protest affects policy outcomes. This essay argues that a policy process approach offers a useful first cut into more systematic analysis of social movements, protest, and their policy consequences in Latin America.
In this chapter, I propose two concepts with the aim of contributing to a better understanding of historically rooted and collective processes of strategy making and performing that transcend the overemphasis of the specialized literature on contentious and public action (Goldstone 2003; Abers and Tatagiba, this volume). These concepts are repertoire of strategies and stock of legacies. I propose these concepts in this chapter as a complement to Charles Tilly’s “repertoire of contention.” The implications of incorporating a focus on strategies are central for social movement studies because they lead us to pay attention to actors and their intentions, and the interactions among the intentions of a variety of deliberate actors (Jasper 2012, p. 30). Moreover, with these concepts I aim to recover Machiavelli’s analysis of strategies through a historical understanding of the construction of strategies.
In this chapter I claim that when studying the interaction of any social movement with the state, allies, and antagonists, the public performances identified by a “repertoire of contention” approach is just part of the story. There are many other activities performed by social movements that are part of their strategic quest for influencing political decisions that are neither contentious nor public. However, I do not propose as an alternative reducing analysis to the study of micro-tactics. The complete story is built by the multiple and simultaneous strategies that guide and give meaning to each tactical action performed by the collectives that constitute a movement.
Since the 2008 financial crisis, protests have ebbed and flowed throughout the world, from Tunis and Cairo to Madrid and Athens and New York City. On 15 October 2011, the protests went global with simultaneous demonstrations and occupations in more than 1,000 cities all over the world.1 In the Eurozone brutal austerity measures, the stark rise of unemployment and the sovereign debt crisis of some countries have fed social unrest for several years. Some commentators have treated these protests and mobilizations as one global phenomenon (Castells 2012; Mason 2012). Although these protests seem to have common features — such as an anti-austerity stance, the denunciation of corruption, the critique of mainstream institutions, the practice of direct democracy and sometimes the occupation of public squares — we should be cautious with claims that turn synchronicity into sameness or that assume that a given event (say, the financial crisis) explains a given phenomenon (protests) simply because the latter chronologically follows the former (see Ancelovici et al. forthcoming). Without denying that the financial crisis has had a huge social and political impact in many places, contention has a dynamic of its own that cannot be boiled down to a structural side effect.
Comparative historical analysis has a long and distinguished history in the social sciences. Those whom we now regard as the founders of modern social science, from Adam Smith to Alexis de Tocqueville to Karl Marx, all pursued comparative historical analysis as a central mode of investigation. In doing so, they continued a tradition of research that had dominated social thought for centuries. Even when social science began to organize itself into separate disciplines in the early twentieth century, comparative and historical investigation maintained a leading position, figuring prominently in the research of such eminent scholars as Otto Hintze, Max Weber, and Marc Bloch. Only by the mid-twentieth century did other approaches to social knowledge partially eclipse comparative historical research, going so far as to threaten its permanent decline. After some period of neglect, however, recent decades have witnessed a dramatic reemergence of the comparative historical tradition. Although important problems of analytic procedure and methodology remain, this mode of investigation has reasserted itself at the center of today's social sciences. The revival of comparative historical analysis shows few signs of losing momentum. In the last decade alone, dozens of major new books from this perspective have been published, including many prize-winning analyses. These works focus on a wide range of topics, but they are united by a commitment to offering historically grounded explanations of large-scale and substantively important outcomes.
This paper analyses the 2011 Chilean student movement, the most relevant social mobilisation in Chile since the restoration of democracy in 1990. Based on available material and secondary sources, it describes the main features of this student movement, analyses the key components of the students' discourse and its relationship with the Chilean market-oriented educational system, and identifies its impact on the field of higher education. The paper argues that this student movement was a process of expressing accumulated grievances against some neoliberal features of Chilean education. Since this movement is also linked to the emergence of a new generation of higher education students, it identifies relevant characteristics of current students' organisations and protests. Finally, the paper discusses hypotheses for interpreting the recent student movements. This case is informative not only for those concerned with student participation, but also with the potential downsides of market-oriented educational policies.
Focusing on the first large-scale protests in Chile after the reinstatement of democracy in 1990, this article examines the emergence of the 2006 Pingüino movement and shows how it succeeded in mobilising thousands of secondary school students against the neoliberal education model. It argues that several distinct but intertwined dimensions explain the movement's emergence. In 2006, secondary school student groups merged to form a single organisation and adopted a horizontal and participatory decision-making mechanism. At the same time, shortcomings in the education reforms of the 1980s and 1990s were revealed in terms of quality and equity, creating grievances that were fed into the movement's collective action frame. Finally, President Bachelet's rhetoric of a ‘government of citizens’ as an attempt to counteract the elitist nature of the Concertación's governance formula signified an opening of the structure of political opportunities that the students knew to take advantage of.
In this essay I present three claims regarding the current (2011-2012) wave of student protest in Chile. The first one is that the student movement, despite its apparent discontinuity with Chilean neoliberalism, is actually its unintended byproduct. Specifically, the contradictions inherent in the rapid development of a system of higher education guided by market principles created a large mass of tertiary students with unprecedented organizational skills, communication networks, and grievances - the basic ingredients that nurtured the movement.
However, and this is the second claim, the movement was powerful enough to rebel against its origins and shake two of its most cherished beliefs – namely, that education is a consumer good, and that it is acceptable that private actors profit from educational activities. By doing so, the student movement opened the way for a restructuring of basic aspects of Chilean society well beyond the
educational system.
The third claim is that the movement succeeded in minimizing internal
divisions despite undergoing rapid numerical growth. I argue that this
happened because a highly participative context granted legitimacy to
movement actions and kept student leaders aligned with the student masses. In this respect the movement stands in sharp contrast with the practices of Chilean political parties during the last two decades, which are characterized by their elite and non-participatory character. These three claims are based on publicly available information about the movement in the mass media, personal observations, and informal conversations with student activists. They intend to contribute to the debate about this movement rather than providing definitive statements based on rigorous empirical research.
The medical profession is reputed to control decision-making in medical care to such an extent that one can speak of professional dominance. Yet West European health policies have radically changed the working conditions and incomes of doctors in many countries. Why have some governments been able to ‘socialize’ medicine? This article seeks to refute the view that the medical profession exercises a universal veto power. In contrast to scholars who explain medical influence in terms of singular characteristics of the medical profession or through the historical process of professionalization, this essay focuses on the properties of distinct political systems that make them vulnerable to medical influence. It argues that we have veto points within political systems and not veto groups within societies. By comparing the lobbying efforts of medical associations in Switzerland, France, and Sweden, the article analyses the role of political institutions in accounting for different patterns of medical association influence on health policy.
Scholars have long sought to establish the strategies through which social movements can impact policy adoption. Yet, there is little evidence on the role they may play in policy expansion. We study the role of social movements in broadening the scope of social policies by analyzing whether Chile's student movement impacted the expansion of the free college tuition policy between 2015 and 2020. We evaluate three mechanisms to assess the student movement's influence on free tuition expansion. First, movements may use protests to affect the expansion process through disruption. Second, they can make use of their connections with and presence in parties and the bureaucracy to channel their demands and influence decision-making instances. Finally, movements may also try to shape public opinion to affect the scope of the policy through mobilizations and other forms of influence. We use a process tracing design to examine these mechanisms. We collect and analyze evidence from 32 elite interviews, congressional and administrative records, web scraped news, and public opinion and protest event data. Our results show that students influenced the implementation and expansion of the free tuition policy through all mechanisms using different strategies. First, students used protests to set free tuition in the public agenda. Second, and the most important strategy, by means of connections with incumbent parties and the presence of former student activists in the Education Ministry and in Congress, they indirectly influenced policy expansion. Finally, and indirectly, they shaped public opinion in favor of free tuition. Students played a role in defining the pace and scope of the policy but could not imprint all their demands. Overall, our analysis sheds light over the ways in which social movement can influence the implementation of policies, thus, expanding the scope of equity-enhancing social policies in Latin America and beyond.
This article addresses the subject of social movements’ decision-making processes during cycles of contention through a study of the 2011 Chilean student movement. It identifies and lays out some crucial dilemmas that are key in order to properly understand how this movement defined its strategy. The article engages with the recent literature on social movements’ dilemmas, providing a fine-grained case study on how competing movement factions dealt with these dilemmas and how their resolution affected the definition of the movement’s strategy. The empirical analysis is based on press review, documentary analysis and 29 interviews to student leaders and political actors.
In 2011, one of the most important social movements since the end of the dictatorship proposed a change in higher education in Chile. More than two hundred thousand people participated in public demonstrations. Facing the failure of the negotiations with the government, the student movement focused on proposing changes to the 2012 Budget Law. What coalitions did the leaders of this student movement form to influence the Budget Law? The aim of this paper was to analyse the factors that explain coalition formation to impact the 2012 Budget Law. In doing so, an analysis has been carried out, focusing on the leaders of the student movement (CONFECH). This paper emphasizes their coalition with the rectors of public universities and their relationship with other educational actors and the opposition parties. The analysis includes the review of documents and national newspapers and interviews with the leaders of the CONFECH. The results of the analysis show that the traditional factors explaining coalition formation are useful but not sufficient to explain the student movement alliances. This paper argues that the factor that explains the student movement coalitions is the ‘strategic sense’ that the movement is focused on an outcome-based strategy. The leaders consider a coalition with the rectors of public universities as outcome-tactics. However, the relationship with opposition parties was much more difficult because of their distrust resulting from what happened in 2006. This study thus has significant implications for the coalition formation theories and its relationship with social movements’ impact.
This book explores the relationship between recent theoretical debates around the fate of critique of neoliberal capitalism and critical theory, on the one hand, and the critical theories generated in and by social movements in Chile, on the other. By taking the idea of social critique as a field that encompasses both critical social theories and the practices of social criticism carried out by social movements, Resisting Neoliberal Capitalism in Chile explore how the student and the Pobladores movements map, resist and contest neoliberal capitalism in commodified areas such as education and housing in Chile, one of the first ‘neoliberal experiments’ in Latin America and the world.
Juan Pablo Rodríguez received an M.A in Social and Political Thought from the University of Birmingham (2010) and a PhD in Sociology from the University of Bristol (2018). He has worked as researcher and part-time lecturer in Chilean universities, teaching modules on classic, modern and contemporary sociological theory, political sociology and social movements. Juan Pablo Rodríguez’s research interests includes social theory, neo and post Marxism, and social movements, especially contemporary housing, student and socio-environmental movements. He is currently an honorary research associate at the University of Bristol and a visiting postdoctoral research fellow at the Latin American Centre (LAC), University of Oxford.
Chile's Nueva Mayoría government (2014–2018) responded more forcefully to student demands for a more assertive public role in education than any of its post‐authoritarian predecessors. Existing scholarship suggests that this change reflected the success of the 2011 student protests in tapping into latent public discontent with neoliberalism and the politics of consensus. This article argues that it is also crucial to understand how the wave of protest interacted with the dynamics of party politics at the elite level. Public support translated into substantive policy and institutional changes because it contributed to a coalition and platform shift that favoured more extensive reform.
This book explores the impact of economic crises and free-market reforms on party systems and political representation in contemporary Latin America. It explains why some patterns of market reform align and stabilize party systems, whereas other patterns of reform leave party systems vulnerable to widespread social protest and electoral instability. In contrast to other works on the topic, this book accounts for both the institutionalization and the breakdown of party systems, and it explains why Latin America turned to the Left politically in the aftermath of the market-reform process. Ultimately, it explains why this "left turn" was more radical in some countries than others and why it had such varied effects on national party systems.
Social movements have an elusive power but one that is altogether real. From the French and American revolutions to the post-Soviet, ethnic, and terrorist movements of today, contentious politics exercises a fleeting but powerful influence on politics, society, and international relations. This study surveys the modern history of the modern social movements in the West and their diffusion to the global South through war, colonialism, and diffusion, and it puts forward a theory to explain its cyclical surges and declines. It offers an interpretation of the power of movements that emphasizes effects on the lives of militants, policy reforms, political institutions, and cultural change. The book focuses on the rise and fall of social movements as part of contentious politics in general and as the outcome of changes in political opportunities and constraints, state strategy, the new media of communication, and transnational diffusion.
Education at a Glance 2013: Highlights summarises the OECD’s flagship compendium of education statistics, Education at a Glance. It provides easily accessible data on key topics in education today, including:
• Education levels and student numbers: How far have adults studied, and how does early childhood education affect student performance later on?
• Higher education and work: How many young people graduate from tertiary education, and how easily do they enter the world of work?
• Economic and social benefits of education: How does education affect people’s job prospects, and what is its impact on incomes?
• Paying for education: What share of public spending goes on education, and what is the role of private spending?
• The school environment: How many hours do teachers work, and how does class size vary?
Each indicator is presented on a two-page spread. The left-hand page explains the significance of the indicator, discusses the main findings, examines key trends and provides readers with a roadmap for finding out more in the OECD education databases and in other OECD education publications. The right-hand page contains clearly presented charts and tables, accompanied by dynamic hyperlinks (StatLinks) that direct readers to the corresponding data in Excel™ format.
L'A. etudie les modifications subies par le systeme educatif chilien entre 1980 et 1990. L'origine des nombreux changements est attribuee a la reforme de 1980. Apres avoir decrit les principales characteristiques du systeme educatif de 1980 et les principaux objectifs de la reforme, il presente le systeme educatif tel qu'il est depuis 1990
Political scientists have long classified systems of government as parliamentary or presidential, two-party or multiparty, and so on. But such distinctions often fail to provide useful insights. For example, how are we to compare the United States, a presidential bicameral regime with two weak parties, to Denmark, a parliamentary unicameral regime with many strong parties? Veto Players advances an important, new understanding of how governments are structured. The real distinctions between political systems, contends George Tsebelis, are to be found in the extent to which they afford political actors veto power over policy choices. Drawing richly on game theory, he develops a scheme by which governments can thus be classified. He shows why an increase in the number of "veto players," or an increase in their ideological distance from each other, increases policy stability, impeding significant departures from the status quo. Policy stability affects a series of other key characteristics of polities, argues the author. For example, it leads to high judicial and bureaucratic independence, as well as high government instability (in parliamentary systems). The propositions derived from the theoretical framework Tsebelis develops in the first part of the book are tested in the second part with various data sets from advanced industrialized countries, as well as analysis of legislation in the European Union. Representing the first consistent and consequential theory of comparative politics, Veto Players will be welcomed by students and scholars as a defining text of the discipline.
Recasting labor studies in a long-term and global framework, the book draws on a major new database on world labor unrest to show how local labor movements have been related to world-scale political, economic, and social processes since the late nineteenth century. Through an in-depth empirical analysis of select global industries, the book demonstrates how the main locations of labor unrest have shifted from country to country together with shifts in the geographical location of production. It shows how the main sites of labor unrest have shifted over time together with the rise or decline of new leading sectors of capitalist development and demonstrates that labor movements have been deeply embedded (as both cause and effect) in world political dynamics. Over the history of the modern labor movement, the book isolates what is truly novel about the contemporary global crisis of labor movements. Arguing against the view that this is a terminal crisis, the book concludes by exploring the likely forms that emergent labor movements will take in the twenty-first century.
The Chilean Student Movement of 2011–2012. Challenging the Marketization of Education
- Somma N.
Confech califica como una “mala señal” permanencia de Eyzaguirre en Educación
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Programa de gobierno de Apruebo Dignidad
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Boric, Gabriel. 2021. Programa de gobierno de Apruebo Dignidad.
Ley 21091 Sobre Educación Superior
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Chile de todos. Programa de gobierno Michelle Bachelet
- Michelle Bachelet
Bachelet, Michelle. 2013. Chile de todos. Programa de gobierno Michelle Bachelet 2014-2018. https://www.bibliotecanacionaldigital.gob.cl/bnd/646/w3-article-157782.html
Medio Siglo de Transformaciones de la Educación Superior Chilena: Un Estado del Arte
- José Brunner
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Brunner, José Joaquín. 2015. Medio Siglo de Transformaciones de la Educación Superior
Chilena: Un Estado del Arte. In Bernasconi, Andrés (Ed.), La Educación Superior en Chile:
Transformación, Desarrollo y Crisis (pp. 21-75). Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de
Chile. https://ebooks.ediciones.uc.cl/library/publication/la-educacion-superior-de-chiletransformacion-desarrollo-y-crisis
Observatory of Conflicts -Cumulative Dataset
COES [Centre for Social Conflict and Cohesion Studies]. (2020). Observatory of Conflicts -Cumulative Dataset [Coded documents (media information) https://coes.cl/observatorio-deconflicto/
Social movements in times of austerity: Bringing capitalism back into protest analysis
- Della Porta
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della Porta, Donatella. 2015. Social movements in times of austerity: Bringing capitalism
back into protest analysis. Cambridge: Policy Press.