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Islamic Leadership and Political Engagement: The Role of Ulama in Indonesia’s Democratic Dynamic
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The examinations are a compulsory part of the education system and are conducted under certain processes and protocols. The Punjab Examination Commission (PEC) was established by the government of Punjab to administer mandatory examinations for 5th and 8th grade (elementary level examination) in Punjab, Pakistan, which is managed by the government. The PEC is an examining body, but it has no staff or infrastructure, although exam is conducted by the districts under the supervision of the PEC, mostly in secondary schools. So, a study was conducted to explore the challenges and problems faced by heads in conducting PEC exams. The secondary school heads are accountable for the class's quality education and the results of secondary-level grades. It employed a descriptive, survey-based research approach targeting head teachers, resident inspectors, superintendents, and teachers in Khanewal, Lodhran, Multan, and Muzaf-fargarh Districts of Punjab province. Mix methodology data collection processes were used through quantitative (questionnaire survey with 100 respondents) and qualitative (semi-structured Interview with 12 respondents) methods were utilized. The indings from both surveys aligned with the study and highlighted issues such as staff shortages, space constraints, student and staff indiscipline, lack of training , capacity building, logistical challenges, security and safety concerns, and time management con licts with secondary class schedules. Despite these challenges, respondents generally praised the transparency of the PEC exams. Suggestions for improvement included consolidating exam centers within schools, altering exam timing to keep class timings in view to remove space constraints, decentralizing the exam process, enhancing staff training, and increasing honoraria. The study advocates for further research to enhance the examination system's effectiveness.
Digital da'wah (“issuing a summons,” “invitation,” or “call” in Arabic), can potentially significantly impact society by increasing accessibility to Islamic teachings, fostering communities, and empowering individuals. Da'wah methods are often subjected to change considering the time, place and context. There are no limits to the way of doing Da'wah, however, at all times one should keep his intention free from evil. Increased accessibility by shifting from face-to-face to digital preaching allows for a more comprehensive reach of Islamic teachings. This article examines how digital da'wah and theological discussions conducted by Habib Husein Ja'far Al Hadar to Indonesian society have been received. Public interest in the preaching model delivered by Habib Husein Ja'far Al Hadar has raised a lot of debate and enthusiasm from various religious circles. The research method used in this study is descriptive qualitative one with a literature study undertaken. The results showed that some of the prophetic da'wah contained in the Al-Quran include Qaulan Sadidan, Qaulan Baliighan, Qaulan Masyuuran, Qaulan Layyinan, Qaulan Kariiman, and Qaulan Ma'ruufan. Da'wah in the digital era has a profound significance as it allows religious messages to spread widely and quickly. However, despite its great benefits, anonymity and lack of supervision in the digital world can trigger the spread of extremist views or promote radical groups. Meanwhile, the da'wah model utilised by Habib Ja'far as a cleric aims to remind people about religious values, goodness, and correct behaviour. This reminder helps maintain religious awareness in everyday life.
This article aims to analyze the development communication model of the Religious Harmony Forum (FKUB) in increasing the intensity of religious moderation in Medan City. Intolerance is a vital problem that damages the social order, especially in Medan City, one of the most intolerant cities in Indonesia. The urgency of this research is to find alternative solutions for a heterogeneous society to degrade intolerance. The Religious Harmony Forum has a vital role in accommodating the interests of heterogeneous communities in order to create a harmonious social space. This research uses a qualitative method with a sociological-communicative approach. The data techniques used in this research are interviews, observation, and documentation that rely on two source types, namely primary data and secondary data. This article uses analytical interpretation and content analysis techniques to process raw data and create constructive solutions. The results show that the Religious Harmony Forum of Medan City is working on various programs with three periodizations. This program is implemented through linear communication and participatory communication models. The dynamics of intolerance in Medan City have not been fully degraded, considering that there are still several programs that still need to be implemented. This program aims to encourage harmonious social intensity according to the guidance of the Qur'an, a society that puts aside religious subjectivity and is oriented toward humanity.
This study explains about the emergence of political identity in Indonesia, especially in Islamic community. As a nation, Indonesia is heterogeneous in religion, ethnicity and regionalism, so the emergence of political identity cannot be avoided. Post independence, the issue of political identity, has emerged and developed. In the reformation era, the issue of political identity not only caused horizontal conflicts, but also entered political contestation in Regent, Governor and Presidential elections. In 2017 Jakarta Governor Election, the issue of political identity arose in an effort to suppress incumbents. Likewise, with the 2018 national regional head elections, political identity emerged in some regions where candidate used ethnicity and religion –based- political issues. Entering 2019 simultaneous Election, the symptoms of the emergence of political identity have also begun to appear. In several surveys, some people were worried that the emergence of political identity would color the campaign and contestation. The emergence of this phenomenon of political identity will disrupt the future of democracy in Indonesia. Moreover, the actors who use political identity are carried out by several elites and civil society, which, in fact, are the main actors for the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia.
span lang="EN-US">Studi ini didasarkan pada argumen bahwa agama adalah instrument yang sangat berpengaruh dalam membentuk suatu tindakan masyarakat. Agama adalah hal yang sangat sensitif dalam kehidupan masyarakat, apalagi masyarakat Indonesia yang sebagian besar adalah umat beragama. Hampir tidak ada ranah kehidupan yang absen dari pengaruh agama, termasuk dunia politik seperti pelaksanaan suksesi kepemimpinan baik pada tingkat legislatif maupun eksekutif, dari pusat hingga daerah (Provinsi dan Kabupaten/Kota). Ali Maschan Moesa, dalam bukunya berjudul Nasionalisme Kiai: Konstruksi Sosial Berbasis Agama, mengatakan, politisasi agama berarti menggunakan simbol-simbol agama untuk menggerakkan massa, mengaduk-aduk emosi keagamaan, menjalin kekuatan di parlemen, dan seterusnya, tetapi tujuannya untuk kepentingan politik, bukan kepentingan agama. Metode penelitan ini menggunakan kualitatif deskriptif, menggambarkan proses penelitian ini bedarkan dari hasil studi pustaka berupa buku, hasil riset lembaga survey dan konsultan politik. Ekspresi agama dalam politik tampaknya sangat menarik dalam diskursus ilmiah, karena terbukti ikut memainkan peran di dalam pertarungan poltik nasional di Indonesia. Islam bahkan menjadi anak emas (masa keemasan) pasca reformasi dan terlihat kelompok islam memiliki kesempatan besar untuk mengekspresikan kekuatan politik mereka dengan mengartikulasikan agama di ruang publik (politik) di negeri yang berpenduduk muslim terbesar di dunia. Demokrasi dan Agama (Islam) di Indonesia tentu tidak berjalan secara instan tanpa proses yang panjang. Tentu banyak tokoh yang ikut serta memberi kontribusi terhadap penegakan demokrasi di Indonesia, dan membingkai Indonesia sebagai Negara yang tidak anti demokrasi meskipun memiliki populasi Muslim yang terbesar.</span
Some clerics (ulama) in the Islamic world are of the view that practical politics is closely related to Islam, which regulates how an order of state is run. This view historically departs from Islamic constitutional jurisprudence texts that justify political Islam. Likewise, some Islamic boarding schools’ (pesantren) clerics, better known as kyai in Indonesia, are of the view that practical politics is not only a world affair but also an activity based on the application of Islamic legal principles in achieving public welfare. This study aims to determine the academic basis of pesantren ulama in making decisions to be active in practical politics in Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach through interviews, the results of this study indicate that the political decisions of pesantren ulama are strictly based on the perspective of political Islam and fiqh principles that justify the involvement of ulama in politics. Furthermore, the conclusion leads to three perspectives in political motivations for pesantren’s ulama: to gain power, to preach Islamic values, and to demonstrate the existence of ulama in modern state administration.
Contribution: The contribution of the study is to describe the permissibility of politics as an alternative to preaching and to show the existence and ability of ulama in state administration.
This article discusses the fragmentation of religious authority in Pekanbaru and Pontianak, Indonesia, focusing on the local mui (Indonesian Muslim Scholar Council). Employing qualitative methods, the mui Pontianak and Pekanbaru experience similar religious authority fragmentation due to the human agency. Members of the mui Pontianak and Pekanbaru represent Islamic organisations in Indonesia’s fight for the religious authority of their Islamic organisations, not for the cohesion of religious authority in the mui . Because religious authority has the desired will, it is no wonder that outside the mui Pontianak and Pekanbaru many Muslim figures struggle to preserve it. Individuals challenge the religious authority of the mui Pontianak and Pekanbaru. Some of them are local Muslim preachers. They strengthen and preserve their religious authority by preaching Islam, thus contributing to the growth of the mui fragmentation in these two cities.
This study aims to describe the politicization of religious symbols in online media in the decide of presidential and vice presidential candidates in Indonesian election 2019. This study is a descriptive qualitative research with data collection through study document to online media news. This study found that there are two religious symbols that are massively used in determining the presidential and vice presidential candidates for the 2019 election, namely Muslim identity and religious identity. The contested 2019 presidential and vice presidential candidates are the result of the tug-of-war between religious symbols used in the early stages of the 2019 presidential election. At this stage, Muslim identity becomes an offer that is transacted in the determination of the presidential and vice presidential candidates. Likewise with ulama and a number of religious organizations. A series of religious ceremonies such as ijtihad and ijtima is also used as a legitimating medium to raise contestants for the 2019 Presidential Election. Interestingly, the results of ijtihad and ijtima are not static and standard, but dynamic and can change according to the political situation that occurs. This in turn has led to the strengthening of hate politics.
As a source of ethics, moral and spiritual, sharia is an ideal concept that is used as guide for Muslims in everyday life because it contains the principles of justice, benefit for all. However when these principles are extracted and formulated by a number of Islamic legal experts the results are not singular. Sharia often criticized for unable to give justice for all. Therefore, when there is a high demand in Indonesia to make sharia the material resource for national law, a more suitable model is needed. By assuming that there are many models that can be used in practicing sharia, this study aims to explore models of implementation of Islamic law, the problem and impacts of each model and the solution that can be take by Muslims in practicing sharia in Indonesia. This objective can be achieved by examining the meaning of sharia, its purpose, the models of sharia implementation in a number of countries, as well as model of sharia implementation which suitable for the condition of Indonesia. This paper argues that in social and political life, Muslims can use any model for practicing sharia as long as it is directed to achieve the purpose of sharia: to protect basic human rights for all member of the community, to establish justice between Muslims and the rest of humanity, and to provide benefits for human beings and removing hardships from them.
p> Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p
Women’s presence and role in contemporary mosques in Western Europe is debated within and outside Muslim communities, but research on this topic is scarce. Applying a feminist lens on religion and gender, this article situates the mosque as a socially constituted space that both enables and constrains Western European Muslim women’s religious formation, identity-making, participation, belonging, and activism. Informed by qualitative interviews with twenty Muslim women residing in Norway and the United Kingdom, the article argues that women’s reflexive engagement simultaneously expresses compliance with, and challenges to, male power and authority in the mosque. It contends that a complex practice of accommodation and resistance to “traditional” gender norms is rooted in the women’s discursive positioning of “authentic Islam” as gender equal. While men typically inhabit positions of religious and organizational power in mosques, the article also suggests the importance of male allies in women’s struggles for inclusion in the mosque.
Why did substantial parts of Europe abandon the institutionalized churches around 1900? Empirical studies using modern data mostly contradict the traditional view that education was a leading source of the seismic social phenomenon of secularization. We construct a unique panel dataset of advanced-school enrollment and Protestant church attendance in German cities between 1890 and 1930. Our cross-sectional estimates replicate a positive association. By contrast, in panel models where fixed effects account for time-invariant unobserved heterogeneity, education—but not income or urbanization—is negatively related to church attendance. In panel models with lagged explanatory variables, educational expansion precedes reduced church attendance, while the reverse is not true. Dynamic panel models with lagged dependent variables and instrumental-variable models using variation in school supply confirm the results. The pattern of results across school types is most consistent with a mechanism of increased critical thinking in general rather than specific knowledge of natural sciences.
p>This paper addresses three institutions in Madurese santri culture: the pesantren (Islamic traditional education system), the Nahdlatul Ulama, and the kiai (tradisional Islamic authority). These three elements have characterised and become central part of both Islam and politics in Madura. The issues are raised in this paper: the nature of pesantren, the role of Nahdlatul Ulama, and kiais within the whole tradition of santri Islam in Madura. How does each of these elements form relationships with the others? These questions lead to answer the main question: Is Islam in Madura different from Islam in other places in Indonesia? Today, it seems clear that despite their rather changed perceptions of modern education, Islamic associations, and men of religion, Madurese people continue to preserve their sacred values, as the main three elements of the santri culture in Madura which have had a great influence on society, in both religious and worldly domains. The people share the view that Islamic law (shari’a) is fundamental to daily life and thus must be integrated in all aspects of life. However, like Islam in other places in Indonesia, the characteristic of Islam in Madura emphasizes primarily, but not exclusively, on aspects such as mysticism and local cultures.
[Artikel ini menjelaskan tiga elemen penting budaya santri yang melekat pada masyarakat Madura, yaitu pesantren, mewakili elemen pendidikan Islam tradisional, Nahdlatul Ulama, mewakili organisasi Islam, dan kiai, merepresentasikan tokoh Islam. Ketiga elemen tersebut berjalin-kelindan dan membentuk relasi yang kompleks antara Islam dan politik sebagaimana dipraktikkan dalam masyarakat Madura. Dua persoalan penting yang hendak dijawab melalui artikel ini yaitu bagaimana karakter pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, dan kiai yang menjadi dasar Islam-santri di Madura dan bagaimana ketiga elemen tersebut saling terkait satu sama lain. Persoalan ini kemudian mengantarkan pada pertanyaan penting lainnya, yakni apakah Islam di Madura memiliki karakteristik dan bentuk yang berbeda dengan Islam yang hidup di wilayah lain di Indonesia? Sampai sekarang, meski masyarakat Madura mengalami pergeseran dalam menilai pendidikan modern, organisasi Islam, dan ulama, mereka masih tetap mempertahankan nilai-nilai sakral agama. Ini bisa dibuktikan dengan kuatnya pengaruh pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, dan kiai dalam urusan agama dan duniawi. Masyarakat Madura meyakini bahwa syariat Islam sangat penting dan perlu diterapkan dalam keseluruhan aspek kehidupan mereka. Namun, seperti Islam di wilayah lain di Indonesia, Islam di Madura juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh tasawuf dan budaya lokal.]</p
This article considers recent changes in the definition of religion and of media as the basis for framing the study of their relation to one another and recent research in the intersection they have come to form over the last two decades or so. The history, materiality, and reception of each have colored scholarly work, and made ethnography, practice, material culture, and embodiment key aspects of scholarship. A new paradigm for some scholars for studying mediation is aesthetics—no longer understood as the “philosophy of the beautiful,” but as the study of perception in the mediated practices that make up lived religion.
Drawing on the literatures on dual identity and politicization, this study relates the political engagement of European-born Muslims to their dual identification as ethno-religious minorities and as citizens. Minorities’ political engagement may target mainstream society and/or ethno-religious communities. Surveying the Turkish and Moroccan Belgian second generation, our study analyzes their support for religious political assertion, participation in ethno-religious and mainstream organizations, and trust in civic institutions. Its explanatory focus is on the dual ethno-religious and civic identifications of the second generation and on perceived discrimination and perceived incompatibility as threats to their dual identity. Our findings show that participation in organizations beyond the ethno-religious community is most likely among high civic and low ethnic identifiers, and lower among dual identifiers. Rather than increasing political apathy, perceived discrimination goes along with higher levels of participation in both ethno-religious and mainstream organizations. Finally, the perception of Islamic and Western ways of life as incompatible predicts greater support for religious political assertion and lower trust in civic institutions. Implications for the role of dual identity and identity threat in the political integration of ethno-religious minorities are discussed.
Since 11 September 2001 ('9/11') the international spotlight has been more firmly than ever on the Muslim world, and its Middle East heartland in particular. All aspects of life in Muslim societies - history, educational system, attitudes towards the West, gender relations, cultural underpinnings, political and economic systems, demography, foreign relations - have been pored over by policy commentators and analysts in attempts to unearth the root causes of Islamist militancy against the West. Using the tools of political economy and social movement theories this analysis will debate the complex set of issues underlining many aspects of the 'Islam and democracy' debate, which today is very much about the relationship between Islam and governance. Indeed, as the debate itself since '9/11' has been increasingly shaped by priorities of western actors, whose traditional interests in the Muslim Middle East are now being driven by concerns about international stability, Muslims have tended to adopt an even more sceptical posture. Whether forced democratization can be effectively administered adds a new and interesting twist to the debates surrounding Islam and democracy, adding new dimensions to the already tangible impact of geopolitical factors on Muslim polities.
This study examined the positive association of leadership styles (paternalistic, authentic and democratic) with open service innovation and themoderating role of gender in these relationships. Furthermore, gender differences in these leadership styles and open service innovation score of males and femaleswere also investigated. A cross-sectional survey was conducted to collect the data of 344 doctors working in Hospitals of Malaysia. Hierarchical linear regression results revealed thepositive association of leadership styles (paternalistic, authentic and democratic) with open service innovation, and moderated regression analysis showed a significant moderating role of gender between paternalistic and democratic leadership styles on open service innovation. While no moderation effect of gender was observed between authentic leadership style and open service innovation. Independent Groups t-test results further confirmed that women are more paternalistic and democratic in their leadership styles as comparedto men while significant difference were found for authentic leadership style score for male and female doctors. This research provides key insight that women have more potential for paternalistic and democratic leadership positions and are motivated for open service innovation practices.
As the forces of globalisation and modernisation buffet Islam and other world religions, Indonesia's 200 million Muslims are expressing their faith in ever more complex ways. Celebrity television preachers, internet fatwa services, mass religious rallies in soccer stadiums, glossy jihadist magazines, Islamic medical treatments, alms giving via mobile phone and electronic sharia banking services are just some of the manifestations of a more consumer-oriented approach to Islam which interact with and sometimes replace other, more traditional expressions of the faith. This book examines some of the myriad ways in which Islam is being expressed in contemporary Indonesian life and politics. Authored by leading authorities on Indonesian Islam, it gives fascinating insights into such topics as the marketisation of Islam, contemporary pilgrimage, the rise of mass preachers, gender and Islamic politics, online fatwa, current trends among Islamist vigilante and criminal groups, and recent developments in Islamic banking and microfinance. © 2008 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. All rights reserved.
Growing religious intolerance and conflict in Indonesia have sparked a scholarly debate about the role of religion, especially Islam, in a largely secular modern state, and how it influences relations both between and within majority and minority faith communities in the process of
democratic consolidation. This essay critically evaluates scholarly works that are broadly concerned with religious laws (Shari'a) and society, inter-faith relations and religious conflict in order to contribute to the debate as well as gain a better empirical understanding of the deteriorating
relations between Muslim and other minority communities in religiously divided democracies such as Indonesia. It finds that scholars tend to emphasize the role of radical Islamism, religious parties or Christian proselytization and penetration to explain the expansion of pro-Islam (Shari'a)
movements and/or religious intolerance and conflict. However, the essay suggests that these factors do not adequately account for the intriguing variation that has emerged within and among provinces across the archipelago, requiring us to look more closely—and comparatively—into
social and political dynamics at the district level in the context of politicized religion, fragmented religious authority, and decentralized state power.
Islam has emerged as the focus of immigration and diversity debates in Europe, especially in relation to the incorporation of Islam within political democracy. Using the least-liked group approach, the present study investigates political tolerance among Sunni and Alevi Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany and the Netherlands. A relatively low level of political tolerance was found with higher intolerance of Alevis compared to Sunnis which was due to Alevis' strong rejection of religious fundamentalists. For both Muslim subgroups and in both countries, stronger religious group identification was associated with higher tolerance. Political tolerance was also found to be lower in Germany than in the Netherlands and in the latter country tolerance was positively associated with host national identification. The findings show that Islamic belief, Muslim group identification and the host national context are important for political tolerance.
This essay describes the emerging field of religion and media and outlines key issues at play in the field. The field focuses both on the media and their content and on the reception of media among various publics as ways to examine the location of religion, the nature of religious practice and the complexity of religious identity and authority. On the one hand, studies reveal how religious institutions and leaders use traditional and new media, and command of emerging media grants some institutions and leaders increased voice and authority. On the other, we find evidence that in the emerging media culture, authority shifts from traditional locations such as sacred writings, traditions and religious authorities to the individual internal authority of religious consumers involved in religious self-construction. Those in the field typically argue that religion has always been mediated and that studying the mediation of religion is necessary to the understanding of religion.
This cross sectional field survey examined the relationship between psychological contracts, affective commitment and job outcomes (Job satisfaction and Intention to quit). We hypothesized that psychological contract types are related to job satisfaction and turnover intention, we further hypothesized that the link between psychological contract and outcomes is mediated by affective commitment. The data were collected from 302 employees of several public and private organizations of Pakistan. Results revealed that affective commitment mediates the relationship between relational contracts and job satisfaction and the relationship between relational contracts and turnover intention, whereas it does not mediates the relationship between transactional contract and job outcomes.
Islam's Relationship to Politics and the State in Indonesia
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