ThesisPDF Available

In between Policy and Practice: The Norwegian Model of Sports and the Integration of Unaccompanied Minor Refugees

January 2025

Thesis for: Ph.D.
Advisor: Jorid Hovden, Lucy Piggott, and Sine Agergaard.

Authors:

Norwegian University of Science and Technology

In recent years, Europe has experienced record-high transnational forced migration. Consequently, increasingly restrictive policies on civic integration have emerged in most West European states, including Norway. The emergence of such policies addresses citizenship beyond labour-marked participation and language training to include civil society participation. Accordingly, there seems to be a widespread political assumption that formal sports clubs represent a vital arena where young migrants and refugees can experience taking part in their local community and get a sense of belonging. Within this dissertation, I conduct a sociological analysis of how civic integration policies are positioned in the context of formal sports and explore how such policies are translated in the field of practice. In doing so, I examine how both sporting and non-sporting stakeholders perceive and experience formal sports as an arena of civic integration. The dissertation comprises four individual papers where I draw on lived experiences to discuss various aspects of whether/how formal sports facilitate integration. In doing so, I aim to highlight the voices of different stakeholders, including leaders of inclusion in formal sports, unaccompanied minor refugees, and non-sporting social workers. The overall findings point to how formal sports clubs constitute an illiberal policy that reflects cultural assimilation rather than integrative practices. Accordingly, these practices demonstrate a paradox within Norwegian integration policy, pointing to a discrepancy between the moral obligation for migrants to participate in civic activities and a lack of adequate structural conditions and mechanisms to support them in doing so. As such, the dissertation provide new and nuanced accounts of how civic integration policies are positioned in the context of formal sports at the policy, institutional, and individual levels.

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ISBN 978-82-326-8582-0 (printed ver.)

ISBN 978-82-326-8581-3 (electronic ver.)

ISSN 1503-8181 (printed ver.)

ISSN 2703-8084 (online ver.)

Doctoral theses at NTNU, 2025:3

Martin Nesse

In Between Policy and Practice

The Norwegian Model of Sports and the

Integration of Unaccompanied Minor

Refugees

Doctoral thesis

Doctoral theses at NTNU, 2025:3

Martin Nesse

NTNU

Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Thesis for the Degree of

Philosophiae Doctor

Faculty of Social and Educational Sciences

Department of Sociology and Political Science

Thesis for the Degree of Philosophiae Doctor

Trondheim, January 2025

Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Faculty of Social and Educational Sciences

Department of Sociology and Political Science

Martin Nesse

In Between Policy and Practice

The Norwegian Model of Sports and the

Integration of Unaccompanied Minor Refugees

NTNU

Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Thesis for the Degree of Philosophiae Doctor

Faculty of Social and Educational Sciences

Department of Sociology and Political Science

ISBN 978-82-326-8582-0 (printed ver.)

ISBN 978-82-326-8581-3 (electronic ver.)

ISSN 1503-8181 (printed ver.)

ISSN 2703-8084 (online ver.)

Doctoral theses at NTNU, 2025:3

Printed by NTNU Grafisk senter

Acknowledgements

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VII

Table of Contents

1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 1

1.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................................................................... 4

1.2 A NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY ............................................................................................................................. 5

1.3 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION ................................................................................................................ 7

2. CIVIC INTEGRATION POLICIES IN THE CONTEXT OF SPORTS AND INTEGRATION: A

CONTEXTUAL AND EMPIRICAL BACKDROP ........................................................................................... 7

2.1 FEATURES OF CIVIC INTEGRATION POLICY ..................................................................................................... 8

2.2 UNPACKING THE FEATURES OF CIVIC INTEGRATION POLICY IN STUDIES OF SPORT RELATED INTEGRATION . 10

2.3 CIVIC INTEGRATION POLICY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR INTEG RATION IN NORWEGIAN SPORTS ................. 12

2.4 SHORTCOMINGS IN SPORTS AND CIVIC INTEGRATION POLICIES .................................................................... 15

3. THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS IN ANALYSING CIVIC INTEGRATION

POLICIES IN SPORTS ...................................................................................................................................... 17

4. METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................................................... 23

4.1 A SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVIST APPROACH TO STUDYING THE INTEGRATION OF MIGRANTS AND

UNACCOMPANIED MINOR REFUGEES IN FORMAL SPORTS CLUBS ........................................................................ 23

4.2 ACCESS TO RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS .......................................................................................................... 26

4.2.1 Leaders of inclusion in formal sports clubs ........................................................................................ 28

4.2.2 Unaccompanied minor refugees .......................................................................................................... 29

4.2.3 Social workers ..................................................................................................................................... 31

4.3 DATA COLLECTION: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS .................................................................................. 32

4.3.1 Challenges of trust .............................................................................................................................. 34

4.4 ANALYSIS OF DATA ...................................................................................................................................... 35

4.4.1 Interpretative thematic analysis .......................................................................................................... 36

4.4.2 Thematic Narrative Analysis ............................................................................................................... 37

4.5 ASSESSING THE QUALITY OF THE DISSERTATION .......................................................................................... 38

4.6 METHODOLOGICAL AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN RESEARCH INVOLVING REFUGEES .......................... 40

4.6.1 Reflexivity: Position in the research process ...................................................................................... 43

5. DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................................................... 47

5.1 MAIN FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................ 47

5.2 KNOWLEDGE CONTRIBUTIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH ............................................................................... 51

6. LITERATURE ................................................................................................................................................. 55

PAPER 1. NESSE AND HOVDEN (2023)

PAPER 2. NESSE (2023)

PAPER 3. NESSE, AGERGAARD & PIGGOTT (2023)

PAPER 4. NESSE, PIGGOTT & AGERGAARD (UNDER REVIEW)

VIII

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1: REPORT- NORWEGIAN AGENCY FOR SHARED SERVICES IN EDUCATION AND RESEARCH

APPENDIX 2: LETTER OF CONSENT - LEADERS OF INCLUSION

APPENDIX 3: LETTER OF CONSENT – UNACCOMPANIED MINOR REFUGEES

APPENDIX 4: LETTER OF CONSENT- SOCIAL WORKERS

APPENDIX 5: INTERVIEW GUIDE - LEADERS OF INCLUSION

APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEW GUIDE – UNACCOMPANIED MINOR REFUGEES

APPENDIX 7: INTERVIEW GUIDE – SOCIAL WORKERS

1. Introduction

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1.2 A note on terminology

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1.3 Structure of the dissertation

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&+('%+9!-0%+3&'%-#0D!

2. Civic integration policies in the context of sports and

integration: A contextual and empirical backdrop

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2.1 Features of civic integration policy

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2.2 Unpacking the features of civic integration policy in studies of

sport related integration

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2.3 Civic integration policy and its implications for integration in

Norwegian sports

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'09!*;.'0!&-3*%,!$#0$+&0,D!:;&%*+&.#&+F!#0!%*+!.'%%+&!#7!0'%;&'(-,'%-#0!S%*+!=&#$+,,!2*+&+?6!

.-3&'0%,!'&+!%#!?+$#.+!'!$-%-]+0!#7!'!$#;0%&6!2*+&+!%*+6!'&+!0#%!?#&0UF!9+?'%+,!*'5+!$+0%&+9!

#0!%*+!$#0$+&0! %*'%! .-3&'0%,!,*#;(9!?+!'?(+! %#! ?+(#03!'09!*'5+!;09-5-9+9!=#(-%-$'(! (#6'(%6D!

[-%-]+0,*-=!-,!0#2!'!(+3'(!+0%-%(+.+0%!9+,=-%+!-0%	$-03!'!('03;'3+!&+B;-&+.+0%F!'0!#'%*!#7!

'((+3-'0$+F!'09!.'09'%#&6!='&%-$-='%-#0!-0!'0! -0%+3&'%-#0!=&#3&'.!S2-%*#;%!%+,%,U!S/-9%?l+0F!

XY`dUD!!

)*+!-.=(+.+0%'%-#0!#7!$-5-$!-0%+3&'%-#0!=#(-$6!-0!1#&2'6!+P+.=(-7-+,!*#2!%*+!2+(7'&+!

,%'%+!-,!?+-03!,+%!%#!&+=&+,+0%!'!,%&#03!0#&.'%-5+!-.'3+F!2*-$*!-((;,%&'%+,!%*+!3##9!$-%-]+0!',!

*-3*(6!$#..-%%+9!%#!2#&I-03!'09!='6-03!%'P+,!SJ+0,+0!+%!'(DF!XY`fUD!<P'.=(+,!#7!,;$*!.-09,+%,!

'&+!7#;09!-0!%*+!2*-%+!='=+&,!mO?#;%!G..-3&'%-#0!'09!%*+!/;(%-$;(%;&'(!1#&2'6m!S`hhfU!'09!

m:&#.!V+$+=%-#0![+0%&+!%#!%*+!Q'?#;&!/'&I+%!k!O0!<77+$%-5+!G0%+3&'%-#0!>#(-$6m!SXY`eUc!!

The government will prioritise measures that give people with an immigrant background a better

starting point for participation in working life, and such contribute to the usage of all knowledge. This

applies whether the knowledge is acquired in Norway or elsewhere [authors' translation] (Ministry of

Local Government and Labour, 1997: 7–8).

The government's point of departure is that people will contribute to society. The integration policy

must facilitate this through working and social life participation incentives. The goal is that everyone

who is going to live in Norway gets a job and becomes a taxpayer and participating citizen. This is

important for long-term development and maintaining a safe and financially sustainable welfare

society. As a general rule, everyone must support themselves and their families [authors' translation]

(Ministry of Justice and Public Security, 2016: 10).

G0!'99-%-#0!%#!%*+!2*-%+!='=+&,C!+.=*',-,!#0!2#&I-03!(-7+!='&%-$-='%-#0F!'!,%&#03!$#..-%.+0%!

-,!'(,#!,*#20!%#!'!$-5-$!,+0,+!#7!$#..;0-%6!#&!0'%-#0*##9!'09!?+(-+7,!'?#;%!$;(%-5'%-03!,;$*!

0#&.,!'09!,+0%-.+0%,!SJ+0,+0!+%!'(DF!XY`fq!Q#3'F!XY`gUD!K+&+F!,+5+&'(!2*-%+!='=+&,!S/-0-,%&6!

#7!J;,%-$+!'09!>;?(-$!8+$;&-%6F!XY`eq!)*+!/-0-,%&6!#7!/;0-$-='(!'09!V+3-#0'(!O77'-&,F!XYYZq!

)*+!V#6'(!/-0-,%&6!7#&![*-(9&+0!<B;'(-%6!'09!G0$(;,-#0F!XY`aq!)*+!V#6'(!1#&2+3-'0!/-0-,%&6!

#7![;(%;&+F!XY`XU!.-&&#&!,%;9-+,!S+D3DF!n&'3(;09!'09!<0H#(&',F!XY`fq!8+-==+(F!XYYXU!%*'%!=#-0%!

%#! *#2! $-5-$! #&3'0-,'%-#0,! #=+&'%+! ',! ,'7+3;'&9,! #7! 9+.#$&'%-$! 7;0$%-#0,! '09! ',! '&+0',! #7!

9+5+(#=-03! *+'(%*6! -09-5-9;'(,F! ?;-(9-03! ,#$-'(! &+('%-#0,*-=,! '09! 0+%2#&I,F! ('6-03! %*+!

3&#;092#&I!7#&!$#..-%%+9!$#..;0-%-+,F! +.=#2+&-03!=+#=(+F!'09!9+5+(#=-03!,#$-'(!$'=-%'(D!

>+&*'=,!%*+!.#,%!=&#.-0+0%!+P'.=(+!-,!7#;09!-0!%*+! 2*-%+! ='=+&! m:&#.! &+$+=%-#0! $+0%&+! %#!

2#&IN(-7+!k!'0!+77-$-+0%!-0%+3&'%-#0!=#(-$6Cc!!

Newly arrived immigrants must settle into a new everyday life with school, work, and participation in

the local community as quickly as possible. Local cultural life and voluntary organisations can play an

essential role in this. In many municipalities, culture, association, and organisational life are the most

important meeting places outside of work and school. Participating in these arenas can create social

networks, providing well-being and belonging. At the same time, new opportunities are opened to

practice Norwegian and get to know Norwegian society (...) Creating safe individuals and communities

and preventing radicalisation and violent extremism ensures good growth conditions for children and

young people, fighting poverty and working so that everyone, regardless of background, should

experience belonging and protection against discrimination [authors' translation] (Ministry of Justice

and Public Security, 2016: 13).

)*+,+!,%'%+.+0%,!9-,%-0$%(6!'$$+0%;'%+!$-5-(!,#$-+%6!',!%*+!.#,%!-.=#&%'0%!'&+0'!#7!-0%+3&'%-#0!

7#&!.-3&'0%,!?+,-9+,!,$*##(!'09!2#&I-03!(-7+D!/#&+#5+&F!,-.-('&!%#!,+5+&'(!<;&#=+'0!,%;9-+,!-0!

%*+!7-+(9!S+D3D!O3+&3''&9F!XY`gq!"#-93+!+%!'(DF!XYXYq!8I-00+&!+%!'(DF!XYYgUF!,;$*!=#(-$-+,!=#-0%!

%#!%*+!',,;.=%-#0!%*'%!$-5-(!,#$-+%6!-,!-0$&+',-03(6!&+,=#0,-?(+!7#&!=&#.#%-03!%*+!-0%+3&'%-#0!#7!

.-3&'0%,D!G0!1#&2'6F!,;$*!,+0%-.+0%,!+.+&3+!-0!%*+!2*-%+!='=+&!@)*+![*'03-03!Q'09,$'=+!#7!

8=#&%,c! )*+! 8%'%+m,! V+('%-#0,*-=! 2-%*! 8=#&%,! '09! >*6,-$'(! O$%-5-%6m! L';%*#&C,! %&'0,('%-#0M!

S`hhhUF! 2*-$*! *-3*(-3*%,! 7#&.'(! ,=#&%! $(;?,! ',! '&+0',! 7#&! m+P=+&-+0$-03! H#6F! .',%+&6F! '09!

%#3+%*+&0+,,m!L';%*#&C,!%&'0,('%-#0M!S=D`XU!'09!m7#&!#=-0-#0!7#&.'%-#0F!%#!$&+'%+!5'(;'?(+!,#$-'(!

7&'.+2#&I,! 7#&! -09-5-9;'(,C! (-5+,! %*&#;3*! ,#$-'(! $#..;0-%-+,F! I0#2(+93+! $&+'%-#0F! '09!

(+'&0-03F! ',! 2+((! ',! $#0%&-?;%-03! %#! ,#$-+%'(! 9-5+&,-%6m! L';%*#&C,! %&'0,('%-#0M! S=DZZUD! 8-.-('&!

'&3;.+0%'%-#0!-,!7;&%*+&!*-3*(-3*%+9!-0!%*+!2*-%+!='=+&!m:&#.!V+$+=%-#0![+0%&+!%#!%*+!Q'?#;&!

/'&I+%! k! O0! <77+$%-5+! G0%+3&'%-#0! >#(-$6m! LO;%*#&C,! %&'0,('%-#0M! SXY`eU! ',! 2+((! ',! @)*+!

1#&2+3-'0!/#9+(!#7! 8=#&%,C! L';%*#&C,!%&'0,('%-#0M!SXY`XUD!)*+! 9#.-0'0%!9-,$#;&,+!#7!%*+,+!

='=+&,!.-&&#&,!'!=#(-$6!+.=*',-,-03!%*+!&+('%-#0,*-=!?+%2++0!$-5-(!,#$-+%6!'09!2#&I!(-7+c!

The government aims to ensure equitable access for all children and adolescents to engage in sports and

voluntary activities. Due to their widespread membership rates, local sports clubs are one of civil

society's most important contributions to an active and safe upbringing. Approximately 85 per cent of all

children in Norway have been members of a sports club during their primary school years. Participating

in recreational arenas provides opportunities for experiences, mastery, friendships, and a sense of

belonging [authors' translation] (Ministry of Justice and Public Security, 2016: 73)

Sports are, and probably have further potential to be, an important arena of integration. The sports activity

itself represents recognisable and shared values across cultures and national borders' (…) The

government wants to stimulate a cooperation between labour authorities and sports organisations to

provide activities to people who, for various reasons, find themselves outside of ordinary working life

[authors' translation] (The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Culture, 2012: 67-106).

8;$*!=#(-%-$'(!+P=+$%'%-#0,!'&+!-0!(-0+!2-%*!%*+!7+'%;&+!#7!,%'%+!-05#(5+.+0%!S/#;&-%,+0!+%!'(DF!

XY`hUF!,*#2-03!%*+!-0$&+',-03!?+(-+7!-0!,=#&%,!',!'!='0'$+'!7#&!,#(5-03!'!2-9+!&'03+!#7!S,#$-'(U!

=&#?(+.,D!)*-,!*',F!7#((#2-03![#'(%+&!SXYYfUF!&+,;(%+9!-0!3#5+&0.+0%,!'%%+.=%-03!%#!9-&+$%(6!

$#0%&#(!'09!*#(9!,=#&%,!'09!%*+!5#(;0%'&6!,+$%#&!'$$#;0%'?(+!7#&!%*+!=&-.'&6!9+(-5+&6!#7!(#$'(!

'$%-5-%-+,!%*'%!,*#;(9!$#0%&-?;%+!%#! %*+! $-5-$! -0%+3&'%-#0! #7! .-3&'0%,D! 8;$*! ,%&'%+3-+,! $'0! ?+!

-0%+&=&+%+9!',!-0$&+',+9!-0,%&;.+0%'(-,'%-#0! #7! %*+!&#(+!#7!,=#&%! -0! (#$'(! ,#$-+%6!S:'*(v0!'09!

8%+0(-03F! XY`eUD! O0! +P'.=(+! #7! ,;$*! -,! &+7(+$%+9! -0! %*+! -0$&+',-03! 3#5+&0.+0%! 3&'0%,!

9+,-30'%+9!%#!,=#&%,!'09!%*+!5#(;0%'&6!,+$%#&!%#!=&#.#%+!,#$-'(!-0$(;,-#0!'09!+P=(-$-%(6!%*+!

-0%+3&'%-#0! #7! .-3&'0%,! -0! 1#&2'6D! K+&+F! 9;&-03! %*+! (',%! XY! 6+'&,F! %*+! #5+&'((! 3#5+&0.+0%!

7;09-03!'((#$'%+9!%#!,#$-'(!-0%+3&'%-#0!*',!.#&+!%*'0!9#;?(+9!7&#.!`Dd.!+;&#,!S`ZDg.!1WnU!

-0!XYY`!%#!aDX.!+;&#,!Sa`Dd.!1WnU!-0!XYXXD!:;&%*+&.#&+F!-0!XYXXF!'0!'99-%-#0'(!,%'%+!7;09-03!

,=+$-7-$'((6!'((#$'%+9!%#!,=#&%,!'09! -0%+3&'%-#0!'99+9!'0#%*+&! XDf.!+;&#,!SXe.! 1WnU!%#!%*+!

1#&2+3-'0!,=#&%,!?;93+%D!

G%! -,! 2#&%*! 0#%-03F! *#2+5+&F! %*'%! 1#&2+3-'0! ,=#&%,! #&3'0-,'%-#0,! +0H#6! ='&%-$;('&!

';%#0#.6!7&#.!=;?(-$!'9.-0-,%&'%-#0!-0!9+$-9-03!*#2!'09!2*+&+!%#!'((#$'%+!7;09,!7#&!'$%-5-%-+,!

&+('%-03!%#!=;?(-$!*+'(%*!'09!-0$(;,-#0!So('$I,*'2!'09!Q#03F!XYYdq![#((-0,!'09!K';9+0*;6,+F!

XY`dq! 1#&?+&3F! XY``q! 8=&'$I(+0! +%! '(DF! XY`dq! R+&*'3+0! '09! o##0,%&'F! XY`ZUD! \*-(,%! %*+!

1#&2+3-'0! ,%'%+! $#0%&-?;%+,! %#! 7'$-(-%'%-03! '09! 7-0'0$-03! 5#(;0%'&6! ,=#&%,! '$%-5-%-+,F! %*+!

3#5+&0'0$+! '09! #=+&'%-#0'(-,'%-#0! #7! ,=#&%! -,! (+7%! %#! %*+! ,=#&%,! #&3'0-,'%-#0,! %*+.,+(5+,!

So+&3,3'&9F!XYYdq!A#I,l6&F!XYYgUD!G.=#&%'0%(6F!%*+!-0%+0%-#0,!#7!1#&2+3-'0!,=#&%,!=#(-$6!#0!

-0%+3&'%-#0!,++.!%#!.-&&#&!%*+!'-.,!'09!3#'(,!#7!1G:!2*-$*F!7#&!%*+!(',%!7-5+!$#0,+$;%-5+!%+&.,F!

*',! =&#$('-.+9! -%,! 5-,-#0! #7! m-9&+%%,3(+9+! 7#&! '((+m! L@+0H#6.+0%! #7! ,=#&%,! 7#&! '((CF! ';%*#&,m!

%&'0,('%-#0MD!:;&%*+&.#&+F!1G:!SXY`hU!,%'%+,!%*'%!%*+!=;&=#,+!#7!,=#&%,!-,!%#!m'((#2!+5+&6#0+!%#!

=&'$%-$+!,=#&%,!'$$#&9-03! %#! %*+-&!#20!2-,*+,!'09! 0++9,!2-%*#;%!?+-03!+P=#,+9!%#! ;07'-&!#&!

9-,=&#=#&%-#0'%+!9-,$&-.-0'%-#0m!S=DfUD!8;$*F!1#&2+3-'0!,=#&%,!'-.!%#!(+%!+5+&6#0+!+P=+&-+0$+!

,=#&%-03! '$%-5-%-+,F! .',%+&6F! '09! =+&,#0'(! 9+5+(#=.+0%! -0! %*+! 3##9! '09! ,'7+! $#..;0-%6! #7!

5#(;0%'&6! ,=#&%,! $(;?,D! Q',%(6F! 1G:! *',! .'9+! @-0$(;,-#0C! #0+! #7! -%,! 7#;&! $#&+! 5'(;+,F!

*-3*(-3*%-03!*#2!7#&.'(!,=#&%,!$(;?,!,*#;(9!,%&-5+!%#!,'7+3;'&9!'09!&+7(+$%!%*+!9-5+&,-%6!#7!

1#&2+3-'0! ,#$-+%6! ',! m'0! -0$(;,-5+! ,=#&%,! #&3'0-,'%-#0! ;0-76-03! (#$'(! $#..;0-%-+,! '09! %*+!

,#$-+%6!',!'!2*#(+C!L';%*#&C,!%&'0,('%-#0M!S1G:F!XY`hc!gUD!!

8%-((F!9+,=-%+!%*+!=#,-%-5+!-0%+0%-#0,!#7!1#&2+3-'0!,=#&%!=#(-$6!%#!=#,-%-#0!,=#&%!',!'!I+6!

'&+0'!7#&!$-5-$!-0%+3&'%-#0F!,+5+&'(!,%;9-+,!S+D3DF!O9'.,F!XY``q!O3+&3''&9F!XY`gq!:'*(v0!+%!'(DF!

XY`dq! :(+0,0+&! +%! '(DF! XYX`q! K+&%%-03! '09! n'&(+7#&,F! XYX`q! /-$I+(,,#0! o(#.B5-,%F! XYXX?F!

XYXX$q! \''&9+0?;&3! '09! 1'3+(F! XY`hq! 8I-((+F! XYYhq! 8%+0(-03F! XY`ZU! *'5+! -0! &+$+0%! 6+'&,!

B;+,%-#0+9! 2*+%*+&! ,=#&%,! #&3'0-,'%-#0,! '&+! &+'96F! 2-((-03F! '09! '?(+! %#! 7;(7-(! +P%+&0'((6!

7#&.;('%+9!=#(-$6!'-.,F!-0$(;9-03!%*+!-0%+3&'%-#0!#7!.-3&'0%,D!/#&+#5+&F!%*+,+!,%;9-+,!-09-$'%+!

,+5+&'(! ,*#&%$#.-03,! -0! %*+! =#(-%-$'(! ?+(-+7! -0! ,=#&%,N&+('%+9! =#(-$6! '09! =#-0%! %#! *#2!

=#(-$6.'I+&,! #7! ,=#&%! &+=+'%+9(6! ',,-30! '! &'03+! #7! 9+(-5+&6! &#(+,! 2-%*#;%! '9+B;'%+(6!

;09+&,%'09-03! #&! '$I0#2(+93-03! %*+! 0'%;&+F! $#&+! =;&=#,+F! '09! #&3'0-,'%-#0'(! $'='$-%6! #7!

5#(;0%'&6!,=#&%,!$(;?,!S\''&9+0?;&3!'09!1'3+(F!XY`hUD!G0!%*+!0+P%!,+$%-#0F!G!2-((!3#!.#&+!-0%#!

9+%'-(!#0!%*+!,*#&%$#.-03,!-0!%*+!=#(-%-$'(!?+(-+7!-0!,=#&%,N&+('%+9!=#(-$6!'09!=&#5-9+!+P'.=(+,!

#7!*#2!%*+,+!,*#&%$#.-03,!=('6!#;%!-0!%*+!7-+(9!#7!,=#&%,!'09!-0%+3&'%-#0D!!

2.4 Shortcomings in sports and civic integration policies

:#((#2-03!K+0&6!SXYYfUF! %*+&+!'&+!7#;&!.'H#&!,*#&%$#.-03,! -0!%*+!=#(-%-$'(!?+(-+7! -0!,=#&%,N

&+('%+9!$-5-$!-0%+3&'%-#0D!:-&,%(6F! %*+&+! ,++.,!%#!?+!0#! $(+'&! ;09+&,%'09-03! #7!%*+!.+',;&-03!

,%-$I!7#&!,=#&%,N&+('%+9!-0%+3&'%-#0!=#(-$-+,!'09!=&#3&'..+,D!:#&!+P'.=(+F!2*'%!9#!3#5+&0-03!

?#9-+,! '09! ,=#&%,! =#(-$6! .+'0! 2*+0! %*+6! '&3;+! %*'%! ,=#&%,! 2-((! -0%+3&'%+! .-3&'0%,! '09!

9+,$+09'0%,!-0%#!%*+!1#&2+3-'0!,#$-+%6F!'09!2*'%!$#0,%-%;%+,!-0%+3&'%-5+!?+*'5-#;&x!G0!%#9'6m,!

=#(-$6F!,;$*! 9+,$&-=%-#0,! '&+! 7-((+9! 2-%*! -.=(-$-%! ',,;.=%-#0,! %*'%!,=#&%,! 2-((! ';%#.'%-$'((6!

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%#! ?+! ?',+9! ;=#0! '0! ;09+&,%'09-03! #7! ,=#&%,! ',! '0! '&+0'! 2*+&+! %*+! &;(+,! '&+! ,-.=(+! '09!

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=#(-$-+,!#0!,=#&%,!'09! -0%+3&'%-#0!=('$+!%*+!,=#%(-3*%!#0!.-3&'0%,!&'%*+&!%*'0!%*+!-0%+&'$%-#0,!

?+%2++0!.-3&'0%,!'09!%*+!.'H#&-%6!=#=;('%-#0D!:#((#2-03!O3+&3''&9!SXY`gUF!3+0+&'(!=#(-%-$'(!

9#$;.+0%,!,*#2!%*'%!%*+!7#$;,!-0!%*+!=#(-%-$'(!9+?'%+!-,!#7%+0!#0!='&%-$;('&!3&#;=,!#7!.-3&'0%,F!

0'.+(6!%*#,+!#7!0#0N2+,%+&0!#&-3-0!'09F!.#&+!='&%-$;('&(6F!/;,(-.,D!)*+!+.=*',-,!#0!/;,(-.,!

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&+,;(%+9! -0! .-3&'0%,! ',! '! 2*#(+! ?+-03! %+&.+9! ',! m%*+! .-0#&-%6! #7! %*+! 2#&,%m! S"&-,NOy%!

K'.'9#;$*+F!XYYhUD!O,!'7#&+.+0%-#0+9F!2+!,++!+5-9+0$+!#7!,;$*!-0F!7#&!+P'.=(+F!"#2(-03m,!

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@9'03+&#;,!#%*+&CD!8-.-('&(6F!/-$I+(,,#0m,!SXYXa?U!,%;96!#7!4I&'-0-'0!&+7;3++,!-0!82+9-,*!

,=#&%,!-09-$'%+,!%*'%!7#&.'(!,=#&%,!$(;?,!'&+!.#&+!2+($#.-03!%#!4I&'-0-'0!&+7;3++,!$#.='&+9!

%#!#%*+&!&+7;3++!3&#;=,!'09F!%#!'!3&+'%+&!+P%+0%F!=;%!+77#&%!-0%#!'9H;,%-03!%*+-&!=&'$%-$+!7#((#2-03!

%*+-&!0++9,D!)*-,!',!%*+!4I&'-0-'0!&+7;3++,!',!,++0!.#&+!-0N%;0+!'09!$#.='%-?(+!2-%*!7#&.'(!

,=#&%,!$#.='&+9!%#!#%*+&!&+7;3++!=#=;('%-#0,D!!

O!%*-&9!,*#&%$#.-03!-0!%*+!=#(-%-$'(!?+(-+7!-0!,=#&%,N&+('%+9!-0%+3&'%-#0!-,!*#2!=#(-$-+,!

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4. Methodology

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4.1 A social constructivist approach to studying the integration of

migrants and unaccompanied minor refugees in formal sports clubs

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4.2.1 Leaders of inclusion in formal sports clubs

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The process of recruitment and conducting interviews with representatives responsible for the social

integration of migrants has been surprisingly challenging. Initially, several potential informants declined

my invitation due to busy schedules, including home-schooling their children. When the sports clubs

were allowed to open during the spring of 2020, most were so busy keeping the club afloat that they had

no time to talk to me. Also, several on my initial list had dropped out of their sports clubs, and their

replacements did not seem to have any experience working with integrating migrants yet. Lastly, I

suspect that the topic of these interviews is somewhat politically challenging, as a couple of potential

informants seemed eager to take part until we talked more about my questions (Research notebook, 31

August 2020).

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A positive aspect of exchanging messages rather than phone calls has been the opportunity to show that

I am not an older man but someone much closer to them in age. In the text messages, this is most evident

with the use of "youthful language", which includes emojis. I have then tentatively tried not to use the

emojis typically used by my mother. I find that this has worked, as the informants I have texted with

have responded to me in a similar way, which often includes the use of emojis. In this way, I feel we

have avoided the formal atmosphere and thus made these interviews something different from what I

assume their previous experiences with such meetings have been (Research notebook, 2 November

2021).

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4.2.3 Social workers

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Figure 1. A text message with

one of the informants

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4.3 Data collection: Semi-structured interviews

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4.3.1 Challenges of trust

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He didn't want me to record the interview on audio. And he wanted to talk about Real Madrid, his

favourite team. And he wanted an explanation of the Super League. And to discuss transfers, especially

Kylian Mbappe. As soon as we talked about him, what he had experienced, what he thought about sports

participation, etc., he became a man of few words. Very closed off, and as soon as questions like that

came up, he picked up his phone and went on Instagram (Research notebook, 6 May 2021).

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(-7+!$*'((+03+,D!!

4.4 Analysis of data

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4.4.1 Interpretative thematic analysis

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4.4.2 Thematic Narrative Analysis

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4.5 Assessing the quality of the dissertation

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Table 1. Applying the eight ‘big-tent’ criteria for excellent qualitative research (Tracy, 2010).

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4.6 Methodological and ethical considerations in research involving

refugees

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4.6.1 Reflexivity: Position in the research process

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In my first interview, the informant abruptly brought up his flight from Afghanistan. This was in response

to a question about whether he had played any sports as a child. I noticed he was uncomfortable as he

talked about police violence and other experiences. In the following interviews, I began by saying that

they should not feel pressured to talk about such experiences and that I was more interested in how they

were doing in Norway. In my opinion, this turned out to work very well. It seemed like several informants

appreciated talking to me when they could talk about their lives and achievements without being met

with scepticism and critical questions. Several ended the session by saying, "It was really nice to talk to

you" (Research notebook, 6 May 2021).

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5. Discussion

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5.1 Main findings

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Paper 1. Nesse and Hovden (2023)

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‘Integration is a lot of work.’—A study of integration

policies in Norwegian football clubs

Martin Nesse & Jorid Hovden

To cite this article: Martin Nesse & Jorid Hovden (2023) ‘Integration is a lot of work.’—A study

of integration policies in Norwegian football clubs, European Journal for Sport and Society, 20:4,

351-367, DOI: 10.1080/16138171.2023.2182494

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/16138171.2023.2182494

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ORIGINAL ARTICLE

‘Integration is a lot of work.’—A study of integration

policies in Norwegian football clubs

Martin Nesse and Jorid Hovden

Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology,

Trondheim, Norway

ABSTRACT

The Norwegian civil society holds a welfare mandate to promote

the integration of migrants. Included in this mandate is a belief

that sport holds a particular potential to facilitate integration.

Voluntary sports clubs are perceived as open, democratic, and

inclusive arenas in which children and youth can form together-

ness and community building regardless of social background.

This notion is reflected in national policy documents, stating that

today’s sports policy is expected to reflect the diversity of

Norwegian society. Leaning on different and critical perspectives

on sports-related integration, this study will explore how volun-

tary football clubs in Norway translate their political mandate of

integrating migrant children and youth and discuss the potential

impacts of different perceptions and practices of integration. Nine

directors of inclusion of different demographical areas in one of

the largest cities in Norway were interviewed. The result seems to

trace different discourses and types of integration policies, illus-

trating how sports clubs translate their integration mandate. Both

functional and moral approaches were identified, and the study

demonstrates how migrants encounter different opportunities

and conditions to be integrated into sports as well as other social

spheres of the civil society.

ARTICLE HISTORY

Received 26 July 2022

Accepted 25 January 2023

KEYWORDS

Migrants; integration;

integration approaches;

assimilation; civil society

After the so-called ‘migration crisis’in 2015 and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022,

Europe is experiencing a record-high transnational migration (Mooyaart & Valk, 2020;

UNCHR, 2022). With the change to neoliberal governance in most European nation-

states, there seems to be an explicit political expectation that the civil society should

take increasing responsibility for the social integration of newly arrived migrants

(Skinner et al., 2008). Sports organisations as democratic and community-building insti-

tutions are considered central civil society institutions in most European countries. We,

therefore, find a widespread political assumption that participation in sports leads to

CONTACT Martin Nesse Martin.nesse@ntnu.no Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian

University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway

ß2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/

licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is

properly cited. The terms on which this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by

the author(s) or with their consent.

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY

2023, VOL. 20, NO. 4, 351–367

https://doi.org/10.1080/16138171.2023.2182494

social integration, and voluntary sports clubs are thus expected to take a leading role

in promoting the social integration of migrants (Agergaard, 2018; Doidge et al., 2020).

Norway is one of the European countries where the civil society has a long tradition

of service provision in various welfare areas (Loga, 2018). In 1988, an ‘Official

Norwegian Report’by the ‘Ministry of Finance and Customs’(1988) on the role of vol-

untary organisations in the Norwegian welfare state stated a need for closer cooper-

ation between municipalities and local voluntary organisations to meet the

population’s health and social services demands. The report emphasised the role of

voluntary organisations as safeguards of democratic functions with an emphasis on

developing healthy individuals, building social relationships and networks, laying the

groundwork for committed communities, empowering people, and developing social

capital (Seippel, 2002). This welfare mandate is followed up in several policy docu-

ments (e.g. Ministry of Finance & Customs, 1988; Ministry of Justice & Public Security,

2017; Ministry of Local Government & Labour, 1996; The Royal Norwegian Ministry of

Culture, 2012), including the latest white paper ‘National minorities in Norway: A com-

prehensive policy’(Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, 2021)

which emphasise that ‘cultural policy must facilitate that art and cultural life, sports and

volunteering reflect the diversity that characterises today’s society. The goal is an effort

for diversity’(p. 44). This notion indicates that integration in sports is more than just

participation in sports; it is also a question of structural, social-cultural, and social-

affective integration (Elling et al., 2001).

The responsibility of integration is highlighted as one of four core values in the

strategy document of the umbrella organisation of Norwegian sports organisations:

‘The Norwegian Olympic and Paralympic Committee and Confederation of Sports

(NIF)’(2019). In this document, NIF states that it ‘aims to reflect the diversity of the

Norwegian society where no one is to be excluded’and that ‘sports clubs are unifying for

local communities’(p. 8). Similar values are also seen within the Norwegian Football

Association (NFF), the largest Norwegian sports Federation, which for the last 10 years,

has increased its political attention towards promoting the inclusion of migrants in

their activities by turning its attention to the ‘barriers, discrimination and exclusion’

(Norwegian Football Federation [NFF], 2016, p. 32) migrants may experience when

engaging in football clubs.

Regarding participation and inclusion in sports, most studies (Agergaard et al.,

2016; Elofsson et al., 2014; Van Bottenburg et al., 2005; van Haaften, 2019) indicate

that migrants both in Norway and other European countries tend to be less active in

sports than the majority population and less likely to participate in sports clubs. For

example, studies of youth (13–19 years old) in Norway (Andersen & Bakken, 2015)

show that 51% of the majority boys and 38% of the majority girls participated in local

sports clubs. In comparison, 42% of the migrant boys and 16% of the migrant girls did

the same. In the body of research on sport and integration, the attention to barriers

to sports participation is well explored (e.g. Smith et al., 2019; Spaaij et al., 2019).

Hovden et al. (2015) and Bakke et al. (2016) found, for example, that the cost of sport-

ing activities often prevented migrant families from participating and that migrant

families experienced that their local sports clubs took few initiatives to include them

in their activities. This minority-majority gap in sports participation is thus mainly

352 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

explained due to the importance of socioeconomic status and cultural differences

(Strandbu et al., 2019).

However, few studies seem to focus on voluntary sports clubs’integration strategies

and policies (Doidge et al., 2020). Among the exceptions are Friberg and Gautun

(2007), who studied the inclusion of ethnic minorities in voluntary football clubs in

Norway. They found that most clubs were aware of their mandate to promote integra-

tion, but most clubs did not feel they had succeeded in their integration work.

Likewise, Bjerregaard et al.’s(2009) study indicated that sports clubs often were unwill-

ing to follow up on integration objectives and welfare tasks due to a perceived lack of

facilities, resources, and time. Flensner et al. (2021) reported similar findings, showing

that, although sports clubs are aware of their welfare responsibility of integration, they

mostly perceive it as something beyond their most important work tasks.

Furthermore, studies have highlighted how voluntary sports clubs are characterised

as organisations that aim to fulfil the interest of their members, often in terms of com-

petitive sports, and thus mainly build upon assimilationist ideas that can exclude,

rather than integrate, migrants (Hertting & Karlefors, 2021). Dowling (2020) showed

how alternative visions, such as two-way processes of integration or ideas about cele-

brating cultural diversity, were rationally marginalised in the everyday business of

most voluntary sports clubs in favour of competitive sports. In their study of Swedish

sports clubs’integration efforts with children and youth, Hertting and Karlefors (2021)

also found that clubs in multicultural areas had been transformed into multicultural

clubs over the years, practising alternative visions of integration. These clubs emphas-

ised intercultural meetings and integration in their everyday activities, making the

sports club a bridge between the community and its migrant members.

From this point of departure, this paper aims to contribute to the literature on

sports clubs’policies for the social integration of migrants in voluntary sports clubs.

Accordingly, the paper explores how voluntary football clubs in Norway translate their

political mandate of integrating migrant children and youth and discuss the potential

impacts of the club’s perceptions and practices of integration and the role of sport as

a prominent civil society arena for the integration of migrants. The data material is

based on semi-structured interviews with the representatives responsible for recruiting

and including migrant children and youth in the clubs. All clubs are voluntary sports

clubs. To support our analysis and understand the patterns and complexity surround-

ing integration and sports, we draw on a theoretical framework based on contempor-

ary and critical perspectives on sports-related integration, such as Agergaard (2018)

and Elling and Claringbould (2005).

Theoretical framework

The field of research on sports and integration of migrants has grown considerably in

recent years, parallel with an increased political attention on the integration of minor-

ity groups in Western societies (Massao & Fasting, 2014; Smith et al., 2019). The schol-

arship covers a broad spectrum of issues, experiences, and impacts, including health

promotion, barriers and facilitators to participation, the role of sports and physical

activity, and policy development (Skille, 2011; Spaaij et al., 2019). However, most of

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 353

the studies’alignment with policy-driven questions and frameworks seem to look at

narrow-defined questions when addressing migrants’sporting experiences (Kataria &

de Martini Ugolotti, 2022). This point of departure seems to result in process-oriented

studies, looking at output, not impact (Nathan et al., 2013). To accommodate this chal-

lenge, we will in this article lean on critical perspectives that discuss different

approaches and strategies to integration as well as shortcomings in the political belief

of sports-related integration.

As already mentioned, there seems to be a strong political belief that integration

processes automatically take place in voluntary sports clubs. However, most voluntary

sports clubs do not have the same goals as the national authorities (Stenling &

Fahl

en, 2016). This discrepancy could be seen as a result of what Elling and

Claringbould (2005) refer to as functional and moral legitimations of integration. The

functional approach highlights the importance of including all potentially interested

and talented individuals, in line with the club’s overall aim to improve their sporting

quality. As such, a functional approach emphasises that all, regardless of, e.g. gender

or ethnicity, should have equal formal access to participate in the club’s activities. This

often means an integration policy focussing on recruitment processes and talented

athletes, characterised by what Guttmann (2004) conceptualises as the inner rationality

of sports, in which meritocratic thinking, specialisation, and competition are central.

However, according to Elling and Claringbould (2005), many actors dealing with inclu-

sion policies and diversity management finds this approach reductionist and narrow,

representing a policy that, in the long run, leads to drop-out rather than integration.

Still, a functional approach can make sports attractive to the migrants able to adapt to

the dominant sporting norms in the club. However, to accommodate the political

belief in ‘sports for all’and integration, it is expected that the sports clubs’policy pro-

motes an external rationality based on moral legitimations emphasising equal sporting

opportunities by non-discriminatory practices, equal distributions of resources, and

equal valuation of sporting performances (Elling & Claringbould, 2005).

With the political assumption that voluntary sports clubs share a moral responsibil-

ity to contribute to social welfare, integration policies in sports are often vague, with

vital questions on promoting integrative behaviour mostly lacking (Agergaard, 2018).

Furthermore, the dominant framing of integration seems to convey a normative

approach to integration where migrants and descendants must undertake the labour

of ‘fitting in’and adapt to the nationally inhered ideas and practices of sport them-

selves (Nunn et al., 2021). This notion shows how the focus and aims of initially well-

intentioned sport-for-integration initiatives unwittingly contribute to concealing how

migrant’s integration in voluntary sports clubs proceed through a constant differenti-

ation that distinguishes between those able to fit in and thus assumed integrated and

those contingently and precariously included (Kataria & de Martini Ugolotti, 2022).

According to Agergaard (2011,2018), this emphasis on the right way to do integration

is in line with an assimilation approach, in which integration is understood as a linear

process of adapting to an unchanging host society with a static endpoint- making

integration something one is doing or not doing.

Agergaard (2018) argues that the traditional understanding of integration often is

ambiguous and may need to be reconceptualized. She underlines that integration

354 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

should be defined as temporal processes having no endpoint and achieved in and

within everyday practices. This understanding makes integration a social-relational pro-

cess in which various groups and individuals are related to each other in mutual inter-

dependency. Accordingly, integration can thus be described as a multi-level process:

on a micro-level, it evolves interactions between individuals with various backgrounds;

at the meso-level, it shapes relationships between institutions and sub-groups; and at

the macro-level, it develops relationships supported by dominating political and socio-

economic structures. In other words, integration implies different velocities, variable

trajectories, and outcomes depending on the context.

By framing integration as a multi-level process, Agergaard (2018) maintains that it

is essential to distinguish between integration processes directed towards supporting

migrants to participate in sports and those related to the broader system integration

processes. Accordingly, Agergaard (2018) refers to integration into sports as a micro-

level integration that only involves sports participation, while integration through sports

refers to a system of integration that enables migrants to participate in other societal

spheres, such as the job market and higher education. She also points out that social

integration through sports is difficult to achieve because the relationship between the

sub-field of organised sport and other social fields is loosely coupled.

In this paper, we will use these critical perspectives on sports policy and integration

to identify how sports clubs translate their integration mandate and to discuss how

they facilitate the integration of migrants and the role of sport as a prominent arena

for societal integration. Through this framework, we will enlighten how the clubs per-

ceive integration and how they legitimise their practices.

Methodology

The study underpinning this paper relies on data from semi-structured interviews of

representatives of voluntary Norwegian football clubs responsible for the social inte-

gration of migrants. By adopting a ‘maximum variation sampling’strategy (Markula &

Silk, 2011), ten informants were recruited and interviewed, representing nine clubs of

different sizes located in different demographical areas of one of the largest cities in

Norway. The informants were recruited to the study by email containing an informa-

tion letter and a consent statement. We focussed merely on clubs representing one

urban area to get a sense of how clubs that share the same organisational structures,

facilities, and infrastructures, such as belonging to the same municipality and the

same regional level, differ in their approach to integrating migrants. We found this

fruitful as it opens the possibility to refer to specific conditions and cases characteris-

ing this urban area and for the clubs to compare themselves with other clubs in the

sample.

The informants recruited had various roles in the clubs, such as general manager,

director of sport, board member, and director of inclusion, but all had a role in their

club to work with the social integration of migrants. As we can see from Table 1.

below, eight of the nine clubs are football clubs, while club 8. is a multi-sport club

with a large football department. In addition to the football department, the club also

offers sports such as handball, basketball, track and field, and cross-country skiing.

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 355

Regarding demographic characteristics, clubs 6. and 9. stand out in terms of a rela-

tively high proportion of migrants in their local area, while clubs 1., 3., and 4. have a

relatively low proportion of migrants.

After the sampling, we constructed an interview guide consisting of three main

topics: (i) The mandate of integration, (ii) measures and practices to promote the inte-

gration of migrant children and youths, and (iii) cooperation and contact with other

organisations and institutions in the local community to promote the integration of

migrants. The theoretical framework was integrated into questions of the interview

guide by asking about how they approached their integration mandate and why. The

latter topics aimed mainly to explore how the integration process was conducted at

different organisational levels and their reflection on their choices and possibilities.

Due to the restrictions related to Covid-19, three interviews were conducted by phone,

and six were face-to-face. The interviews lasted between 35 and 90 min.

In the analysis of the data material, we used the six steps proposed by Braun et al.

(2012) to conduct an interpretative thematic analysis. Firstly, the interview data were

transcribed manually. Secondly, features were identified, and the following codes were

developed from across the dataset in an inductive and systemic reading of the inter-

views: ‘sports participation’,‘an elite perspective’,‘sports for all’,‘drop-out’,‘the need

for resources’,‘children are colour-blind’,‘it’s a matter of family or religion’,‘we have

villas, not apartment buildings’, and ‘you have to train to perform’. The first five codes

are considered descriptive, while the latter was more interpretive. Thirdly, these codes

contributed to identifying three broader themes inspired by a deductive content ana-

lysis based on our theoretical framework: ‘interpretations of integration’,

‘implementation of integration’, and ‘relationship to the local community’. In this pro-

cess, we also developed sub-themes such as ‘recruitment’,‘talent development’, and

‘non-member activities’. The final phase involved reviewing potential themes occurring

throughout the coding process and developing the themes into a format facilitating

the writing-up phase of the article. The latter included selecting compelling extracts in

Table 1. Characteristics of informants and clubs.

Informant Role in the club Type of club Size of the club

Migrants in the local

area of the club (%)

1. General Manager Football Club Above 1000

members

2. Director of sport Football Club 500–750 members 8

3. Board member and deputy

head of the club

Football Club 750–1000 members 5

4. General manager and director

of sport

Football Club 500–750 members 4

5. Board director Football Club 500–750 members 9

6. Director of Integration

Former board director and

is now the finance

manager

Football Club 750–1000 members 12

7. Board director Football Club 250–500 members 8

8. General manager Multi-sport club 750–1000 members

in the football

department

9. General manager and director

of the youth department

Football Club 250–500 members 16

356 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

the form of direct quotes from the original data and relating these back to the

research question and literature.

Regarding ethical considerations, the study proposal has been guided by the

Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD), which evaluates proposals from scholars at

Norwegian universities. Accordingly, the participants were informed about the volun-

tary nature of participation and guaranteed confidentiality. This included a de-identifi-

cation strategy to secure the informant’s and their clubs’anonymity by giving them

fictive names and removing all references to their club, other clubs, coaches, and

neighbourhoods. These measures are considered enough as the position of leader of

voluntary sports clubs is, among other things, characterised by a high turnover

(Seippel, 2003), making our informants one of many even in a short period.

Analysis: translations of the welfare mandate of integration: perceptions and

practices

This section presents our findings on how voluntary sports clubs in Norway translate

their political mandate of integrating migrant children and youth. To discuss the

potential impact of the club’s perception and practices and the role of sports as a

prominent civil society arena for the integration of migrants, we present our findings

across two broad subsections. The first highlights how the welfare mandate is per-

ceived, while the second focus on the club’s integration practices. The analyses are

conducted in direct and indirect dialogue with our theoretical framework.

Perceptions of sports and integration: a burden for some and a primary

mission for others

As previously outlined, Norwegian football clubs are given a mandate to work for

sport-related integration (NFF, 2012,2016). The interview data showed that the clubs

were aware of this mandate. Most interviewees translated this mandate emphasising

that the club should be open for everyone, facilitate equal opportunities, and create a

community for all participants through inclusive attitudes, values, and practices. All

the clubs pinpointed that they shared ‘…the vision of ‘sport for all’and all that

follows’.One of them talked about it this way:

I am so glad that, today, our values mirror the good intentions of NIF and NFF. In my

opinion, this is all about inclusion and community, and I think the current values in our

sports plan reflect this.

However, their expressions were mainly vague when challenged to elaborate on

how ‘the good intentions of NIF and NFF’were reflected and materialised in their

everyday activities. In addition, their perceptions of promoting and facilitating integra-

tive behaviour were mostly lacking. Furthermore, most informants admitted that inte-

grating migrants into the club was hard work and required more resources in terms of

competence and organisational infrastructure to succeed. The most prominent

example was the need for someone who had extensive knowledge of the migrant’s

situation and language and could work full-time with the welfare mandate of integra-

tion. Such competencies were, however, seen as both different and additional to the

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 357

general competence of running a football club. For example, one of the informants

described it this way:

Integration is a lot of work. Multicultural experience and knowing another language are

entirely different from knowing how to be a coach. However, I think that one needs such

knowledge to succeed with integration. Nevertheless, that is not something every club

has; it is a lot to demand from our volunteers to acquire such competence.

This understanding indicates that the welfare mandate of integration is perceived

as something outside of a football club’s general activities, commitments, and respon-

sibilities (Flensner et al., 2021). Thus, most clubs considered the responsibility of inte-

grating migrants as an extra burden put on them by the civil society. In practice, this

meant that the clubs did not facilitate the participation of migrants in any other way

than facilitating the participation of children and youth in general. This meant that

once the migrants became members and part of a football team, there were no more

integrative measures from the clubs, indicating that the migrants had to adapt to the

dominating norms and conduct. Integration is thus obviously marginalised in favour of

the club’s primary goal, football activity (Dowling, 2020). This reflects a liberal

approach where everyone is given equal chances to participate, and thus the responsi-

bility of integration is left to the migrants themselves (Kataria & de Martini Ugolotti,

2022; Nunn et al., 2021). This way of thinking shows how the integration mandate is

seen as an individual and linear process, not a natural part of the football clubs’mis-

sion (Agergaard, 2018). Since migrants involved in football activities also have to adapt

to dominating norms and practices, this approach includes assimilation processes,

where all individuals should be treated equally, independent of ethnic and sociocul-

tural backgrounds (Agergaard, 2018).

However, the data material also reflects other perceptions of the welfare mandate

and, thus, other approaches to promote integration. For example, unlike the clubs

that perceived the welfare mandate as an extra burden, others stated that integration

was the centre of attention in policy and practices.

We are not a big football club. But in terms of integration, we are in the Champions

League. We prioritize integration! Our annual goal is to complete the season with more

players than we started with, and we evaluate our season and our trainers on how many

new players we have recruited and how they prosper. Heck! If they are a member or not

is not that important. We arrange many different activities, not only football, for members

and non-members. The most important thing is that the children and youth have a place

to meet and know that we care for them.

These clubs further underlined that the integration of migrants and other minority

groups was a responsibility they shared with other central institutions in the local

society:

We want to show how great of a place this is, so we started a still-ongoing cooperation

with other local institutions. Today we work closely with the school, the church, the

mosque, and housing associations. For us, it is not crucial if migrants play football in our

club or do something completely different. The most important thing is that they make

friends and feel like a part of our local community.

Accordingly, these clubs argued that they, as civil society actors, need to be

involved in combating and solving social problems in their local communities. Their

358 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

policy provided individuals of various social and ethnic backgrounds with support,

resources, and opportunities to develop as athletes and citizens (Hertting & Karlefors,

2021). It was underlined that their policy was shaped by continuous attention to the

integration of minority children and youth and thus constituted an essential part of

their activity profile. Unlike several other clubs, they do not hesitate to submit to pol-

icy goals defined by outside political institutions (Stenling & Fahl

en, 2016).

These two translations of the integration mandate in the clubs studied point to at

least two different understandings: Most clubs described the welfare mandate of inte-

gration as an extra burden put upon them from above and not something they per-

ceived as an essential part of their general and daily priorities as a football club

(Agergaard, 2018). On the other hand, the clubs stating a different view perceived

their integration mandate as part of their moral responsibility as a sports club and

welfare contributor (Elling & Claringbould, 2005). The following section will describe

and analyse how the two approaches play out in practice.

Integration practices: a matter of equality in chances and equality in outcome

The interviewee’s descriptions of their practices showed a multifaceted landscape. One

of the most prominent differences was how the different translations of the welfare

mandate resulted in different recruitment processes. Following a liberal understanding

of equality, the clubs who found integration an extra burden promoted a recruitment

strategy based upon participation on equal terms. This meant, for example, holding a

welcoming event during the first few days of the school year. One of the interviewees

talked about their initiatives this way:

We arrange an annual ‘football school’for our members every September. The primary

goal is to recruit the six-year-olds who have just started at the local elementary school.

While the kids play football, we meet with the parents and try to figure out who can take

it upon themselves to be coaches, social contact, and so on. We promote this ’football

school’mainly in the local kindergarten, on Facebook, and on our web page. Except for

that, we do not do much. Everyone seems to know of it. It usually goes to plan.

At the parental meeting, the club informed about different subsidising schemes,

including how the club could cover training fees for children living in low-income

households. The clubs found this measure of integration easy to prioritise as they usu-

ally received financial support from public subsidy schemes. One of the interviewees

pinpointed the situation this way: ‘As long as we get funding from the Sport City

Program, we subsidise training fees for those in need’,.

Such practices indicate a micro-level understanding of integration where the

goal is to open for recruiting migrant children and youth into sports (Agergaard,

2018). This approach highly differs from the clubs that see integration as the

centre of attention and an ongoing process, as they invested extensive efforts in

communicating with migrant children and families on their terms. For example,

they produced brochures in different languages and appointed persons with par-

ticular language skills, so-called ‘club ambassadors’to help them reach out to

migrant families who found joining a (Norwegian) football club complex and

challenging:

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 359

We have two club ambassadors. They both have migrant backgrounds. They work

towards the multicultural community and help us spread the correct information about

sports participation and other events we host. Why? Because we had to acknowledge

that we did not manage to do so ourselves.

The club ambassador follows up on three families—ten children in total. Two of the

families have analphabetic parents, so we would not be able to reach out to them

without the club ambassador. Previously, we used a translator, but misunderstandings

often came up because the translator did not have a good enough understanding of

what sports participation is about in Norway. However, when the family spoke to our club

ambassador, everything changed. They understood it. They became eager and wanted to

join. It made me so happy.

These voices demonstrate how the clubs try to adapt to migrant families’conditions,

prerequisites, and resources based on an acknowledgement that migrant families, espe-

cially non-western, often seem to lack sufficient social and cultural capital to be included

in voluntary sports clubs (Smith et al., 2019;Strandbuetal.,2019). Accordingly, these

clubs found it insufficient to rely on a recruitment strategy that only offered an ‘opening

day’through social media and/or (Norwegian) social networks. Following Dowling (2020),

such practices aim to eliminate the expectations and demands of resources that often

shape Norwegian football clubs and support migrants and other minority groups that do

not possess sufficient cultural resources to take responsibility for their own recruitment.

This reflects recruitment practices aiming to create equality in outcome rather than an

equality in chances (Borchorst & Dahlerup, 2003; Hovden, 2000).

Even though all the club representatives interviewed referred to their club as a

community club, compared to what they labelled a ‘talent factory’, many stated that

their club’s primary goal was to prioritise skill and performance development for tal-

ented players. It was also, in some respects, experienced that the welfare mandate of

integration tends to conflict with their sporting goals.

We see that playing football demands more now than before. You need a higher level of

skillset. And if you do not have it, it is not easy to keep on participating. We also see that

migrants tend to drop out due to family obligations or religion. Stuff like that prevents

them from training.

This expression indicates that migrants less often than the majority group succeed

in their development as athletes. When migrants are unable or unwilling to assimilate

into the dominant (Norwegian) expectations of sports participation, such as following

the coach’s ruling, they often drop out (Ødegård et al., 2016). This points to the dom-

inant expectations of doing sports ‘the right way’(Agergaard, 2018). Despite this, most

clubs insisted that all their players, including migrants, were given the same chances

and opportunities to develop their talents. Therefore, it was up to the migrants to

undertake the labour of ‘fitting in’:

Everyone is welcome at our club. Everyone has the same opportunity to succeed and be

a part of the team. I don’t care if they are migrants or not. However, the club needs to

prioritise the most talented players. We must focus on those we believe can take the next

step and sign for a professional team.

This liberal mindset of equality (see Borchorst & Dahlerup, 2003; Hovden, 2000),

where the migrants themselves hold the responsibility of integration (Kataria & de

360 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

Martini Ugolotti, 2022; Nunn et al., 2021), enables the clubs to prioritise the most tal-

ented players, implying that the ‘drop-out problem’becomes an individual concern

where the migrants are the only ones to blame. This framing often results in signifi-

cant challenges for long-term participation for most migrants (Agergaard, 2018) and

can be interpreted as a functional legitimisation of the integration mandate (Elling &

Claringbould, 2005). Despite proven weaknesses, however, this approach can still facili-

tate integration. Nevertheless, the integrative potential in such clubs is highly depend-

ent on the individual coach and their ability to encourage positive behaviour, organise

events and programmes, and build ‘teachable moments’(Doidge et al., 2020). On the

other hand, the interviewees of the clubs that translated their integration mandate as

the centre of attention in policy and practice demonstrated more inclusive and alter-

native practices and interpreted the ‘drop-out problem’differently:

Many kids choose their primary sport at a young age to pursue the dream of becoming

an elite. Then, when they are 13-16 years old, it suddenly becomes too professionalized.

And they quit. This early specialization also has consequences for those who want to play

for fun because they suddenly find themselves in a team that trains 4-6 times a week. So,

of course, they also quit. I think it’s just sad. One must remember that kids dropping out

does not necessarily mean they don’t want to be a part of the club. It could mean that

they don’t want to play football every time. Alternatively, they want to play just for fun.

To accommodate this, we have started to arrange ’allidrett’,

a type of activity where

participants can decide what they want to do and how often they want to do it.

‘Allidrett’is here introduced as a more inclusive alternative to the regular football

activity, mainly aiming to showcase a variety of low-threshold activities. This alterna-

tive illustrates that practicing integration and social inclusion also requires facilitating

measures and activities for those who do not feel at home in regular football activity

and prefer less emphasis on achievements and competition. Such adjustments empha-

sise practices that can generate social interactions and mutual interdependency

among various groups and individuals. This reflects an understanding of integration as

something that does not happen immediately or has an endpoint (Agergaard, 2018).

The clubs with an overall focus on integration also facilitated activities that included

support and mastering with a broader scope than just integration in sporting

activities:

One of our main activities is our activity center, where we, the football club, organize

activities for children aged 10-12 years old. Here, they can get help with their homework

and play board games or PlayStation. Moreover, they get a free meal. All this is for free. It

is pretty popular; we usually have 50-60 kids every Monday and Wednesday. You do not

have to bring any gear or even be a club member. You only need to be between 10-12

years old.

The activity centre showcases how the clubs offer differentiated and multileveled

integration measures, and thus a policy with a much broader scope than safeguarding

talent selection. Thus, it challenges the ‘sportificated’and dominant discourses on inte-

gration and sports-specific volunteering in many respects. Furthermore, this may

stimulate a rethinking of what civil involvement can include, for example, facilitating

meeting places, such as an activity centre, point to a moral legitimation of the integra-

tion mandate, where developing skills, capacities, and relationships of importance for

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 361

integration in the civil society at large are the most essential (Agergaard, 2018; Elling

& Claringbould, 2005).

Discussion and concluding remarks

As the analyses indicate, all the studied clubs were aware of their welfare mandate of

integration and underlined that they, in all their efforts, were emphasising inclusive

attitudes, values, and practices. Despite this, the data material demonstrates that the

clubs translated their mandate of integration quite differently, indicating different

impacts on the migrant’s opportunity to be included in their sporting activities and on

the role of the clubs as facilitators of welfare in their local communities. We will briefly

discuss some main aspects and impacts of such policy issues.

As mentioned previously, most clubs translated their integration mandate as an

additional mission for a football club. The responsibility to promote the integration of

migrants was perceived as an external task put on them by the civil society. Some

expressed hesitation and ambiguity linked to their welfare mandate (Ibsen & Levinsen,

2019). It was perceived as hard work that required extra resources and as something

outside the core business of a football club. It was also reported conflicts between the

ambitions of successfully integrating migrants and the ambitions to develop football

talents and skills. This conflict of interest seems to result in a functional legitimation of

their integration work since their integration efforts were linked mainly to the recruit-

ment process and to facilitate equal opportunities to participate for those already

interested in the sporting activities offered.

This functional approach to integration mirrors a liberal integration policy based on

formal equal access and equality in chances (Borchorst & Dahlerup, 2003; Hovden,

2000). It includes the notion that migrants are given similar conditions as the majority

group to be involved and, therefore, must take individual responsibility for their own

integration process (Kataria & de Martini Ugolotti, 2022; Nunn et al., 2021). This dem-

onstrates an integration policy in line with a functional understanding of integration

(Elling & Claringbould, 2005) and an understanding of integration as a linear process

with a clear endpoint, as posited by Agergaard’s(2018) conceptualisation of

‘integration into sport’. This mindset gives priority to providing possibilities to practice

the subsequent football activities according to their primary tasks as a football club

with an emphasis on developing talented players and thus improving the sporting

quality of the club (Elling & Claringbould, 2005). In this approach, the clubs also seem

to avoid the conflicting and incompatible logics related to integration and selection

that characterise the everyday business in most sports clubs and organisations

(Stenling & Fahl

en, 2016; Tangen, 2004). This integration strategy opens, for example,

for the legitimation of meritocratic selection strategies in football practices, in which

the dominant logic is to prioritise the best players independent of social and ethnic

background (Agergaard, 2018; Elling & Claringbould, 2005). However, according to

Agergaard (2018), this way of thinking also implies assimilation and often results in

significant challenges for the social integration of migrants (Agergaard, 2018; Elling &

Claringbould, 2005).

362 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

Nevertheless, the analyses also uncovered that some of the studied clubs translated

their mandate in moral terms, as they shared the view that sports clubs have great

potential to contribute to the social integration of migrants (Elling & Claringbould,

2005). Their policy targeted migrants at the centre of attention, and their practices

were anchored on creating equality in results rather than just equality in chances,

which implies a distribution of support and resources relative to the migrants’starting

point (Hovden, 2000). Moreover, the integration mandate was translated as a shared

moral responsibility with other central institutions in the local community, for

example, the schools. This way of thinking reflects an understanding of integration as

a broader system integration process, which implies ‘integration through sport’

(Agergaard, 2018). One of the clubs demonstrated this mindset by reporting how they

had created the activity centre as a multicultural meeting place for children and youth

of different ages, where sporting activities were only one part of the activity offered.

Such integration practices mark a distance to a functional and liberal understanding of

integration (Elling & Claringbould, 2005) based on the acknowledgement that integra-

tion and social inclusion must be an ongoing and multi-level process that can make a

difference for migrant children and youth (Agergaard, 2018).

Accordingly, our study seems to trace two dominant discourses, illustrating how

sports clubs translate their integration mandate very differently. The discourses

reflect different types of integration policies, resulting in different opportunities and

conditions for migrants’involvement in sports as well as in other social spheres of

the civil society. Against this backdrop, it becomes adequate to question if all sports

clubs represent excellent arenas for the social integration of migrants and other

minority groups (Krange & Strandbu, 2004; Lorentzen, 2004). According to our anal-

yses, it may, for example, be relevant to ask if clubs, looking at their integration

mandate as a burden put upon them by the civil society, are fulfilling their civil

mandate of integration. The study exemplifies how this attitude seems to have

quite different impacts on migrant sport participation than for those involved in

clubs looking at their integration mandate as an essential moral task and target. A

crucial question is whether voluntary sports clubs, in general, can be trusted to

safeguard the integration of migrants as a broader system integration? Critical stud-

ies (Agergaard, 2018; van Haaften, 2019; Hertting & Karlefors, 2021;Smithetal.,

2019;Strandbuetal.,2019) find that migrants experience a variety of barriers to

sports participation, including pressure to participate on clubs’terms, which all

seem to lead to exclusion.

Recent studies of modern sports (e.g. Fahl

en & Stenling, 2016; Norberg, 2011) have

indicated an increasing instrumentalization of sports clubs and other civil society

organisations, even though these are self-regulatory and seemingly autonomous from

intervention by the state (Ashenden, 2015). In other words, it is assumed that sports

organisations are increasingly utilised to attain overall societal objectives such as social

inclusion and integration of migrants (Ekholm & Dahlstedt, 2017). Our study, as others

(e.g. Ibsen & Levinsen, 2019; Stenling & Fahl

en, 2016), indicates, however, a certain

hesitancy and resistance among some clubs to submit to social policy goals defined

by external political institutions. This may point to conflicts and tensions an increasing

instrumentalization of sport may create.

EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR SPORT AND SOCIETY 363

As previously indicated, this study has a limited scope and a limited data basis for

exploring the complexity of social integration processes in the clubs more in-depth

since it is only based on interview data and data from informants that often were

handed the responsibility for integration tasks by the board of the club. More exten-

sive studies are needed to grasp a broader scope of the sports club’s integration pol-

icy, including ideological conflicts, tensions and power struggles directed at political

priorities and integration strategies. This includes studies based on mixed-methods

design, where participant observation is part of the design. The civil welfare mandate

is also concerned about the possible societal outcomes of the club’s integration policy

and the outcomes of integration through sport. This study has to a limited degree,

contributed to new or extensive knowledge about such outcomes, for example, insight

into the impacts on migrants’opportunities in higher education and at the job market.

Due to the limitations of this study and the lack of studies on sports clubs’integration

strategies, we need more studies that aim to develop a more comprehensive under-

standing of how the sports clubs experience, handle and react to their outside welfare

mandate. For example, how sports clubs experience and possibly resist the increased

instrumentalization of sport and how safeguarding their autonomy may influence their

attitudes towards fulfilling their potential as civil integration arenas.

Notes

1. Migrants are persons who immigrate into societies other than where they were born, while

also emigrating away from places that they often continue to describe as home. The

category covers a diverse group, including economic migrants as well as refugees and

asylum-seekers. These types of voluntary and forced migration are sometimes described as

separate categories, yet the various types of migrants share the transnational experience

(Agergaard, 2018, p. 4).

2. Allidrett is a sport for children that facilitates various activities, allowing children to try

several different sports in different environments. ‘Allidrett’emphasises the development of

basic motor skills through play and activities adapted to the children’s level of development

(NIF, n.d.).

Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to all the leaders who shared their experiences in their daily practices

and interviews. The authors would also like to express their gratitude to Lucy V. Piggott for her

valuable comments in developing this article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

ORCID

Martin Nesse http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3878-9759

364 M. NESSE AND J. HOVDEN

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Paper 2. Nesse (2023)

Nesse, M. (2023). En må liksom ha en grunn til

å snakke med nordmenn: Enslige mindreårige

flyktningers møte med norske idrettslag. I:

T. Wilhelmsen, E. Berg, K.V. Evensen,

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Kapittel 11

En må liksom ha en grunn til

å snakke med nordmenn

Enslige mindreårige flyktningers møte med

norske idrettslag

Martin Nesse

Innledning

Etter den såkalte flyktningkrisen i 2015 opplevde Europa en historisk høy

tilstrømning av asylsøkere og andre migranter. Ifølge OECD (2016, s. 39) ble

det registrert i overkant av 1,6 millioner asylsøknader til deres medlemsland.

Flere av disse søkte asyl i Norge (NOU 2017:2). Etter Russlands invasjon av

Ukraina er det igjen ventet en oppblomstring av flyktninger til Europa og

Norge (UDI, 2022; UNHCR, 2022). Slike internasjonale kriser har gjort inte-

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

grering til et viktig og omdiskutert politisk felt i Norge. I etterkant av «kri-

sen» i 2015 kom således stortingsmeldingen «Fra mottak til arbeidsliv – en

effektiv integreringspolitikk» (Meld. St. 30 (2015–2016)). Her kommer det

frem at målet med norsk integreringspolitikk er å legge til rette for deltakelse

i arbeids- og samfunnsliv (s. 10) ved å sikre flyktninger gode oppvekstvilkår

og en plass i fellesskapet (s. 13). I en slik hverdagsintegrering trekkes lokale

idrettslag frem som «et av sivilsamfunnets viktigste bidrag til en aktiv og

trygg oppvekst» (s. 73).

Lokale idrettslags evne til å fremme integrering, og være et sted hvor

barn, ungdom og voksne med forskjellig etnisk bakgrunn kan møtes og

bygge nettverk, tillit og lære språk virker slik å ha bred støtte politisk (Meld.

St. 20 (2020–2021); Meld. St. 26 (2011–2012)). Idrettslagenes integreringsan-

svar kommer også frem i Norges idrettsforbunds (2019) styringsdokument

«Idretten vil! Langtidsplan for 2019–2023», hvor en inkluderende idrett

fremheves som «å ta vare på mangfoldet i samfunnet inn i idretten, slik at

norsk idrett speiler det samfunnet vi er en del av og der ingen skal eksklude-

res» (s. 8). Som et virkemiddel for mangfold har NIF blant annet tilskudds-

ordningen «Inkludering i idrettslag», hvor formålet er å «tilrettelegge for at

barn og ungdom som står overfor økonomiske og/eller kulturelle barrierer

for deltakelse kan delta i idrett/fysisk aktivitet i et idrettslag» (NIF, 2022).

På tross av politisk støtte og en tilhørende optimisme knyttet til

lokale idrettslags integrasjonspotensial sår allikevel stadig flere studier tvil

om idrettslagenes evne til å fremme integrering. Sjöblom og Fahlén (2010)

uttrykker en slik tvil på bakgrunn av idrettens prestasjonsorienterte logikk,

som ikke nødvendigvis sammenfaller med idrettens visjon om «idrett for

alle». Dette er i tråd med studier av Bjerregaard og kolleger (2009), Dow-

ling (2019) og Flensner, Korp og Lindgren (2021), som viser hvordan lokale

idrettslag nedprioriterer sitt integreringsansvar da de opplever integrering

som noe utenfor deres kjernevirksomhet – konkurranseidretten.

Idrettslagenes nedprioritering av integrering reflekteres også i Friberg

og Gautuns (2007) studie «Inkludering av etniske minoriteter i frivillige

organisasjoner og fotballag for barn og ungdom i Oslo», som viste at det var

få organisasjoner som hadde satt i verk konkrete tiltak for å nå ut til minori-

tetsungdom, og enda færre som kunne vise til noen resultater av slike tiltak.

Disse studiene underbygger funn fra kartleggingsstudier (Myrli & Mehus,

2015; Ødegård mfl., 2016) av idrettsdeltakelse blant majoritets- og minori-

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tetsungdom, som viser at barn og ungdom med minoritetsbakgrunn ikke

deltar i idrettslag i samme omfang som majoritetsbefolkningen. I sum tyder

dette på at idretten har store utfordringer med å legge til rette for integrering

av minoritetsbarn- og ungdom.

En av utfordringene er ifølge Agergaard (2018, s. 2) forestillingen om

at tradisjonell idrettsdeltakelse alene er integrerende, og følgelig at barn og

ungdom med minoritetsbakgrunn som deltar i idrettslag, vil oppleve å bli

integrert. En slik forestilling er problematisk da den bygger på en antakelse

om at alle barn og unge med minoritetsbakgrunn har samme forutsetninger

for å delta i idrettslag. At dette ikke er tilfellet, er godt belyst i forsknings-

litteraturen, blant annet av Østerlund og Seippels (2013) studie om sosial

integrasjon i idrettslag og Walseths (2006) beskrivelse av muslimske jenters

utfordringer med å utvikle vennskap med norske medspillere. I den stadig

voksende forskningslitteraturen om idrett og integrering er det allikevel få

som løfter frem stemmen til en særlig utsatt gruppe, enslige mindreårige

flyktninger.

Enslige mindreårige flyktninger viser i dette kapittelet til barn under

18 år som har flyktet til Norge fra krig, forfølgelse og vanskelige leveforhold

i Afghanistan uten foreldre eller andre med foreldreansvar. I møte med et

fremmed land, språk og kultur mangler enslige mindreårige foreldrenes om-

sorg, veiledning og beskyttelse, og må slik anses som en gruppe med sær-

skilte hjelpe- og omsorgsbehov (Berg & Tronstad, 2015, s. 135). Blant de

mest fremtredende utfordringene for disse ungdommene er ifølge Svendsen

og Berg (2017) manglende møteplasser hvor de kan komme i kontakt med

norske jevnaldrende og føle seg som «vanlige ungdommer» – en utfordring

norske idrettslag er gitt et særlig ansvar for å imøtekomme.

I dette kapittelet vil jeg derfor besvare følgende problemstilling: Hvor-

dan erfarer enslige mindreårige flyktninger verdien av å delta i idretts-

aktivitet, og hvordan opplever de møte med norske idrettslags fellesskap?

Datamaterialet er basert på seks intervjuer med unge voksne menn (18–23

år) fra Afghanistan som kom til Norge som enslige mindreårige asylsøkere.

I analysen av deres erfaringer med norske idrettslag lener jeg meg på arbei-

det til Norbert Elias (1982; Elias & Dunning, 1986; Elias & Scotson, 1994) og

hans sivilisasjonsteori. Først vil jeg imidlertid gi en introduksjon til integre-

ringsbegrepet, før jeg presenterer tidligere forskning om enslige mindreårige

flyktningers deltakelse i idrettslag og fritidsaktiviteter.

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Integreringsbegrepet

I fremstillingen av idrettslagenes integreringsansvar blir vi introdusert til

to viktige begreper: «inkludering» og «integrering». Av den foregående

politiske fremstillingen av disse begrepene kan inkludering og integrering

fremstå som entydig og overlappende, i den forstand at begge omhand-

ler prosesser med formål om å gjøre minoritetsbefolkningen til en del av

det norske samfunnet. Som vi skal se er dette en problematisk fremstil-

ling da inkludering og integrering blir en paraplybetegnelse på en rekke

ulike politiske strategier, inkludert strategier om assimilering og segregering

(Agergaard, 2018). Her vil jeg derfor gjøre et skille mellom assimilering,

segregering, integrering og inkludering.

Strategier om assimilering innebærer at minoritetsgrupper må oppgi

eget særpreg og tilpasse seg majoritetsbefolkningens praksiser og verdier

(Strandbu, 2002). Ifølge Dowling (2019) og Andersson (2008) er norske

idrettslag bygget på ideer om assimilasjon og stereotypiske fremstillinger av

minoriteter, hvor minoritetsbarn og ungdom må tilpasse seg etablerte nor-

mer og samværsformer for å delta. Til forskjell fra assimilering innebæ-

rer segregering at minoritetsgrupper utgjør relativt separate grupper, som

f.eks. et fotballag bestående av menn fra Afghanistan. I idrettsfeltet har slike

etniske lag vært omstridte, og det har vært stilt spørsmål ved hvorvidt de

virker integrerende (Strandbu, 2002). Enkelte studier viser imidlertid at del-

takelse i slike lag kan være integrerende, blant annet ved at idrettslaget og

særlig garderoben blir et sted hvor en kan diskutere felles utfordringer i møte

med et nytt land og kultur (Janssens & Verweel, 2014).

I motsetning til assimilering og segregering viser integrering til sam-

ordningsprosesser hvor ulike grupper og individer deltar og slutter opp om

felles institusjoner. Slik handler integrering om utviklingen av nye vennskap

og utveksling av kulturelle normer og verdier på tvers av etnisitet og bak-

grunn (Strandbu, 2002). En vanlig forståelse av integrering gjennom idretts-

deltakelse vektlegger hvordan idrettslagene gir sine medlemmer muligheten

til å tilegne seg ressurser som gjør dem i stand til å ta del i andre samfunns-

arenaer, som høyere utdanning og arbeidsmarkedet (Agergaard, 2018; Elling

mfl., 2001). Slike ressurser kan være konkrete, som språkferdigheter eller et

utvidet sosialt nettverk, eller mer abstrakte, som en følelse av å være en del

av et lokalsamfunn.

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Da det kommer til inkludering finnes det ulike forståelser og anvendel-

ser av begrepet. I denne boka løfter blant annet Sandvik og Solstad (se kapit-

tel 9) frem NIFs (2019, s. 8) beskrivelse av inkludering, og hvordan NIF skal

være en organisasjon som «ser alle, skaper trygghet og tar vare på alle». En

annen tilnærming finner vi hos Flensner og kolleger (2021, s. 67), som viser

hvordan inkludering og «idrettsglede for alle» kan forstås som et uttrykk for

det generelle og egalitære prinsippet om at alle skal ha muligheten til å ta del

i idrettsaktivitet. NIFs (2022) tilskuddsordning «Inkludering i idrettslag»,

som har som mål å tilrettelegge for at barn og ungdom som står overfor øko-

nomiske og/eller kulturelle utfordringer kan delta i idrett, er et godt eksem-

pel på dette. At inkluderingsstrategier ofte viser til slike praktiske løsninger

ved idrettsdeltakelse, medfører at et idrettslag kan være inkluderende sam-

tidig som deres praksis er bygget på ideer om assimilasjon, segregering eller

integrering.

Enslige mindreårige flyktninger og betydningen

av fritidsaktiviteter

Få studier har undersøkt enslige mindreårige flyktningers deltakelse i et inte-

greringsperspektiv, men det finnes noen, som jeg vil trekke frem her. Ifølge

Seland og Lidén (2011) er idrettsaktiviteter det mest utbredte fritidstilbudet

for barn og unge på asylmottak, hvor fotball og andre former for ballspill er

særlig populære. Dette er også aktiviteter barn og ungdom på mottak ønsker

å utøve sammen med norske jevnaldrende (Lidén mfl., 2013). Slik oppford-

rer og tilrettelegger også flere asylmottak sine beboere til å delta i idretts-

aktiviteter i nærmiljøet. Erfaringene fra ansatte ved slike mottak tyder på at

idrettsdeltakelse har ført til at beboerne lettere har fått venner, lært språket

og erfart betydningen av å ta ansvar for egen fritid. Idrettsdeltakelse kan der-

med virke å være integrerende (Seland & Lidén, 2011).

Likevel påpeker Lidén (2016, s. 222–225) at det ikke er noen garanti for

at fritidsaktiviteter som idrett gir slike muligheter, fordi mange opplever ste-

reotypiske fremstillinger i møte med idrettslagene. Dette kan bidra til segre-

gerte vennemiljø og styrking av allerede etablerte vennskap (Walseth, 2008).

Mange enslige mindreårige opplever også barrierer for deltakelse i form av

krav til prestasjon (Lidén mfl., 2013, s. 162) eller høye kostnader og prak-

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tiske hindringer som transportbehov (Seland & Lidén, 2011, s. 39–40). Slike

barrierer fører til at enslige mindreårige ikke føler seg inkludert i aktivite-

tene i nærmiljøet. Ansatte ved asylmottak for medfølgende barn og ungdom

rapporterer også om flere negative erfaringer som gjør at deres beboere slut-

ter etter kort tid, som språkvansker og at deltakelse krever mye planlegging

(Seland & Lidén, 2011). Allikevel hevder Lidén (2016) at å delta i fritidsakti-

viteter og idrettslag kan være et viktig steg inn i et lokalsamfunn fordi det gir

innsikt i bruddstykker av et lokalt ungdomsliv.

Ved å utforske hvordan enslige mindreårige flyktninger opplever møtet

med norske idrettslag vil dette kapittelet være et bidrag til det empiriske

forskningsgapet om nylig ankomne flyktningers opplevelser av idrett og fri-

tidsaktiviteter. For å skape en større forståelse for deres møte med det etab-

lerte idrettsfellesskap vil jeg lene meg på Elias’ (1982; Elias & Dunning, 1986;

Elias & Scotson, 1994) arbeid om idrett som en mimetisk samfunnsarena.

Teoretisk blikk: Idrettslag som en kreativ

lekeplass, sterke fellesskap og utenforskap

Som en av få klassiske sosiologer vektlegger Norbert Elias i sin figurasjons-

sosiologi hvordan en kan forstå idrettens engasjement og samfunnsmessige

funksjon i det moderne samfunnet (Thing, 2016). I sitt arbeid beskriver Elias

(1982; Elias & Dunning, 1986) idrettslagene og deres aktiviteter som en sivi-

lisert modernitetskultur: en kreativ lekeplass og et symbolsk og rituelt rom

hvor hverdagens trivialiteter og bekymringer frakobles. Slik kan idrettsakti-

vitet fungere som en avlastningsstruktur hvor individet kan få leve ut følel-

ser og impulser som aggresjon og glede, som ikke tillates på andre arenaer.

Idrettsaktivitet blir med andre ord en aktivitet hvor individet kan få utløp for

sin spontanitet og leke med «det forbudte» på måter som kompenserer for

og gir en time-out fra både tidligere opplevelser og den kontroll og begrens-

ninger som de er utsatt for på andre samfunnsområder (Elias & Dunning,

1986).

Elias og Dunning (1986) trekker også frem idrettslagenes evne til

å skape sterke fellesskap, og slik være en viktig kilde til mening i menneskers

liv. Dette kommer også frem i Thing (1999) og Strandbu og kolleger (2021),

som viser hvordan idrettsutøvere som trener og konkurrerer sammen, vir-

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ker å utvikle en sterk gruppeidentitet. Allikevel viser Dowling (2019) hvor-

dan norske idrettslag konstruerer flyktninger som mangelfulle utøvere som

er «ute av kontroll», og som må læres de «riktige» ferdighetene. I kombina-

sjon med at idrettslagene er en konkurransearena som tydelig skiller mel-

lom gode og dårlige prestasjoner, kan mange derfor oppleve idrettslag som

en svært krevende arena preget av høye forventninger og innsats, men også

som en arena for utstøting og marginalisering. Enkeltindividets idrettsdelta-

kelse kan dermed ses som resultatet av en stadig pågående forhandling om

hvorvidt innsatsen og engasjementet for aktiviteten er verdt prisen (Tjønn-

dal, 2019).

Ifølge Elias og Scotson (1994) oppstår stereotypiske konstruksjoner

som «ute av kontroll» som et resultat av at etablerte grupper med makt ska-

per en opplevelse av seg selv som bedre og overlegne. Denne opplevelsen,

eller konstruksjonen, har som konsekvens at de dominerende grupper iden-

tifiseres med positive egenskaper, karaktertrekk og verdier, mens de som

representerer andre væremåter og en annen kulturbakgrunn, utsettes for

utenforskap. Slike tilskrivelser eller stereotypiske representasjoner er dypt

forankret i den dominerende gruppens felles historie og kollektive minne,

hvilket gjør det utfordrende for de utenforstående å få tilgang til og endre

disse. Resultatet blir, ifølge Haugaa Engh og kolleger (2013, s. 783–784), at de

negative tilskrivelsene internaliseres eller møtes med fiendtlighet av de som

bryter med de dominerende gruppers væremåter.

For å eksemplifisere hvordan slike maktforhold kommer til syne i idret-

ten, vil jeg vise til Lidéns (2016, s. 222–226) beskrivelse av det fleretniske fot-

ballaget Fremad. Fremad skulle være et lavterskeltilbud tilpasset lokalmiljøet

– med en høy innvandrerandel. Laget tiltrakk seg raskt spillere med minori-

tetsbakgrunn som hadde spilt fotball i årevis, men som ikke opplevde å passe

inn i andre klubbers strenge krav til bestemte ferdigheter og prestasjon. For

dem ble Fremad raskt en trygg arena hvor de kunne prøve og feile uten

å være redd for å bli kritisert eller ikke få spille. Som etfleretnisk lag opplevde

Fremad imidlertid raskt å bli møtt med fordommer av motspillere og deres

foreldre. Blant annet når laget ankom bortekamper med kollektiv transport,

ble de beskyldt for å være høylytte og fremstå som en udisiplinert guttegjeng,

som strødde sakene sine rundt omkring. Gjennom sosiale nettverk spredte

det seg en oppfatning om Fremad som et annerledeslag, hvilket førte til at

laget opplevde hverdagsrasisme fra andre trenere og foreldre.

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I analysen vil jeg belyse hvordan enslige mindreårige flyktninger erfarer

verdien av å delta i idrettsaktivitet samt undersøke hvordan de opplever sitt

møte med norske idrettslags fellesskap. Med utgangspunkt i Elias’ perspek-

tiv kan vi spørre: Opplever informantene idrettslagene som en time-out fra

tidligere opplevelser? Hvilke tilskrivelser opplever de, og hvilken betydning

har tilskrivelsene for deres idrettsdeltakelse?

Empirisk grunnlag

Det empiriske materialet er knyttet til mitt doktorgradsprosjekt «Den orga-

niserte idretten som omsorgs- og velferdsaktør i sivilsamfunnet». I dette

kapittelet trekker jeg på seks individuelle intervjuer med unge menn i alde-

ren 18–23 år. Samtlige informanter er fra Afghanistan, og kom til Norge som

enslige mindreårige asylsøkere. Etter å ha fått innvilget sin asylsøknad har

alle bodd i ulike bofellesskap for enslige mindreårige. I dag bor informan-

tene med slektninger eller med en tildelt norsk familie. Ved gjennomføring

av intervjuene hadde informantene bodd i Norge fra to til syv år.

Informantene ble rekruttert gjennom et samarbeid med barne- og fami-

lietjenesten i en norsk kommune. Kriteriene for utvelgelse var at informan-

tene kom til Norge som enslige mindreårige asylsøkere, og at de hadde

erfaring med idrettsdeltakelse i Norge. I rekrutteringsprosessen samarbeidet

jeg med barne- og familietjenesten og én miljøterapeut ved et bofellesskap

i den aktuelle kommunen. Miljøterapeuten tok kontakt med mulige infor-

manter, og spurte om de ønsket å stille til intervju. For å sikre at mulige

informanter var kjent med prosjektets formål og egne rettigheter ble et infor-

masjonsskriv utviklet og sendt barne- og familietjenesten samt miljøterapeu-

ten. Her ble det også informert om at deltakere ble tildelt et gavekort til en

verdi av 200 kroner ved deltakelse. Totalt viste ni flyktninger interesse for

prosjektet hvor seks ønsket å la seg intervjue.

Som nevnt er alle informantene menn fra Afghanistan, som er den

største gruppen av enslige mindreårige i Norge (Kirkeberg & Lunde, 2020).

Ingen av informantene hadde erfaring med deltakelse i idrettslag fra Afgha-

nistan, men fem hadde erfaring med egenorganisert idrettsaktivitet. Etter

å ha kommet til Norge har fire av informantene spilt i ulike fotballklubber,

to har tatt del i ulike former for kampsport og én i volleyball. Da intervjuene

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ble gjennomført, var tre informanter fortsatt aktive i sine idrettslag, to i bred-

defotballen og en i kampsport på høyt nivå. Tre spilte egenorganisert fotball

og volleyball samt var aktive på treningsstudio.

I analysen av datamaterialet har jeg tatt i bruk en narrativ analysestra-

tegi, hvor formålet er å skape en fortolkning av informantenes opplevelser og

erfaringer ved deltakelse i norske idrettslag. Jeg valgte denne tilnærmingen

da narrativ analyse åpner for en rekonstruksjon av historiene til informan-

tene, i form av en «typisk» fortelling som er mer rikholdig, mer fortettet og

sammenhengende enn spredte historier i et enkeltintervju (Kvale & Brink-

mann, 2015, s. 251). Dette var nødvendig da språkutfordringer førte til flere

enkle og usammenhengende beskrivelser samt flere tilfeller hvor informan-

tene bekreftet eller avkreftet min gjenfortelling av deres opplevelser. Slike

eksempler viste seg særlig på spørsmål om informantenes tid i Afghanistan

og flukten til Norge. Analysen er videre delt inn i to deler. Den første vil

belyse informantenes erfaring med idrettsaktivitet i Afghanistan og hvordan

idrettsaktivitet har blitt en måte å bearbeide traumatiske opplevelser. Den

andre delen vil rette søkelyset mot informantenes første møte med norske

idrettslag, og deres opplevelser av å ta del i et etablert idrettsfellesskap.

Idrettsaktivitet som en time-out fra

hverdagslivets bekymringer

Ingen av informantene hadde erfaring med idrettslag slik de fremstår i Norge

fra barndommen i Afghanistan. Allikevel fortalte fem av seks informan-

ter om deltakelse i egenorganisert idrettsaktivitet som fotball, volleyball og

kampsport. Informantene var samstemte i sine beskrivelser av disse aktivite-

tene, hvor fotball og volleyball ble beskrevet som aktiviteter på «løkka», mens

kampsport var mer strukturert og styrt av voksne personer med kjennskap

til blant annet bryting.

I Afghanistan spilte jeg fotball med kompiser, ofte på sand og betong

og sånn. Jeg hadde verken fotballsko eller ball. Ofte laget vi en ball

av sokker. Når de rike ungdommene var med, hadde vi en ordentlig

ball. Da var det de som bestemte. Masse gateregler. Tjukken i mål og

de beste spiller spiss. Vinneren står, alltid. Vi spilte nesten hver dag.

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Kampsport var annerledes. Da jeg var 12–13 år trente jeg og andre

barn sammen med en gruppe eldre menn. Men for at de skulle lære

oss ulike teknikker måtte vi hjelpe dem å bygge en hytte i fjellet. Jeg

bar stein hver dag. Når hytten var ferdig, kunne vi trene bryting.

At informantene nærmest daglig har deltatt i ulike idrettsaktiviteter i opp-

veksten tyder på at idrettsaktivitet har vært en viktig arena for fysisk aktivitet

og fellesskap i oppveksten. Tilgangen på dette fellesskapet forsvant imidler-

tid brått da informantene etter hvert måtte flykte fra Afghanistan. Den første

tiden på flukt beskrev informantene som en tid preget av stor usikkerhet

om hvordan det gikk med familien i Afghanistan, hvilket land de selv skulle

flykte til og hvordan de ville bli mottatt i sitt nye hjemland. Blant annet be-

skrev flere voldelige møter med lokalt politi og en reise til flere land og kul-

turer før de fikk asyl i Norge.

Etter å ha fått innvilget asyl ble informantene plassert på asylmottak og

etter hvert bofellesskap for enslige mindreårige flyktninger. I bofellesskapene

mottok informantene støtte og veiledning for hvordan de kunne etablere seg

i Norge samt hjelp til å komme i gang med bearbeidelsen av tidligere hen-

delser og traumer. Som et ledd i sistnevnte ble informantene oppmuntret til

å ta del i ulike idrettsaktiviteter. Informantene beskrev bofellesskapets støtte

som svært betydningsfull, og påpekte at idrettsaktivitetene ble et sted hvor de

hadde det gøy og fikk muligheten til å tenke på andre ting enn familien sin

i hjemlandet og flukten til Norge. En av dem snakket om det slik:

Norge er veldig fint. Ingen våpen, slåssing eller raketter. Jeg opplevde

mye rart før jeg kom til Norge. Det var veldig tungt for meg. Derfor

ville jeg ikke sitte og tenke og føle på alt mulig rart. Jeg ville holde

meg opptatt. Det vil jeg fortsatt. Så når jeg tenker for mye er det fint

å spille fotball. Være Messi eller Ronaldo. Det er veldig gøy, og jeg

slipper å tenke så mye på alt mulig.

At informantene ble oppfordret til å ta del i idrettsaktivitet, viser hvordan

ansatte ved bofellesskap anser idrettsaktivitet som en viktig fritidsaktivitet,

og som noe de ønsker å legge til rette for i informantenes første tid i Norge

(Seland & Lidén, 2011). Samtidig viser informantene hvordan det å ha det

gøy og gå inn i rollen som en av verdens beste fotballspillere blir en måte

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bevegelsesfellesskap i oppveksten

å leve seg inn i aktiviteten, og fullt og helt være til stede i fotballens verden.

Å «være Messi eller Ronaldo» fungerer dermed som en avlastningsstruk-

tur hvor informantene får utløp for vanskelige følelser og en time-out fra

bekymringer og tidligere traumatiske opplevelser (Elias & Dunning, 1986).

Opplevelsen av idrettsaktivitet som en kreativ lekeplass og rituelt rom virker

imidlertid å være begrenset da informantene i møte med norske idrettslag

opplevde at deres måte å utøve idrett ikke nødvendigvis gikk overens med

det etablerte idrettsfellesskapets krav og forventninger.

Idrettslaget – et betinget fellesskap?

I forkant av informantenes første møte med norske idrettslag var forhåpnin-

gene store til at idrettslaget kunne være et sted å møte norske jevnaldrende

og lære seg norsk. Informantenes første tid i sine respektive idrettslag ble be-

skrevet som inkluderende og i tråd med disse forventningene: samtlige for-

talte at de ble tatt godt imot av trenere og utøvere, at de fikk utdelt nødvendig

treningsutstyr og dekket treningsavgift og at idrettslaget eller bofellesskapet

bistod med transport for de med lang reisevei.

Etter hvert som følelsen av å være ny forsvant, og informantene møtte

«hverdagen» i idrettslagene, opplevde imidlertid de som spilte fotball det

utfordrende å finne sin plass. Hovedutfordringen skyldtes et opplevd press

om å spille fotball på «den norske måten», hvilket var veldig ulik den måten

informantene spilte fotball på i Afghanistan.

Fotball i Afghanistan og Norge er veldig forskjellig. Her er de veldig

opptatt av én måte å spille på. Det er veldig fysisk og taktisk. Jeg har

ikke så god fotballforståelse, og liker å drible. Det er vanskelig. Som

ny på laget sa de, «du må spille som oss». Måtte ikke føre ballen så

mye. Det tar lang tid å lære. Jeg og flere kompiser fra bofellesskapet

sluttet ganske raskt.

Denne opplevelsen illustrerer hvordan informantene opplevde at fotballfer-

dighetene deres ble sett på som mangelfulle, og som må formes i tråd med

idrettslagets etablerte forståelse av hvordan fotball spilles (Dowling, 2019).

Å være god virker dermed ikke å være nok for å ta del i idrettslaget, en må

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en må liksom ha en grunn til å snakke med nordmenn

også være god på «riktig» måte. Informantenes idrettsdeltakelse kan dermed

gi inntrykk av å være betinget av den enkelte utøvers evne og vilje til å tilpasse

seg treneren og lagets forventninger, hvilket antyder hvordan norske idretts-

lag kan være bygget på ideer om assimilering (Andersson, 2008; Strandbu,

2002). Denne opplevelsen virket imidlertid ikke å være like til stede i kamp-

sportidrettene. Snarere tvert imot ble deres erfaringer med ulike former for

kampsport og teknikker ansett som et spennende tilskudd i klubben, og

informantene ble oppfordret til å satse og gå «all in» for å nå deres ambi-

sjoner.

Jeg har trent mye kampsport fra barndommen. På første trening

spurte treneren om jeg ville prøve noen teknikker, og jeg latet som

jeg ikke kunne noen ting. Så jeg lurte han litt. Plutselig kastet jeg

en annen utøver i matten, og treneren ble paff. Jeg viste noen kaste-

teknikker, og han spurte om jeg hadde erfaring med kampsport. Jeg

svarte at jeg hadde trent mye i Afghanistan. Så da fikk jeg bli med,

og det har gått veldig bra.

Informantenes opplevelse av å bli møtt med nysgjerrighet og entusiasme

antyder at idrettslagenes krav om tilpasning kan justeres, så lenge prestasjo-

nen er god nok. At nettopp kampsportutøverne opplevde å lykkes i å tilpasse

seg idrettslagets forventninger kan ses i sammenheng med at de i barndom-

men ble trent av voksne i en kontekst som minner om norske idrettslag.

Slik fikk de i større grad enn informantene som spilte egenorganisert fot-

ball erfaring med å trene målrettet og å tilpasse seg en treners forventnin-

ger. Samlet viser dette hvor avgjørende tidligere idrettserfaringer kan være

for flyktningers mulighet til å trene og konkurrere med norske ungdommer.

Disse utøverne opplevde det allikevel utfordrende å finne seg til rette sosialt

i idrettslaget, hvilket tyder på at prestasjoner alene ikke er nok for å ta del

i det sterke fellesskapet idrettslaget kan være.

I elitegruppen er vi 8–9 utøvere. Jeg er den eneste utlendingen. Vi har

det gøy. Tuller mye før og etter trening. Også trener vi seriøst. Men

etter trening? Vi henger på trening, men jeg har aldri prøvd å være

med gutta utenfor trening. Vi chatter litt på Messenger, men ikke

noe mer. Men det er ikke så viktig heller. Målet mitt er å bli en «pro

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bevegelsesfellesskap i oppveksten

fighter», så det viktigste er at de kan hjelpe meg på veien. Også syns

jeg nordmenn er litt kalde. De vil ikke være sosiale, en må liksom ha

en grunn til å snakke med nordmenn. Jeg tror det er fordi vi ikke har

samme oppvekst. Vi har ikke gått på samme skole. Vi er ikke enige

om alt. Jeg tror det er derfor nordmenn helst vil henge med nord-

menn også. Og gjerne nordmenn de har kjent lenge.

Fortellingen illustrerer hvordan informantene som hadde tilpasset seg de

sportslige forventningene i sine idrettslag, fortsatt opplevde det utford-

rende å knytte sosiale bånd og vennskap med norske ungdommer. At en

manglende felles oppvekst og skolegang fremstår som avgjørende for til-

gang til idrettslagenes sterke samhold og identitet, antyder hvordan utøvere

med fremmede væremåter og kulturbakgrunn kan bli utsatt for utenforskap

(Elias & Scotson, 1994). For enslige mindreårige flyktninger med relativ kort

botid og skolegang i Norge kan en slik barriere være utfordrende å overkom-

me. Slik peker informantenes opplevelser og erfaringer på hvordan idretts-

lagenes assimilerende tilnærminger kan strekke seg ut over selve aktiviteten.

Informantenes forhandlinger om hvorvidt innsatsen og engasjementet ved

idrettsdeltakelse er verdt prisen, virker allikevel å være ulik da fotballspil-

lerne snakker om kravet om å tilpasse seg den «riktige» måten å spille fotball

på som en barriere for deltakelse, mens kampsportutøverne i større grad vur-

derte ekskluderingen fra det sosiale fellesskapet som en pris de var villige til

å betale i jakten på å bli best mulig.

Avslutning

Utgangspunktet for kapittelet har vært å undersøke hvordan enslige mind-

reårige flyktninger erfarer verdien av å delta i idrettsaktivitet, og hvordan

de opplever sitt møte med norske idrettslag. Informantenes fortellinger viste

hvordan deres positive erfaringer med idrettsaktivitet i hjemlandet gjorde

at de hadde store forventninger til å delta i idrettslag i Norge. Den første

tiden i idrettslagene er i tråd med forventningene, og idrettsdeltakelse opp-

levdes som gøy og som en viktig avlastningsstruktur og time-out fra tidligere

traumatiske opplevelser. Etter hvert opplevde imidlertid informantene å bli

møtt med forventninger om gode og «riktige» ferdigheter samt kjennskap

219

en må liksom ha en grunn til å snakke med nordmenn

til norske normer og verdier. Slik ble informantenes ønske og behov for en

arena hvor de kan slippe seg løs og være kreative møtt med holdninger som

antyder at de ikke er i stand til å tilpasse seg spillestiler som handler mer

om kontroll enn kreativitet. Informantene opplevde slik en forventning om

å tilpasse seg det etablerte fellesskapet måte å utøve idrett på. Særlig fotball-

spillerne opplevde det svært utfordrende å etterleve disse forventningene, og

flere omtalte det som årsaken til at de sluttet. Til sammenligning vurderte

kampsportutøverne at deres manglende følelse av å være en del av det sosiale

fellesskapet var en pris de var villige til å betale i jakten på å bli profesjonelle

utøvere.

De ulike vurderingene viser hvordan idrettens fellesskap er flertydig,

og hvordan opplevelsen av å utgjøre et lag ikke nødvendigvis er avhengig

av at alle legger samme mening i idretten (Strandbu mfl., 2021). Samtidig

viser særlig fotballklubbenes assimilerende tilnærminger hvordan idrettsfel-

lesskapet slår sprekker idet ulike oppfatninger om hva idrett skal være blir

gjort eksplisitte. «Du må spille som oss» er et godt eksempel på dette da det

innebærer at idrett skal utøves på en bestemt måte, og hvordan andre tilnær-

minger og spillestiler oppleves som annerledes og ødeleggende. For infor-

mantene virker denne rigiditeten å fungere som en sperre for deres ønske om

å uttrykke seg og få utløp for spontanitet og følelser gjennom idrettsdelta-

kelse. I denne oppfordringen gjøres det også eksplisitt overfor informantene

hvordan deres ferdigheter og karaktertrekk tilskrives negative representasjo-

ner, hvorpå majoritetsungdommen fremstilles som bedre og overlegne (Elias

& Scotson, 1994). Denne sammenligningen og konstruksjonen av infor-

mantene som noe helt annerledes enn deres norske medspillere indikerer at

idrettslaget blir en arena for andregjøring og utenforskap heller enn et ver-

difullt fellesskap for integrering.

Hva sier så funnene om idrettslagenes integreringsansvar, og følgelig

den organiserte idrettens integreringspotensial? Først og fremst gir infor-

mantenes fortellinger oss en pekepinn på hvordan idrettslagene har legiti-

mert en sportokratisk tilnærming (Tangen, 2009), hvilket innebærer at «alt

som skjer i klubber og forbund relateres, forankres og legitimeres i det orga-

nisasjonene oppfatter som idrettslig virksomhet» (s. 7). Da idrettslig virk-

somhet først og fremst virker å innebære konkurranseidretten (Sjöblom

& Fahlén, 2010), vitner dette om en praksis som vektlegger seleksjon fremfor

integrering (se kapittel 9 i denne boken). At idrettslagenes eneste tiltak for

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bevegelsesfellesskap i oppveksten

å fremme idrettsdeltakelse blant informantene var å dekke utgifter knyttet til

utstyr og trening illustrerer også hvordan deres integreringsansvar ikke for-

stås som å legge til rette for samordningsprosesser, utveksling av kulturelle

normer og tilegnelse av nye ressurser, men heller som en instrumentell til-

nærming hvor alle skal ha muligheten til å starte med idrett. Idrettslagenes

praksis er slik i tråd med en egalitær forståelse av inkludering heller enn inte-

grering. En slik prioritering av inkludering er problematisk da det medfører

en praksis som bygger på en forestilling om at tradisjonell idrettsdeltakelse

alene er integrerende, og en antakelse om at alle barn og unge med mino-

ritetsbakgrunn har samme forutsetninger for å ta del i et idrettsfellesskap

(Agergaard, 2018).

Oppsummert gir dette grunn til å granske det som fremstår som idyl-

liske forestillinger om idrett som en arena for integrering, og utfordre tanken

om at idrettens fellesskap er bygget på enkle forventninger. Da jeg har valgt

å sette søkelyset på enslige mindreårige flyktninger, og seks unge menns erfa-

ringer med to idrettsgrener og et knippe idrettslag, representerer funnene

en liten gruppe med særskilte hjelpe- og omsorgsbehov (Berg & Tronstad,

2015). Informantenes forutsetninger og fortellinger er med andre ord situa-

sjonsbestemt. Mitt formål har først og fremst vært å peke på noen av konflik-

tene og spenningene som kan oppstå i unge flyktningers møte med norske

idrettslag. Kapittelet er et bidrag til den stadig økende litteraturen som utfor-

sker og sår tvil om idrettens rolle som integreringsarena.

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en må liksom ha en grunn til å snakke med nordmenn

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Paper 3. Nesse, Agergaard & Piggott (2023)

Young refugees’experiences of

accumulating horizontal and

vertical social capital through

organised and informal sports

Martin Nesse

Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway

Sine Agergaard

Aalborg University, Denmark

Lucy V Piggott

Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway

Abstract

For the last 20 years, Putnam’s conceptualisations of bonding and bridging social capital have

become a common reference for policies and programmes that seek to promote integration in

and through sports. However, few researchers have looked beyond face-to-face interactions to

how sports may develop migrants’relations to formal associations, institutions, and agencies in

civil society. In this article, we aim to explore how young refugees accumulate diverse forms of

social capital through participation in sports clubs and informal sports. Drawing on

Lewandowski’s conceptualisations of horizontal and vertical social capital, we analyse 10 young

refugees’experiences with sports participation in Norway. The results show that informants

found it challenging to participate in sports clubs due to conﬂicting views on how to ‘do sports’

as well as processes of ‘othering’. As a result, their opportunities for accumulating vertical social

capital (social connections and resources across vertical power differentials) were limited and only

identiﬁed for the most highly skilled informants. Consequently, the informants dropped out of

sports clubs and instead joined informal sports to experience a sense of community and belonging

with peers similar to themselves. By doing so, the informants were able to accumulate horizontal

social capital (resources within a speciﬁc socioeconomic or cultural stratum) as well as negotiating

speciﬁc types of vertical social capital. Overall, our ﬁndings illustrate some of the challenges and

Corresponding author:

Martin Nesse, Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology,

7491 Trondheim, Norway.

Email: martin.nesse@ntnu.no

Research Article

International Review for the

Sociology of Sport

1–18

Article reuse guidelines:

sagepub.com/journals-permissions

DOI: 10.1177/10126902231217941

journals.sagepub.com/home/irs

limitations of Norwegian sports policy and clubs in facilitating social capital and, thus, social mobil-

ity for young refugees.

Keywords

refugees, sports, integration, horizontal social capital, vertical social capital

With the publication of his critically acclaimed book, ‘Bowling Alone’, Robert Putnam’s

(2000) concept of social capital gained substantial attention amongst both academics and

practitioners and has since had a considerable impact on (sports) policy worldwide

(Tacon, 2021). Due to his emphasis on the beneﬁts derived from social networks,

trust, and reciprocal norms within voluntary organisations, and particularly membership

associations in which people regularly interact face-to-face, voluntary sports clubs were

quickly identiﬁed as important institutions in enabling the development and maintenance

of social capital within and across societies. This aligned with well-documented historical

traditions of politicians ascribing a series of personal and social beneﬁts to sport

(Vermeulen and Verweel, 2009).

A particular area of focus in the relationship between social capital and sport has been

inclusion and integration among migrants. That is, there seems to be a strong political

belief that supporting migrants in participating in voluntary sports clubs will enhance

social capital and facilitate social inclusion and integration (Spracklen et al., 2015). A

prevailing notion among policymakers on sports and integration seems to be that

migrants should participate in ethnically mixed sports clubs rather than ethnic minority

clubs (i.e. mono-ethnic; Tacon, 2021). This is based upon the assumption that bridging

across ethnic groups encourages greater integration into the host community compared

to participation in ethnically separate clubs. Thus, for these reasons, a narrative has devel-

oped that has positioned ethnically mixed clubs as more valuable and desirable in efforts

to integrate refugees into local communities (Tacon, 2021). However, studies that have

compared and contrasted the accumulation of social capital in separate and mixed

clubs have presented a more nuanced picture, showing how in-group bonding and out-

group bridging seem to occur in both settings (Spaaij, 2012; Theeboom et al., 2012;

Verhagen and Boonstra, 2014; Vermeulen and Verweel, 2009). Thus, the reality of nego-

tiating social capital appears more complex and non-linear than often presented in theory

and policy.

The importance and relevance of social bonding and social bridging are well explored

in the body of research on sport and integration (Ager and Strang, 2004; Spaaij, 2012).

However, there seems to be a lack of research on how migrants develop relations with

formal associations and institutions inside and outside civil society through sports partici-

pation. Two exceptions are Spaaij’s (2012) and Block and Gibbs’(2017) studies on the

social integration of refugees in Australia, which discuss the importance of linking indi-

viduals with societal institutions. Both studies show how refugees experience an absence

or scarcity of resources like education and language proﬁciency that foster social mobil-

ity, participation in associations, and shared cooperative actions up and down the socio-

economic and cultural ladder in their new home country. This lack of social capital is

2International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

conceptualised by Lewandowski (2008) as ‘social poverty’, which is problematic as it

promotes antagonistic class divisions as well as the stratiﬁcation of human capabilities.

Following these studies and challenges of social poverty amongst refugees, we believe

that Lewandowski’s (2008) concepts of horizontal and vertical social capital can aid

exploration of the extent to which sport participation facilitates newcomers’accumulation

of resources and knowledge that help in accessing important formal societal domains

such as employment, housing, education, and health care.

The aim of this article is, therefore, to explore how young refugees experience the pro-

cesses of accumulating horizontal and vertical social capital through participation in

sports clubs and/or informal sports. Following Jeanes et al. (2019: 79), we deﬁne informal

sports as ‘[sports] participation that is self-organised and not club based’. We endeavour

to contribute to the under-developed body of literature examining how sports may lead to

an accumulation of social capital beyond social bonding and bridging. Furthermore, as

the data material is based on life-story interviews with young refugees living in

Norway, we deliver a novel empirical contribution to research on young refugees’

sports participation in a Scandinavian setting where sports clubs are often seen as key

arenas for accumulation of social capital.

Sport for young refugees in Norway

Before presenting the conceptual framework, we will brieﬂy discuss the applied context

of this study: the political mandate of integration given to voluntary sports clubs in

Norway. This mandate emphasises integration being ‘more than just participation in

sports’(Nesse and Hovden, 2023: 4), as voluntary sports clubs are expected to facilitate

structural, social-cultural, and social-affective integration (see Elling et al., 2001).

Resultantly, the Norwegian Olympic and Paralympic Committee and Confederation of

Sports (NIF) receive considerable state funding to support its inclusion-focused work

in promoting ‘enjoyment of sport for all’and ‘playful, ambitious, honest and inclusive’

sport (NIF, 2019: 5).

However, while sport is often constructed as an essentially good, unifying, pure, and

wholesome institution, Dowling (2019: 2) argues that policymakers’‘ill-deﬁned pol-

icies of sport for integration are difﬁcult to realise and, paradoxically, can lead to a

sense of alterity and exclusion’. This is in line with ﬁndings from other studies

showing how integration is downgraded in favour of competitive sports in Norway

(Friberg and Gautun, 2007; Nesse and Hovden, 2023) and the Nordic countries

(Bjerregaard et al., 2009; Flensner et al., 2021; Hertting and Karlefors, 2021).

Furthermore, whilst Norwegian-based studies show that sports participation is the

most popular activity among young refugees (Seland and Lidén, 2011) and is essential

in creating safe spaces from the challenges of young refugees’everyday lives (Nesse,

2023), Dowling (2019) argues that young refugees are subjected to assimilation and

othering within voluntary sports clubs.

With this as a backdrop, we place value on understanding how refugees experience

developing horizontal and vertical social relationships through both formal and informal

sports. This is particularly crucial when research shows that migrants and refugees drop

out of voluntary sports clubs in favour of informal sports (Andersen and Bakken, 2015).

Nesse et al. 3

To support our understanding of how young refugees experience the development of

social connections through sports participation and the extent to which they perceive

them as a driving force in the process of integration, we will draw upon Lewandowski’s

(2008, 2018) conceptualisations of horizontal and vertical social capital, and ‘social

poverty’.

Conceptual framework: social capital and integration

Social capital and related concepts have proven valuable for policymakers and research-

ers alike and, within the social sciences, the popularisation of social capital has resulted in

its merging into broader ideas of social cohesion and national unity (Agergaard, 2018;

Spaaij, 2012). Here, Putnam’s (2000; 2002) work in particular has been used to

present social capital as the outcome of participation in sports and leisure activities.

However, following Blackshaw and Long (2005: 241), Putnam’s conceptualisation of

social capital is challenging as it offers ‘an imaginary construction [more] than a solution

for the pains that it claims to cure’.

Similarly, Lewandowski (2018: 388) states that Putnam’s (2000; 2002) ‘sociologically

vague methaphors’of bonding and bridging have proven challenging as they fail to dis-

tinguish adequately between different empirical and normative types of social capital. To

accommodate this challenge, Lewandowski (2008) introduces the concepts of horizontal

and vertical social capital. Here, horizontal social capital refers to resources ‘that are

accessible and appropriable within a speciﬁc socioeconomic or cultural stratum’

(Lewandowski, 2008: 32), for example, the development of social networks, trust,

and a sense of community. Thus, horizontal social capital is a stratiﬁed resource for indi-

vidual and collective actions within a given habitus (to borrow Bourdieu’s, 1977 term). It

must, therefore, be considered the most basic and commonplace form of social capital.

In contrast, vertical social capital is referred to as a ‘destratifying resource for individ-

ual and collective actions from one habitus to others above and/or below it’

(Lewandowski, 2008: 32). Or, put differently, resources that are obtainable and appropri-

able between and among various socioeconomic and cultural strata. This aligns with the

related concept of linking social capital, which refers to social relations connecting indi-

viduals across explicit ‘vertical’power differentials and accessing public and private ser-

vices (Lewandowski and Streich, 2007). This includes ties between citizens and civil

servants (Barker and Thomson, 2015) or individuals’access to professional resources

(Dahl and Malmberg-Heimonen, 2010). However, a restrictive component of linking

capital is the necessity of face-to-face interactions. For example, Szreter and Woolcock

(2004: 655) emphasise that linking social capital ‘only can be delivered through

on-going face-to-face interactions such as classroom teaching’. This ignores processes

of resource accumulation that sit outside of exclusively face-to-face interactions, such

as gaining a ‘knowledge of the system’through involvement in sports clubs as an

administrator or player, which seem more dependent on time in the given social ﬁeld

than direct face-to-face interactions (Spaaij, 2012). Similarly, Agergaard (2018) also

emphasises how migrants may acquire vertical social capital over time as they get

acquainted with societal institutions and develop trust in the laws and administration

of the host society.

4International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

Within this article, we refer to vertical social capital as an umbrella term for developing

social connections and resources that connect individuals across socioeconomic or cultural

strata and give access to public and private services. Our understanding of vertical social

capital includes Szreter and Woolcock’s (2004) deﬁnition of linking social capital,

whilst avoiding conceptual restrictions that prioritise face-to-face interactions and neglect

the importance of time. Following Lewandowski (2008), this conceptualisation of vertical

social capital is normatively different from horizontal social capital as it fosters mutual rec-

ognition across cultural classes and class divisions and plays an important role in realising

institutional change in socially complex and culturally diverse societies. Thus, the utilisa-

tion of these concepts of social capital allow the development of a greater understanding of

how and why some refugees engaged in sport simultaneously experience a wealth of hori-

zontal social capital alongside a poverty of vertical social capital.

Methodology

The empirical material presented in this article draws from the ﬁrst author’s PhD project

on the integration of unaccompanied minor refugees in voluntary sports clubs in Norway.

The project utilised in-depth semi-structured interviews inspired by Atkinson’s (1998)

‘lifestory interviews’as the primary research method. With this approach, the interviews

aimed to uncover the individual’s narrative as entirely and honestly as possible through

conversations with the interviewer. The stories represented in this article are retrieved

from ten interviews with young adults (18–23 years old) who arrived in Norway as

unaccompanied minor asylum seekers. After having their asylum application approved,

all informants lived in different housing arrangements for unaccompanied minors

before moving out, living alone, with relatives, or being assigned a Norwegian family.

At the time of the interview, the informants’times of residence in Norway were

between three and seven years.

Due to increasingly restrictive immigration and integration policies in Norway, as well

as other Western European states (Hernes, 2018), the proportion of unaccompanied minor

refugees who have been granted permanent residence in Norway has decreased signiﬁ-

cantly in the last two decades (Kirkeberg et al., 2022). In 2022, a total number of 510

unaccompanied minor refugees were granted residence (ImdI, 2023). Furthermore, as

this group of young refugees has escaped war, persecution, and challenging living con-

ditions whilst lacking their parents’care, guidance, and protection, they are particularly

prone to mental disorders and in need of careful follow-up and individual provision

(Svendsen et al., 2018). As such, the Norwegian government highly protects unaccom-

panied minor refugees, making this group challenging to contact and interview. Thus,

to recruit informants, the ﬁrst author collaborated with the ‘Child and Family Service’

(CFS) in one of the largest municipalities in Norway. From there, an information letter

was developed to ensure the municipality and the CFS were familiar with the project’s

purpose and the possible informants’legal rights. This letter was later presented to pro-

spective informants.

Initially, we planned to adopt a ‘maximum variation sampling’strategy (Markula and

Silk, 2011) with the following initial selection criteria: (a) the refugees had to arrive in

Norway as unaccompanied minor asylum seekers and later be given status as refugees,

Nesse et al. 5

and (b) they had to have experience with participating in voluntary sports clubs in Norway.

However, after taking advice from an advisor at CFS, we added the criterion that informants

had to be a minimum of 18 years old due to privacy challenges. These criteria were passed

on to a social educator who worked at several housing associations and thus knew and con-

tacted potential informants. As a result, nine refugees showed interest in the project, of

which six agreed to be interviewed. These were all men from Afghanistan.

After sampling, the ﬁrst author constructed an interview guide consisting of three main

topics: (a) school and leisure activities, (b) experience with sports in their home country,

and (c) experience with voluntary sports clubs in Norway. Due to restrictions related to

Covid-19, two interviews were conducted by phone, whilst four were face-to-face. The

interviews lasted between 30 and 45 min. Two informants did not allow recording of

the interview. Due to relatively few initial informants and a lack of opportunity for snow-

ball sampling, the ﬁrst author approached the CFS again, expanding the selection criteria

to recruit more informants. The new criterion was ‘an interest in participating in voluntary

sports clubs in Norway’. This resulted in ﬁve new informants, two women from Eritrea

and two women and one man from Ethiopia. The ﬁrst author interviewed all ﬁve

face-to-face, with the interviews lasting between 40 and 60 min. Following the

ﬁve interviews, it became apparent that one of the women from Ethiopia had no interest

in sports participation in Norway nor her home country. Hence, as she did not meet the

selection criteria, she was excluded from the analysis. Thus, the narratives represented in

this study are based on the stories of 10 informants, as outlined in Table 1.

Due to the informants’limited Norwegian language skills as well as a (natural) hesi-

tancy to talk about sensitive experiences, their storytelling was somewhat fragmented. To

accommodate the challenge of interviews mostly consisting of short answers and afﬁrma-

tive nods, the analysis is inspired by what Riessman (2008) refers to as thematic narrative

analysis. This approach includes deconstructing the informant’s life stories and identify-

ing themes that are not unique to one informant but, in sum, represent a greater narrative

(Riessman, 2008; Sandberg, 2022). In doing so, our analysis strategy emphasised an

inductive approach in coding and categorising the empirical material. This included an

‘in vivo’coding process to develop categorisations closely related to the words and phras-

ings introduced in the interviews.

Following coding and the development, deﬁning, and interpretation of themes, the

next phase of our analysis process involved the creation of three narratives. The ﬁrst nar-

rative, narrative 1, is based on themes encompassing experiences with informal sports in

the informant’s home country and challenges related to the style of play or lack of the

‘proper’skillset required for participation in voluntary sports clubs in Norway. Here,

the most inﬂuential themes are: (a) I used to play sports back home with my friends,

(b) in my home country we played with street rules, (c) Norwegian sports are both phys-

ically and tactically demanding, and (d) I am expected to adapt to the Norwegian ‘no ﬂair’

style of play. The second narrative, narrative 2, is also based on themes related to experi-

ences with informal sports in the informant’s home country. However, it differentiates

from the ﬁrst narrative, combining themes encompassing a successful attempt to partici-

pate in voluntary sports clubs. Here, the most inﬂuential themes are: (a) I used to train

with adults back home, (b) in my home country, we trained seriously, (c) my skillset

was highly welcome in Norway, and (d) I have teammates, not friends. Finally, the

6International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

Table 1. The informants and their experience with sports participation

Nationality Gender Age

Length of

residence in

Norway

(years)

Experience with

sports in home

country Experience with sports in Norway

Afghanistan Male 18 6 Informal sports

–football

- Played for three different football

clubs in Norway before dropping

out

Afghanistan Male 19 Unknown Informal sports

–football

- Played in a football club for a short

period

- Wants to join a boxing gym

- Informal sports participation:

football

- Fitness centre member

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Afghanistan Male 19 3 Unknown - Played in a football club for two

years before dropping out.

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Afghanistan Male 23 6 Informal sports

–football and

volleyball

- Informal sports participation:

volleyball with Afghan and

Norwegian peers

- Fitness centre member

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Afghanistan Male 22 Unknown Informal sports

–football and

wrestling

- Used to be part of a

high-performance mixed martial

arts club, performing at a high

international level in several

martial arts forms. Eventually

dropped out as he had to move to

another city.

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Afghanistan Male 21 6 Informal sports

–football

- Played football for several different

teams over a time span of 4 years.

Had to drop out due to an injury

- Fitness centre member

- Informal sports participation:

football, running, cross-country

skiing

- Played sports in the reception centre

Eritrea Female 20 Unknown Informal sports

–football

- Played in a football club for a short

period

- Informal sports

participation: volleyball

- Played sports in the reception centre

(Continued)

Nesse et al. 7

last narrative, narrative 3, is based on themes describing experiences of not being wel-

comed in voluntary sports clubs in Norway. Thus, this narrative includes themes

related to experiences of rejection or a sense of being unfairly treated by the sports

clubs. Here, the most signiﬁcant themes are: (a) I reached out to sports clubs, but they

did not respond, (b) I was put on a team with younger girls, and (c) I ﬁnd Norwegians

uninterested in interacting with us refugees.

The narratives developed aim to showcase three ways the informants have tried partici-

pating in voluntary sports clubs in Norway. Furthermore, the narratives also describe a

broader story of the barriers and opportunities unaccompanied minor refugees meet in accu-

mulating social capital in formal and informal sports. However, developing such narratives

is not free of concern nor power dynamics. Firstly, as speciﬁed by Sandberg (2022) and

Tjønndal and Hovden (2021), it is important to note that a thematic narrative analysis

involves a critical reading of the data material where we, as researchers, deconstruct, inter-

pret, and prioritise events and relationships in the informants’lives while neglecting others.

In doing so, we reconstructed the informants’stories and gathered them in a ‘typical’nar-

rative that is ‘richer, more condensed, and coherent than scattered stories across single inter-

views’[authors’translation] (Kvale and Brinkmann, 2015: 251).

Another concern in developing narratives based on stories of refugees is, as addressed

by Ratna and Samie (2018) and Mashreghi (2020, 2021), the possibility of such studies

being perceived as Eurocentric with the risk of researchers positioning the ‘cultural other’

Table 1. (continued)

Nationality Gender Age

Length of

residence in

Norway

(years)

Experience with

sports in home

country Experience with sports in Norway

Ethiopia Female 18 4 None - Played in a football club for a year

- Tried ﬂoorbal (formal sports) but

dropped out due to Covid-19

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Eritrea Female 20 3 Informal sports

–football

- Informal sports participation:

football, volleyball

- Fitness centre member

- Wants to join a boxing gym

- Played sports in the reception

centre

Ethiopia Male 21 4 None - Wanted to participate in a football

club and contacted a few clubs, but

it did not work out.

- Informal sports participation:

football

- Fitness centre member

- Played sports in the reception

centre

8International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

as fundamentally different and less than their European counterparts. To accommodate

this challenge when developing and analysing the narratives, we drew on the work of

Nobis and El-Kayed (2022) to acknowledge and address our subjectivities as researchers.

In doing so, we critically reﬂected on ‘possible biases and hegemonic patterns in knowl-

edge production’that can result in the ‘Othering’of those with migrant backgrounds

(Nobis and El-Kayed, 2022: 2). A particular focus throughout this process was ensuring

that we did not place more weight on the informants’refugee backgrounds than was war-

ranted by the empirical data.

Regarding our ethical considerations, the Norwegian Centre for Research Data (NSD)

has approved the study proposal. Participants were informed about the voluntary nature

of participation and guaranteed conﬁdentiality. Three necessary measures were taken to

ensure the informants’conﬁdentiality. First, the authors never learned the names of the

informants and the ﬁrst author never asked the informants for their names during the

interviews. Second, eight of nine face-to-face interviews were conducted at a refugee

centre to ensure a safe environment for the informants and to ensure that the informants

were not seen publicly with anyone related to the project. Third, we have adopted a

de-identiﬁcation strategy where we removed all references to their housing arrangements,

family, friends, and sports clubs.

Analysis

The informants in this study all share a similar story regarding their sports participation in

Norway. Before attempting to take part in Norwegian sports clubs, they all participated in

sports in an asylum centre. From there on, all informants eventually favoured informal

sports participation with other migrants and refugees over organised sport

through their local sports club. We structure the following analyses according to these

common journeys by ﬁrst exploring informants’experiences and possibilities of accumu-

lating vertical social capital in sports clubs. In the last section, we then explore how the

informant’s scarcity of vertical social capital in sports clubs has resulted in them turning

to informal sports, which were discussed as important arenas of horizontal social capital.

Vertical social capital in Norwegian sports clubs: a matter of skill, performance,

and willingness of Norwegian teammates

I escaped from my home country. It sort of just happened; I had to run. After a long time on the

run, I ended up in Norway. After a year at an asylum centre, I got status as a refugee and moved

into a housing association. I lived there with other refugees and the social educators. We were

introduced to school quite early. We played football at the asylum centre, which I liked. So,

when the social educators at my house almost immediately mentioned the importance of

sports and participation in sports clubs, I was thrilled. Soon after, a refugee organisation intro-

duced me to this event where a lot of different sports were on display so we could try and ﬁgure

out if we liked it. I have some experience with football from my home country, so I decided to

join a football club. (Narrative 1)

The informants’experiences of being introduced to sports clubs soon after being

assigned a housing association serve as an example of the strong political belief within

Nesse et al. 9

Norway that sports participation will enhance integration. Furthermore, the emphasis by

social educators on the importance of participation in sports clubs and not just facilitating

sports activities in and between different housing arrangements appears to align with the

common belief that club-based sports participation will provide networks that bring

together people who are unlike one another, and thus facilitate vertical social capital.

Furthermore, most informants were positive about joining a Norwegian sports club

and looked forward to meeting Norwegian peers and participating in the club’s commu-

nity. However, some informants found it challenging to get in contact with their local

sports clubs and even more so to take part in the community of the club:

I was looking forward to participating in a sports club. I had learned a lot from the social edu-

cators at my housing arrangements about Norwegian society and was ready to practice what I

had learned. We spoke about it, my ﬂatmates and me, that sports could be a great place to

meet others, have fun, learn the language and so on. You know, integrate. So, with some assist-

ance from a social educator, we reached out to two or three football clubs nearby and asked if we

could come to training. We never heard back from most of them. It was disappointing. Luckily, I

eventually found a club that welcomed me. In the beginning, it was a really good experience. I

got a jersey and gear, and everyone welcomed me to the club. However, I found it, and still ﬁnd

it, hard to get to know Norwegian youth. In my team, everyone said ‘hello’and ‘see you later,’

but that was about it. I ﬁnd Norwegians uninterested in interacting with us refugees. I quickly

realised that taking part in a Norwegian sports club would be challenging, and dropped out soon

after. (Narrative 3)

In addition to ﬁnding it challenging to create and develop social networks with

Norwegian peers, informants also discussed how they experienced a continuous compari-

son between what they refer to as ‘migrants’or ‘refugees’on the one hand and

‘Norwegians’on the other. Such comparisons were particularly prevalent regarding the

sporting activities themselves and challenges related to skill, performance, and issues

of prejudgement:

In my home country, we do sports differently than in Norway. We play by ‘street rules.’The

winner stays on. The fat kid was always the goalie. And we played with ﬂair; it was all

about being Cristiano Ronaldo or Lionel Messi. To dribble and score goals. In Norway,

however, this is not appreciated. Norwegian teams play in a certain way, very physically and

with demanding tactics. I don’t see football like this, so adapting is very hard. Don’t dribble

and stuff. I kept being told to ‘play like us.’Eventually, I dropped out. I only do informal

sports with other migrants and refugees. (Narrative 1)

After a good welcome to the club, I quickly discovered that I was put in a team for

ﬁfteen-year-olds. I was 18 at the time. I think it was because of my level of skills. Or maybe

my lack of skills. Of course, they were better than me initially, as I hadn’t played much since

I left my home country. The coach helped me a lot and showed me what I needed to

improve to get on the team. I eventually got the hang of it, and in my opinion, I was at the

level of my teammates after some time. However, I could not play any games as I was too

old. I was not allowed. It made me feel, well, not welcome in the club. Why would they put

me in a team where I couldn’t play matches? And in a team with girls a lot younger than

10 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

me? Why couldn’t I play with the girls at my school or at least my age? I dropped out eventually.

Today, I do informal sports with other refugees. (Narrative 3)

Similar to Spaaij’s (2012) study, these narratives reveal ﬁndings that inter-ethnic social-

isation involved conﬂictual views on how to ‘do sports’as well as processes of ‘othering’

(Agergaard, 2018; Dowling, 2019). Resultantly, most informants dropped out of their

sports clubs in favour of informal sports, which had clear negative implications for the

young refugees’opportunities to accumulate vertical social capital via the sports club

setting.

Where examples of vertical social capital were reported in sports clubs, they were iso-

lated, highly varied, non-linear, and directly related to the skill level of the informants.

One example was related to education, where the sports club and the local high school

had jointly initiated a ‘dual career’initiative. Another was club participation leading to

the obtaining of a driver’s licence and accessing the job market:

Being on my former team, one of the most important things I learned was the importance of

education. When I was about to start high school, I was unsure if I should drop out and work

instead. I didn’t really like to go to school. However, my coach and other teammates told me

I could combine sports and education in high school. Many of my teammates either did so

already or planned to do so. It made it a lot easier to start high school. Today, I am halfway

through nursing studies and work part-time as a substitute nurse. (Narrative 2)

I dream of competing on an international stage and becoming a professional ﬁghter. In order to

do so, I must train a lot. It was easy when I lived at the housing arrangement as it was close by,

but when I moved out, I got an apartment across the city. I had to take the bus and wait out in the

rain, and sometimes the bus was late, so I missed out on part of the practice. So, I quickly rea-

lised I needed to get my driver’s license. Soon after I got my driver’s license, I got a job at a food

delivery service. This job is vital to my dream of going pro, as it is expensive to compete abroad.

(Narrative 2)

Whilst these are examples of vertical social capital being accumulated as a result of sports

club participation, they still raise questions on the potential that sports clubs have in facili-

tating vertical social capital, and thus social mobility, for all. As for the ﬁrst example, the

narrative illustrates how participation in sports clubs has the potential to provide refugees

with increased access to educational opportunities. However, as it relates to a ‘dual

career’initiative, it suggests that refugees require a certain skill set and must perform

at a relatively high level in their sport to accumulate such resources. This is, therefore,

an example where informants’opportunities to access resources to promote social mobil-

ity are related to high performance levels. The latter example shows how the requirements

of sports participation led the informant to take it upon himself to obtain a driver’s license

and get a job, but it was not the sports club itself that facilitated this type of social capital.

Instead, the requirements of the sports club positioned vertical social capital as a criterion

for participation and development as an athlete. This example shows how sports clubs

tend to reinforce ethnoracial stratiﬁcation through requirements, such as car ownership,

that are normalised amongst Norwegian athletes but less so amongst young refugees

Nesse et al. 11

who typically have limited income sources and fewer/smaller social networks to aid

income generation (Langeland et al., 2017).

Only one example was provided of lasting social relationships across the habitus of

refugees and majority youth. Furthermore, this relationship was exclusive to sporting

activities as social interactions were limited to the sports context. Notably, this narrative

also shows how even high-performing informants struggle to utilise their sporting proﬁ-

ciency to negotiate and accumulate vertical social capital within Norwegian sports clubs:

A few years back, I had a few Norwegian friends. Or at least one. His name was Morten. We

trained together in one of the disciplines of mixed martial arts for a couple of years and

really connected. At the time, we were at a high level, competing for medals at the national

championships and had ambitions of competing on the international stage. I learned a lot

from him, not just about sports but other things as well. Language skills, in particular. I felt

he really looked out for me and all. He used to call me before practice or matches and even

came to pick me up. However, as we progressed in different mixed martial arts styles, we

don’t train together anymore, and I haven’t seen him for a long time. No one in my current train-

ing group seems to care about me as Morten did. We train together, but that’s pretty much it.

(Narrative 2)

This narrative demonstrates that skillset and performance are insufﬁcient alone in nego-

tiating forms of vertical social capital, such as language skills, in sports clubs. Instead,

there is a simultaneous reliance on the willingness of Norwegian teammates to interact.

Following Lewandowski (2018), this narrative shows yet another example of how the

pre-existing hierarchies, boundaries, assumptions, and prejudices of the sports clubs

that structure the habitus of majority youth tend to reinforce the stratiﬁed ethnoracial

lines in formal sports, which makes accumulating vertical social capital challenging.

As already indicated, for most informants these normative expectations hindered their

ability to capitalise on the potential for sports clubs to act as gatekeepers for vertical

social capital. Instead, informants spoke of the important role of other institutions such

as the asylum centre, refugee organisations, or schools in facilitating forms of vertical

social capital, such as getting a job or starting at a ﬁtness centre:

I work at a restaurant at the mall. I mostly serve tables. I got this job through the municipality

and a refugee organisation. First, I was an intern. Later on, I got the job. I enjoy working there!

Here, I have also made a friend. He is a refugee, too. He introduced me to our local ﬁtness centre,

and today, we work out two or three times a week. (Narrative 3)

Remarks like these indicate that, compared to other institutions, sports clubs have less

awareness of the importance of facilitating vertical social capital and lack the effective

structures needed to provide refugees with opportunities to accumulate resources that

may promote their social mobility. As the informants’opportunities to accumulate verti-

cal social capital seem limited in organised sports clubs, we question the integrative

potential of formal sports as a provider of social capital and, thus, a fundamental facili-

tator of social mobility. As for the Norwegian context, we question if civil society sports

clubs meet policy expectations in facilitating newcomers to accumulate social capital.

Instead, similar to the ﬁndings of Jeanes et al. (2019), the young refugees discussed

12 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

examples that seemingly positioned informal sports as a more suitable arena for accumu-

lating social capital. This was due to informal sport settings better meeting the need for

belonging and integration with peers similar to themselves (i.e. migrants or refugees).

Informal sports: an arena of horizontal social capital

The informants’lack of opportunities to accumulate vertical social capital in sports clubs

illustrates a dark side of Norwegian sports clubs, where refugees can experience margin-

alisation due to strong in-group loyalty and out-group antagonism from their Norwegian

teammates and coaches. This contrasts with the informants’experiences of informal

sports, which was described as an inclusive arena where everyone is welcome and free

to do sports the way they like:

For the last year, I have played football and volleyball with other refugees. Just for fun! No strict

rules or tactical play. I have lived with a few of them at the asylum centre or the housing arrange-

ment. The rest of them I meet on the football ﬁeld. It is a great way to make new friends!

(Narrative 1)

Before Covid, I played football with other refugees I met at a refugee centre downtown. I have

also played volleyball with some other friends; they are refugees as well. (Narrative 3)

The informants seem to use informal sports to strengthen already-established friendships

and create new ones with other migrants or refugees. Many informants had good friends

or even their best friends in their informal sports groups. Furthermore, many informants

found the football ﬁeld or volleyball court as an arena where they could share their every-

day struggles with others and help each other solve them. This demonstrates how their

informal sports activities are characterised by a general reciprocity (Putnam, 2000):

One of the things I like the most, besides the activity, of course, is that we can discuss every-

thing. We share the same struggles, you know, as newcomers. It’s a lot we don’t know about

school or how to get a job. How society works and such. So, when we meet and play football,

we also get to talk about these challenges and share our experiences. And maybe a trick or two

about how to pick up girls! (Narrative 1)

By engaging in informal sports in the urban cityscape, the informants also talked about

several encounters with Norwegian youths doing informal sports. In the beginning,

several informants were sceptical as they feared that their negative experiences from

the sports clubs would repeat themselves. However, this fear was unwarranted as most

informants found it much easier to talk to and do sports with Norwegian youth outside

of the context of the sports clubs: ‘Occasionally, we play against Norwegian youths.

It’s weird how much easier it is to talk to them when we play for fun and not in a

club’(Narrative 2).

For the informants, informal sports became an arena where they developed social net-

works, trust, and a sense of community with other refugees. As such, informal sports

seem to be an arena of horizontal social capital. However, as the informants also

talked with peers about challenges related to being a newcomer in Norway and interacting

Nesse et al. 13

with Norwegian youths, we suggest that accumulating horizontal social capital is not

merely an outcome of informal sports. Informal sports can also be a facilitator in nego-

tiating access to resources from one habitus to others above and/or below it. Put differ-

ently, informal sports can be important arenas in negotiating vertical social capital in

the form of ‘knowledge of the system’(Lewandowski, 2008; Spaaij, 2012). With their

more generative and improvisational nature, informal sports seem less stratiﬁed along

urban geographies’ethnoracial and socioeconomic lines compared to formalised sports.

From this point of departure, we argue that informal sports provide ethnoracially des-

tratifying potential and thus can create opportunities for ‘undoing racial othering’that has

previously been found to be a challenge for refugees in sports clubs (e.g. Agergaard et al.,

2022; Dowling, 2019; Spaaij, 2012). Such, informal sports seem to acknowledge and

reincorporate alternative ways of ‘doing sport’, such as different styles of play, which

are considered outside the norms of formal sports clubs. Subsequently, the combination

of ethnic-mixed participation and more ﬂexible and varied norms within informal sport-

ing spaces contributes to ‘undoing racial othering’and accumulating social capital

amongst ethnic minority refugees. However, as informal sports are separate from main-

stream society, they do not seem sufﬁcient alone in counteracting social poverty. This

was made evident by the informants discussing other arenas or institutions that provided

important channels for accessing vertical social capital. Still, informal sports seem to be

an important space in obtaining knowledge of the system that can complement these other

avenues for vertical social capital accumulation.

Concluding remarks

Within this study, we aimed to explore how young refugees experience opportunities for

accumulating horizontal and vertical social capital through participation in sports clubs

and informal sports. We found that informants experienced participation in sports

clubs as challenging because it involved conﬂictual views on how to do sports and pro-

cesses of ‘othering’, which stand out as the most prevalent barriers to accumulating ver-

tical social capital in sports clubs. Furthermore, only one of the examples of vertical

social capital in sports clubs that emerged from the ﬁndings was an example of sports

clubs actively working as spaces to facilitate the accumulation of such resources.

Instead, the informants seemed to develop vertical social capital elsewhere. This, in con-

trast to common policy narratives, raises questions about the effectiveness of voluntary

sports clubs in facilitating social capital and, thus, social mobility. As a result of this scar-

city of vertical social capital in sports clubs, in addition to feeling ‘othered’, the infor-

mants dropped out of organised sports and instead joined informal sports to experience

a sense of community and belonging with peers similar to themselves. By doing so,

the informants were able to accumulate horizontal social capital as well as negotiate spe-

ciﬁc types of vertical social capital, for example, a knowledge of the system.

Furthermore, our ﬁndings point to the inﬂuence of different structures, requirements,

and expectations across formal and informal sports in their ability to facilitate horizontal

and vertical social capital. Formal sports are, to a greater extent than informal sports,

based upon pre-existing hierarchies, boundaries, and assumptions that reinforce ethnora-

cial stratiﬁcation and othering. This made it challenging for the informants to accumulate

14 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 0(0)

social capital in these settings. In contrast, informal sports appear to be less stratiﬁed

along the ethnoracial and socioeconomic lines of urban geographies and thus seem to

provide arenas of horizontal social capital in particular. Furthermore, due to their more

generative and improvisational nature, informal sports seem to be arenas of undoing

othering. Nevertheless, our results align with previous research on social capital and

the integration of migrants in that the accumulation of horizontal social capital occurs

to different degrees in both ethnically mixed and separate sporting contexts. As few

studies have explored newly arrived refugees’sports participation in the Norwegian

context, our ﬁndings add new empirical insight in this regard. Furthermore, by examining

both horizontal and vertical social capital, this article provides a new conceptual contri-

bution to the study of social capital and sports.

As we have only begun to scratch the surface of how we can understand the develop-

ment of vertical social capital in sports and the potential that lies therein, we identify

promising directions for future research. Firstly, it would be highly relevant to study

in-depth how the informants lack a certain ‘feel’for their new home country and, thus,

how the institutions and cultural codes in which they are embedded affect their experi-

ence of accumulating social capital. Here, it would be interesting to explore how the

young refugees improvise and create opportunities within this embeddedness to

develop open-ended arenas to generate vertical social capital with their Norwegian

peers. Secondly, as we have identiﬁed examples of short-term effects of vertical social

capital, we have no data to demonstrate long-term social mobility among refugees.

Therefore, longitudinal studies focusing on the long-term potential for vertical social

capital accumulation through sports are needed, particularly in the context of the experi-

ences of refugees and migrants.

Thirdly, although an in-depth analysis was beyond the scope of this paper, the narra-

tives indicate differences in gender and opportunities for the accumulation of (vertical)

social capital. This notion is highlighted in Spaaijs’(2012) study, where he states that

women’s experiences of vertical social capital are not always positive and that ‘some

women feel they have few opportunities for developing vertical social capital in sports

due to their restricted access to high-status positions’(1534). Thus, future research is

needed to pursue a gender perspective and explore how the social structures within

sports clubs may speciﬁcally affect women’s opportunities of developing vertical

social capital and, thus, social mobility.

Finally, our results have implications for sports policy and practice. Across different

national contexts, the prevailing notion of sport policy is that migrants should participate

in ethnically mixed sports clubs to develop bridging social capital and thus integrate into

the host community (Tacon, 2021). However, the ﬁndings from this study, alongside

others (e.g. Ekholm, 2019; Hoye and Nicholson, 2008), suggest that ‘the way from

policy-making at the national level to the implementation of the policy at the local

level is long and uneasy’(Skille, 2008: 181). Following Waardenburg and Nagel

(2019), this is due to sports policymakers repeatedly assigning a range of delivery

roles, including facilitating social capital, without adequately understanding or acknow-

ledging the nature, core purpose, and organisational capacity of voluntary sports clubs.

Our ﬁndings indicate a lack of awareness, knowledge, and resource amongst sports

clubs to promote newcomers’accumulation of social capital. Instead, integration

Nesse et al. 15

approaches seem to marginalise in favour of competitive sports and othering (Dowling,

2019). This paper, therefore, adds to critical literature (e.g. Ekholm, 2016; Hertting and

Karlefors, 2021; Nesse and Hovden, 2023) questioning the overall capacity of sport to

promote civic integration into society.

Declaration of conﬂicting interests

The authors declared no potential conﬂicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/

or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no ﬁnancial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this

article.

ORCID iDs

Martin Nesse https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3878-9759

Sine Agergaard https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2658-8933

Lucy V Piggott https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6555-5934

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Paper 4. Nesse, Piggott & Agergaard (Under review)

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Report- Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in

Education and Research

Appendix 2: Letter of consent - Leaders of inclusion

Vil du de lta i for skni ngs prosje ktet

«Den organiserte idretten som omsorgs-og velferdsaktør: om inkludering av

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Appendix 3: Letter of consent – Unaccompanied minor refugees

Vil du de lta i forskningsprosjektet

«Den organiserte idretten som omsorgs-og velferdsaktør: om inkludering av

enslige mindreårige migranter i idrettslag»?

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Dine rettigheter

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Appendix 4: Letter of consent- Social workers

Vil du de lta i forskningsprosjektet

«Den organiserte idretten som omsorgs-og velferdsaktør: om inkludering av

enslige mindreårige flyktninger i idrettslag»?

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Hvor kan jeg finne ut mer?

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Samtykkeerklæring

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Appendix 5: Interview guide - Leaders of inclusion

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Appendix 6: Interview guide – Unaccompanied minor refugees

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Appendix 7: Interview guide – Social workers

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ISBN 978-82-326-8582-0 (printed ver.)

ISBN 978-82-326-8581-3 (electronic ver.)

ISSN 1503-8181 (printed ver.)

ISSN 2703-8084 (online ver.)

Doctoral theses at NTNU, 2025:3

Martin Nesse

In Between Policy and Practice

The Norwegian Model of Sports and the

Integration of Unaccompanied Minor

Refugees

Doctoral thesis

Doctoral theses at NTNU, 2025:3

Martin Nesse

NTNU

Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Thesis for the Degree of

Philosophiae Doctor

Faculty of Social and Educational Sciences

Department of Sociology and Political Science

ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.

A Nordic sports social work in the context of refugee reception

Thesis

Full-text available

Sep 2023

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

With the emergence of the mixed welfare state, welfare provision has been increasingly placed on civil society organizations’ agenda, and sports have increasingly entered discussions on how to deliver ‘evidence-based’ social work as a civil society actor. In Sweden, the sports movement has become a strong political-and societal welfare-providing actor, with the intent to facilitate social inclusion, cohesion, and integration. Currently, close to eight million Ukrainian refugees have been externally displaced due to the conflict with Russia, and approximately 50,000 of these individuals reside in Sweden. This thesis has a two-fold, but interrelated, aim: i) to explore how Swedish voluntary sports clubs enable marginalized populations’ participation in sports; and ii) to understand whether unique possibilities or barriers have emerged in conjunction with Swedish sports clubs’ reception of Ukrainian refugees. This is done through six interrelated studies, where a (critical) realist evaluation tradition is at the forefront in framing these studies, together with Bronfenbrenner’s system theory and a critical perspective on refugees’ ‘deservingness’. Through semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews, and participant observation with sports clubs representatives and federation employees, studies I, II and III map out critical components of how sports clubs work to increase social inclusion, targeting underserved areas (studies I and III) and underrepresented populations (youths with migrant backgrounds and low socioeconomic status). These studies are used to set the scene and to understand generic factors imperative in sports delivery for underrepresented populations in the Swedish landscape. Studies IV, V, and VI consider additional ‘unique’ factors for post-socialist migrants (Study IV); specifically Ukrainian refugees (studies V and VI) by means of consulting experts within the post-socialist region, and by engaging with data from Swedish sports clubs that engage with Ukrainian refugees. In summary: the sports clubs work primarily by attempting to alter structures and by meeting individual needs. This requires resources, time, and consistency—factors that are not always readily available in the Swedish voluntary civil society context. Secondly, although a range of similar barriers are detected across migrant populations—such as language issues—sports clubs experience some factors that have not been previously encountered (at least not to the same extent.) Specifically, many Ukrainian youths already have experience with organized- and competitive sports; a key issue sports clubs wrestled with during the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015 when they attempted to deliver ‘sport for all’. These pre-existing features enable easier participation, since less pressure is put on logistical arrangements. Beyond easier inclusion, some youths also bring immense sporting capital, providing value to the sports clubs in a competitive sense. However, in a minority of the cases, a post-socialist tradition of early youth specialization results in friction with Swedish sports clubs’ representatives. In these cases, culturally discrepant ideas on youth sports emerge, with reference to the incompatibility between the ratified UN convention of Children’s Rights and this post-socialist tradition. Finally, despite the latter finding, Swedish sports clubs are also, almost without exception, very positive regarding the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees. This is a positive finding, but one that also sheds light on the European double-standard in refugee reception that has been detected in other societal areas. In the material, a subset of the sports club representatives draw from ideas on ethnicity, culture, class, and notions of national security in their framing of why Ukrainian refugees are more ‘deserving’ than other refugee populations, often with reference to the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015. Ukrainian refugees are conceived of as less threatening, as possessing more agency, and as more willing to work hard compared to other refugee groups. In summarizing this thesis’ findings, I take a broader outlook. I suggest that the Swedish sports movement is conceptualized more clearly as a part of Nordic community work’ which I refer to as a Nordic sports social work. Introducing the sports movement this way, I hope that: i) more community work researchers will take an interest in the sports movement and ii) that the sports movement is more integrated into a mainstream social work tradition. Finally, and interrelatedly, the treatment of Ukrainian refugees in contrast to other refugee populations can have an impact on this kind of structural social work. As shown here, Ukrainian refugees are often framed as responsible, and as having great agency—these framings facilitate additional neoliberal framing of individual responsibility and could move the discourse away from structural social work. Such framings also alienates other refugee groups from society; sports being only one area. Taken together, in this dissertation, I show that sports clubs that engage in welfare-provision adopt a rather holistic approach to the subject matter, but that they require various types of capital, in addition to time and resilience. Even when these prerequisites are met, broader ideas about refugees’ levels of deservingness can impact sports clubs’ reception of refugees; often in favor of Ukrainian refugees.

Ukrainian refugees and the Swedish sports movement -new opportunities and challenges

Article

Full-text available

Feb 2023
Eur Sport Manag Q

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

Research Question: The war in Ukraine has forced approximately eight million people into neighboring European countries. As part of sports clubs' societal commitment, many have received Ukrainian refugees. However, compared to previous so-called 'refugee waves', forced migration from Ukraine is different in terms of demographics, culture, and (sports) traditions. This paper aimed to assess these 'new' nuances and their implications for the European sports movement. Research Methods: Data were gathered through 17 semi-structured interviews with Swedish sports club representatives, analyzed with a critical realist-inspired thematic analysis, and interpreted with Bronfenbrenner's process-person-context-time framework. Results and Findings: The representatives expressed that Ukrainian refugees are more in-tune with organized sports compared to other refugee populations; however, there are also culturally discrepant ideas about sports. Specifically, there seems to be an influx of skilled (youth) refugees, who approach sports in ways incompatible with Swedish conventions about youth sports. While the sporting capital often enables easier inclusion, it also presents challenges in extreme cases. Implications: The findings show that the European sports movement must be attentive to new challenges and opportunities associated with the current humanitarian crisis. Sports representatives need to balance culturally sensitive approaches with ethical considerations regarding youth sports. ARTICLE HISTORY

Facilitating migrant youths’ inclusion into Swedish sport clubs in underserved areas

Article

Full-text available

Dec 2022

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

The Swedish sports movement has gained an increasingly profound role in addressing social issues. One such issue is migrant youths’ social inclusion in underserved areas, and the underlying assumption is that sports clubs fulfill an important function here. However, retaining migrant youths in organized sports in these areas is difficult, and sports clubs often struggle with the resources to satisfy social policies. This paper explored the practices of 12 experienced Swedish sports clubs to illuminate the strategies deployed to recruit and retain migrant youths in underserved areas. Sports clubs were conceptualized as local development-initiatives according to Rothman’s community work classification, and the results were analysed with Bronfenbrenner’s Person-Process-Context-Time framework. The results show that sports clubs are run by compassionate and locally embedded individuals, but that the representatives’ different forms of capital and sensitivity differentiate their success. Three processes are stressed as essential. Clubs need to establish robust relationships with migrant youths’ parents. Secondly, since clubs are contingent on driven, but strained, individuals, it is imperative to recruit and utilize (migrant) youth trainers. Finally, sports clubs must work in tandem with important institutions, such as the school. In summary, sports clubs must adopt creative strategies, and have resilience, time, and support. These findings indicate that enabling migrant youths’ inclusion into sports requires holistic solutions.

The role of the Swedish Sports Confederation in delivering sport in socioeconomically deprived areas

Article

Full-text available

Aug 2022

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

This study explores the role of the Swedish Sports Confederation (SSC) in its pursuit of supporting sports in socioeconomically deprived areas, specifically targeting ethnic minorities. This is no easy task, seeing as the SSC does so through ‘steering’ voluntary sport clubs towards social policy goals. Utilising multiple qualitative sources from 35 SSC representatives, this study examines the practices of the SSC according to Bronfenbrenner’s Process-Person-Context-Time approach. The results show that the SSC foreground their practices by initiating inter-sectoral collaborations to ensure sustainable funding to clubs and that the ‘principle of closeness’ permeates the practices; every link in the process is locally embedded and builds upon the strength of the clubs. The sport club consultant, acting as the direct link between exo-level directives and the clubs’ micro-setting becomes a key factor whose individual characteristics become a decisive factor. In conclusion, the SSC works in a complex collaborative sphere in which specific individuals become central in reaching the clubs. Importantly, the SSC adopts a bottom-up approach, recognising the strength and resourcefulness of the locals. The results have implications for federations that work under the governance of neoliberal result-oriented regimes – if sport clubs should carry out this work, the federations need to understand how they must accommodate and assist these sport clubs adequately.

A morphogenetic approach to sport and social inclusion: a case study of good will's reproductive power A morphogenetic approach to sport and social inclusion: a case study of good will's reproductive power

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2022
Cult Sport Soc

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

Recently, it has been suggested that critical realism offers a potential lens to understand sport and social change. This paper utilizes a case study with a Swedish martial arts club, renowned for its social inclusion culture and undertaking of a refugee initiative. I analyze this material according to Archer's (1995) morphogenetic approach. The results show that several issues prevent the refugees' social inclusion. According to the morphogenetic approach, these issues are due to structural-and cultural conditions, which partially set the stage for how the club responds to diversity. In contemplating incidents that hamper the initiative , informants deliberated how refugees fail to adopt specific ways of training and behaving. The narratives reflect the broader Swedish political climate concerning migrants' adaptation, where assimilation, rather than integration, is preferred. Thus, the paper contributes towards the (critical) realist-understanding of sport and social inclusion and offers insights into generative mechanisms that underpin exclusionary practices.

Narrative Analysis in Criminology

Article

Full-text available

Jan 2022

Sveinung Sandberg

Crime is both storyable and storied, and narrative analysis is thus essential for criminologists. In this article I present four different ways of doing narrative analysis: thematic, structural, performative and dialogical. These forms of analysis have different research questions and are associated with very different research traditions. Narrative analysis varies depending on whether researchers are interested in the content of what is told, how it is done, who is narrating and where it is done, or what narratives are at play in a story. The article describes the methodological process of these different approaches and exemplifies their specific application in an interview with a violent offender. It discusses the many advantages, but also the limitations of each of the narrative analysis traditions. Furthermore, it presents the narrative work stories do, such as entertaining, identity and boundary work, and processing and integrating—and argues that it is essential to understand these to capture the role of stories for crime.

Should I really be here?’: Problems of trust and ethics in PAR with young people from refugee backgrounds in sport and leisure

Article

Full-text available

Dec 2021
Sport Soc

Participatory Action Research (PAR) has been positioned as a means of addressing the current methodological limits within forced migration studies and sport. Yet, there are challenges in ensuring that PAR achieves its intended aims of collaboration, mutual respect, trust, accountability, fairness, and social transformation. This article stems from a PAR study exploring the relationships between sport and leisure and the wellbeing of young people from refugee backgrounds in London, UK. We offer a critical discussion of two overlapping and sensitizing issues in our work: (1) developing trust and negotiating reciprocal partnerships; (2) navigating ethical dilemmas and doing PAR with integrity. We argue that embedding a reflexive approach and developing trusting and reciprocal relationships allows us to collaboratively negotiate these issues and promote the benefits that may be derived to all partners involved through the participatory process.

Qualitative Data Analysis for Applied Policy Research

Chapter

Jan 2002

6.1 'DIASPORA, BORDER AND TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITIES'

Chapter

Jul 2003

Avtar Brah

Running for inclusion: responsibility, (un)deservingness and the spectacle of integration in a sport-for-refugees intervention in Geneva, Switzerland

Article

Jan 2022

This study contributes to critical inter-disciplinary analyses of the meanings, uses and implications of sport-for-integration initiatives in relation to the contemporary politics of asylum in the Global North. It will do so, by drawing on an ethnographic study addressing the activities of FLAG21, a sport project based in Geneva, Switzerland, that employs running as an instrument of integration and health promotion for migrants and refugees. In advancing this discussion, we put to dialogue Nicholas De Genova’s work on the ‘border spectacle’ (2013) with critical analyses of integration in (forced) migration studies to explore what we call the ‘integration spectacle’. Through this lens, we address FLAG21 activities to examine the scenes of inclusion and the obscene of exclusion that sports projects aiming to foster refugees’ social integration can at the same time make visible and unwittingly conceal through their interventions. The discussion illuminates the ambivalent positions that sports interventions occupy within the politics and moral representations of asylum. This, as a premise to imagine, co-create and support sport and leisure practices and contexts that are more closely attending to and engaging with refugees’ experiences, struggles and trajectories within and beyond contemporary regimes of asylum.

In between Policy and Practice: The Norwegian Model of Sports and the Integration of Unaccompanied Minor Refugees

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